The Sydney Morning Herald, March 11 2003
A Papuan free for all
An independence movement in the Indonesian province of Papua threatens to turn into
a humanitarian disaster and bring new tensions to the fragile ties between Canberra
and Jakarta. Craig Skehan reports.
Despite its natural splendours, cultural diversity and tragic history of decolonisation
gone awry, Papua has not loomed large in world or regional affairs. But that's about to
change. Papua has the potential to become as explosive an issue between Australia
and Indonesia as East Timor.
Indeed, when John Howard was in Jakarta late last month, Indonesia's President,
Megawati Soekarnoputri, told him that pro-Papuan independence activists in Australia
were "hampering" the bilateral relationship.
Today, the issue of Papua is expected to be raised at an Australian-Indonesian
ministerial meeting, and Indonesia has already flagged concern about Australian
non-government organisations (NGOs) advocating independence for Papua.
"We know the Australian Government's view in support of our territorial integrity," said
a spokesman for Indonesia's foreign affairs ministry, Marty Natalegawa. "At the same
time we will make known our concern not to allow certain groups under the guise of
democracy, free speech and the like basically to try to disrupt and disturb our national
unity which we will defend, as would any other sovereign country."
Universities and colleges, NGOs and churches in Australia are all raising the level of
public consciousness on our oft forgotten neighbour, formerly known as Irian Jaya.
And a new book published in Australia, West Papua - Follow the Morning Star,
detailing the history of Papua's long and bloody campaign for nationhood, opens a
window on this mountainous land.
Pro-independence guerillas wearing penis gourds and traditional decorations peer out
from these pages, some with the word "Merdeka", freedom, painted on their bodies.
In a preface to the book, the Papuan human rights activist John Rumbiak cites
investigations which put the number of Papuans who have died during 40 years of
resisting Indonesian rule at 100,000.
"In the face of so much suffering, Papuans have committed themselves to pursuing a
peaceful movement towards their goal; freedom," Rumbiak writes in the preface. "It is
a struggle for everyone living or who will ever live in Papua."
The launch of the book two weeks ago, by Liz Thompson, Jim Elmslie and Ben
Bohane, coincided with a Melbourne seminar on Papua and a fundraising concert. The
Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology has come under fire for pulling out as the
seminar venue.
As well as a veiled Indonesian Government threat that the large number of Indonesian
students studying at the institute could be withdrawn, seminar organisers believe
there was behind-the-scenes pressure from Canberra.
The Indonesian Government also signalled displeasure at Australian Government
funds going to aid organisations which it accuses of actively supporting Papuan
independence.
In light of the bitter diplomatic breach that followed Canberra's belated support for an
act of self-determination in East Timor, the Australian Government is trying to avoid a
similar conflict in Papua.
But many of the same Indonesian military officers accused of creating and directing
violent anti-independence militia in East Timor have now been deployed in Papua.
The Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, argues that the international community has
no room to move because whereas East Timor was formerly a Portuguese colony,
Papua was part of the wider Dutch colony which became the Republic of Indonesia.
Australian public opinion forced the Howard Government to drop its longstanding
acceptance of Indonesia's invasion and incorporation of East Timor. It is yet to be
seen whether so many Australians will come to feel as passionately about Papua as
they did about East Timor.
However, events in the western half of the island of New Guinea are already
demanding greater public attention and engendering humanitarian concern.
The arrival of thousands of Islamic militants - mostly in the form of the Laskar Jihad
among Muslim Indonesian migrants to the province - is one portent of trouble ahead.
More serious still is growing evidence indicating that some elements of the Indonesian
military are backing the jihadists, including through training at camps along the
rugged border with Papua New Guinea.
Senior officials in the Howard Government acknowledge that there are "informal" links,
but a number of regional analysts point to high-level Indonesian military sanctioning of
the Laskar Jihad and other militias in Papua.
Among the prime suspects in terms of such involvement are members of Indonesia's
Kopassus special forces.
Despite such concerns, the Australian Government is renewing aid and other ties to
Kopassus which were severed following gross human rights abuses by the elite force
in East Timor during 1999.
The Australian Government, in the wake of the October 12 Bali bombings and wider
fears over al-Qaeda-linked groups using the Indonesian archipelago to stage further
terrorist attacks, is clearly worried about developments in Papua.
For example, there is the prospect that an Indonesian military crackdown on dissent,
which has already involved summary killings, will intensify while the world is
preoccupied with the looming war against Iraq.
And extremists, or military-backed agent provocateurs, have already demonstrated a
readiness to incite communal strife elsewhere in Indonesia by such underhand
methods as setting fire to churches or mosques.
Given past experience, it could be corrupt elements of the military - seeking to retain
control of lucrative illegal logging operations or extortion rackets involving big mining
projects - who provoke unrest in order to justify the crushing of dissent.
Given that some 40 per cent of Papua's more than 2 million population consists of
non-Papuans, mainly Muslim migrants from elsewhere in Indonesia, amid a Christian
and animist majority, scope for widespread communal conflict is real.
Downer has on a number of occasions warned about the risk of a "bloodbath" in the
Indonesian province if there is outside support for the independence campaign which
has waxed and waned since the 1960s. Specifically, he has pointed to a danger of
"civil war".
The Howard Government advocates continued international acceptance of Indonesian
sovereignty in Papua, a recognition of Jakarta's insistence that the republic not be
allowed to fracture into micro-states.
During a recent sweep through the South Pacific, Downer strongly cautioned Vanuatu
against going ahead with a plan to allow the opening of a West Papuan representative
office in its capital, Port Vila, this month.
Australia has also worked behind the scenes, not always successfully, to prevent
Papuan activists from being included in several national delegations at the annual
Pacific Islands Forum gathering.
In the past, Australia has pressed concerns on Jakarta's behalf with Papua New
Guinea, even relaying requests for Indonesian troops to be allowed to cross over the
border in "hot pursuit" of rebels.
With continuing pockets of popular support for Papuan independence in PNG,
especially in border areas, Port Moresby has been squeezed by local sensitivities as
well as by Jakarta and Canberra.
The PNG Government recently expressed fears that Islamic extremist militia in Papua
could use the province as a base to strike Australian targets on the PNG side of the
border.
In an attempt to avoid tensions with Indonesia, PNG has said this month it will
repatriate more than 300 Papuans who have been at a refugee camp near the dusty
border town of Vanimo for more than two years.
As happened when more than 10,000 Papuans crossed into PNG in the 1980s, the
Catholic Church has come out strongly against such repatriations, to the annoyance
of the Indonesian Government.
On the Papuan side of the border, there has been an Indonesian troop build-up during
the past year or so from about 4,000 to more than 5,000 soldiers.
Professor Ron May, a regional specialist at the Australian National University in
Canberra, told the Herald that after a period of attempting to pursue dialogue,
Indonesian authorities had switched to a major crackdown on dissidents.
"If they put the lid on a boiling cauldron like that, there will be a point when the lid will
blow," May said.
He said Australia needed to engage in open discussion about the problems and future
of Papua, adding that other academic institutions should not follow the RMIT and bow
to outside pressure. Likewise, he said the Australian Government should not attempt
to curb academic freedoms in order to appease Jakarta.
Rumbiak, who is from the Papuan human rights group ELSHAM, says that rather than
focusing on the danger of civil war, Downer should urge Indonesia to enter into
meaningful talks with Papuan leaders.
"We are talking about a wise proposal that would take into account the interests of
Papuans, Jakarta and the international community, including Australia," he said.
As well as discussion of Indonesia's plans to implement a package providing for
greater autonomy, the issue of full independence would remain a "crucial question" to
be addressed.
While a major pro-independence body, the Papua Council Presidium, has called for a
"zone of peace" in Papua, there are elements of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) in
remote hideouts who continue to call for more guns to pursue an armed struggle.
"That is because of frustration due to the international community remaining silent on
the need for dialogue," Mr Rumbiak explained.
He added that it was clear that Australian communications intercepts in Papua, as
well as intelligence information shared with Canberra by the United States, were
providing evidence of human rights violations and links between the military and
anti-independence militia (see breakout).
"As a member of the United Nations, Australia should not stay quiet - it should take
such material to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights," Rumbiak
said.
Copyright © 2003. The Sydney Morning Herald.
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