INTRODUCTION

HISTORY

orthern Ireland, with a population of some 1.5 million, consists of six of the nine counties of the old Irish province of Ulster. The majority of people are descendants of Scots and English settlers who crossed to the north-east of Ireland, mainly in the seventeenth century. Most are Protestants, British by culture and tradition and committed to maintaining the constitutional link with the British Crown. The remainder, just over a third, are Irish by culture and history and who favour affiliation with the Irish Republic.

Thanks to extended political support from the British, the Unionists managed to avoid the break down of the union for many years. But in 1921 the force from the Republicans became to strong and the six counties were separated from the other 26. This partition was never fully accepted by the Irish, and thus two states claim the same territory.

Northern Ireland had its own Parliament between 1921 and 1972. The Unionists,
-primarily representing the Protestant community- held a permanent majority in this Parliament and hence formed the regional government which had full responsibility for local affairs with the exception of defence and the armed forces, foreign and trade policies and taxation and customs.

Because of increasing street violence and terrorism in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the British Government at Westminster assumed direct responsibility for Northern Ireland affairs and security in 1972. Since then, successive British Governments have sought –so far without success– to establish a framework for a locally accountably Northern Ireland administration commanding widespread Protestant and Roman Catholic communities. Government policy is that Northern Ireland will remain part of Britain as long as a majority of people living there so wish. It has therefore supported the democratically expressed views of the Northern Ireland people.

The schools in Northern Ireland are mostly devided on religious grounds into Catholic and Protestant, despite being publicly funded.

Ireland –"The Emerald Isle"– is a land of great natural beauty and a rich cultural heritage. Its history, however, is tragic, full of bloodshed and fictional strife. Ireland was coveted by many invaders. The Romans failed to make the island part of their vast empire. The Vikings raided Ireland repeatedly, tempted by its many and rich monasteries, and founded several towns and small kingdoms. When the Norse kingdoms fell, it was mainly to the English. The formal connection between Great Britain and Ireland dates from the Norman invasion of Ireland in the twelfth century. English knights arrived in Ireland to take part in a civil war, and were able to take control of an area around Dublin.

In the late 1500s and early 1600s the Tudor monarchs now felt the need to control Ireland and systematically worked towards a conquest of the whole island. Large numbers of English and Scottish Protestants arrived, mainly in Ulster, their religion setting them apart from the other, indigenous Roman Catholic inhabitants of Ireland. Earlier immigrants (the Vikings and the Anglo-Normans) had been assimilated in the surrounding culture, but now the Reformation became a barrier between the Catholic Celts in Ireland and the English-speaking Protestant newcomers. The Scottish newcomers came to an area where the local clanchiefs had fled to the Continent. The Scots drove out the locals, and lived their isolated lives unaffected of their surroundings. Their puritan religion had made them hardworking peasants and successful tradesmen. Today Northern Ireland is known for their innovative technology and craftsmanship. (This does not apply in the same degree for the Irish Republic.) Among those who settled in Ulster was also those who did not own land themselves, but had to compete with the Catholics for land. This led to violent confrontations.

In the years immediately following the settlement, the English kings and queens established plantations on land confiscated from the Irish nobility, particularly on the rich soil in Ulster and Munster.

In the English Civil War (1642-1646) and in religious disputes in England the Irish played a major part, both as allies and as rebels until Cromwell, strongly anti-royalist and anti-Catholic, suppressed all resistance and encouraged thousands of Protestants to establish plantations in Ireland. To ensure political control in Ulster, thousands of Britons were given land for free as long as they stayed loyal to the British Crown. These colonists also served as a police-force to put down any anti-English revolts.

William of Orange, a Dutch Protestant, was made King of England (William III) in the English Revolution of 1688, and a new Irish Catholic rebellion led by the deposed King James II took place. Anglo-Irish ascendancy over the island as a whole was confirmed by the victory of William III over James II at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690.

After the total defeat of the Irish Catholics the Protestant Irish Parliament (supported by the English) enforced a number of laws excluding Catholics from all important positions, such as the parliament, the army, the militia and the courts. Moreover, Catholics could not purchase land, or leave it freely, nor could their land be inherited undivided by the eldest son, so the amount of Catholic land was bound to diminish.

In 1798, after an uprising against British authority –heavily supported by the French– in which disgruntled Ulster Presbyterians played a major part, Ireland lost its separate Parliament which had been autonomous since 1782. In 1801 Ireland and the rest of Britain were merged by the 1800 Act of Union.

In the 19th century most of the repressive laws against the Catholics were withdrawn. In 1829 Catholics were allowed to become MPs. This was regarded as a victory for Irish freedom, but in fact there was still much repression of civil and political liberties.

As industry developed in England, the Irish woolindustry was restricted by British policy, mainly because of fear of competition. Consequently Ireland remained dependent on agriculture at a time when the population was increasing, and inefficient farming became the essential cause of poverty in Ireland. Land was held by mainly absentee landlords, who drew as much capital from their property as possible without investing anything in return. Ireland had become a classical colony. In 1845 a potato-blight ruined the crop for several years, and with potatoes the most important food for the rapidly increasing population, terrible starvation resulted. 1 million starved to death or were killed by diseases and over 2 million fled, about half of them to the United States.

Irish resistance did not die through the centuries. Both open rebellion and political opposition grew, and anti-British feelings were strengthened in the Great Famine. The British got the blame, mainly because they did too little, too late, to relive the crisis.

The technological development in Ulster differed from the rest of the island, because the suitability was particularly good in Ulster. During the 1800s, the wool- and flaxindustry, wharves and the shirt-factories established Ulster's wealth. The connection with Britain was tighter than the connection and commerce with the rest of Ireland. The Industrialisation, mostly in Belfast, increased the number of Catholics citizens and gave rise to more conflict between the two beliefs when they were to compete for the available jobs. Protestant employers favoured Protestant applicants, thus the Catholics were excluded from attractive positions. Several violent revolts between Catholics and Protestants resulted. Belfast was worst affected by these revolts, where extensive rearrangements of the people increased the city's segregated pattern.

During the 19th century the Protestants in the north (the Unionists) were opposed to the wish of a free Irish state. They thought of a free Irish state as a threat to their interest and wanted to keep the full union from 1800. In the 19th century the feeling of separatism grew stronger due to the cultural and political development in the south. A renewed interest in Gaelic (Celtic) culture and language reflected a growing nationalism among the Irish which culminated in the demand for Home Rule for Ireland. Irish Nationalists' campaigns in the nineteenth century, for the re-establishment of a separate Irish Parliament, led to the introduction of three Home Rule Bills designed to give Ireland a measure of legislative and executive independence. The Home Rule Bills in 1886 and 1893 failed to get parliamentary approval and were resisted by Protestant Unionists in Ulster and their allies in Great Britain. Considering this the Irish Nationalists formed their own party, Sinn Fein, in 1905. Its aim was total separation from Britain. The third Home Rule Bill became law in September 1914 but contained provisions for delaying its effect for the duration of the first world war. The law was strongly opposed by the Protestants, who reacted violently, fearing that their wealth would be used to support the economically backward south. Also they protested on religious grounds: "Home rule means Rome rule!". Private armies were organised both in the south (Irish Volunteers) and the north (Ulster Volunteers).

In the south of Ireland various forces demanded a stronger measure of separation than that contained in the Home Rule Bill. The Dublin Easter Rising in 1916 was a turning point; armed Catholic, republican forces proclaimed an Irish Republic and took over Dublin. They had, however, totally miscalculated the situation. The rebellion was easily suppressed and most of the leaders were executed. By reacting so harshly the British turned world opinion against them and the difficulty of keeping Ireland within the Union became obvious.

In the 1918 general election the Republican, revolutionary Sinn Fein ('ourselves alone') swept the board in Ireland outside Ulster, winning 73 of the 105 Irish seats and crushing the Parliamentary Nationalist Party. In December, 23 of the 73 elected representatives (most of whom were in jail) refused to take their seats in London and met in Dublin to form their own Parliament, called Dail Eireann ("Irish Assembly"), and a provisional Government. Thus reaffirming the 1916 Proclamation of the Republic made by the Ulster rebels. Their elected president, Eamon de Valera and Vice-President, Arthur Griffith, were both in prison. Hence much of the responibility fell on Michael Collins who arranged for de Valera's escape from Lincoln jail. As the British started to arrest Sinn Fein members, a military wing of Sinn Fein, the Irish Republican Army (IRA), was organised in 1919. The IRA was established to resist British Administration, and to secure recognition for the Republican government.

The Protestant majority in the northeast was opposed to the plans to cut the ties with Britain. They were ready to fight to avoid being incorporated in a republic with Catholic majority. The leaders, Carson and Craig, had already mobilised 100,000 men in Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). UVF had participated in the World War and been considerably decimated. But big enough to make a substantially threat if the plans of independence were to be set forward. That would signify a civil war. The British Government reacted to this with the presentation of the Government of Ireland Act (GIA), where they suggested two separate parliaments; in Northern and Southern Ireland. Sinn Fein turned down the offer. The GIA also divided the island into two states, and the boundary was entirely after Protestant-wish. Only six of the nine counties in Ulster was implemented. A boundary commision established to frontier between the two countries. The commision failed to draw a boundary accepted by all three governments. The Protestant minority in Ireland, became 2/3 majority in Ulster.

The direct challenge to the authority of the British Crown led to hostilities between Sinn Fein's military wing –the IRA– and the Royal Irish Constabulary, supported by auxiliary forces and the army. The IRA swore allegiance to the republic and their combined forces of political and military power gave the British a hard time in the War of Independence (June 1922-May 1923).

The British Government decided to concede the demand for Home Rule but, in a limited extent since it was still strongly opposed by Ulster Protestants who wanted to maintain the union and remain part of Britain. The 1920 Government of Ireland Act provided for separate Northern and Southern Irish Parliaments within Britain. Implemented in 1921 in Northern Ireland, the Act was ignored in the South where hostilities continued until July 1921when a truce was declared. Negotiations between the British Government and Sinn Fein led to the signature of the Anglo-Irish Treaty on December 6, 1921.

The Treaty established the Irish Free State as a self governing dominion and, in principle, applied to the whole of Ireland. Most important, however, the six counties (out of nine) in Ulster, which were the richest part of Ireland and had a Protestant majority, was given the right to opt out and remain part of the United Kingdom and duly exercised this right in 1922. This attempted solution to the historical problems, has been the root of the troubles ever since. Now, those who favoured Irish independence, the Catholics, would have to accept that only one part of the island would become independent, while the Protestants, who opposed the independence, were forced upon a self-government they had never demanded.

The losers was the Catholics in the north. Their opinion were never heard. Their interest were not implemented in the new political assemblage either. It was difficult for the British Government to integrate the minority partly because of their absolute adversary to a partition, and partly because of the antagonism by the Unionists against such an integration.

A minority in the Dail refused to accept the Treaty, a bitter civil war following in 1922 and 1923 between the Free State forces and the anti-Treaty forces of the IRA which were forced to surrender. In 1937 the Irish Government introduced a new constitution which asserted the Irish claim to the six northern counties and changed the Irish Free State's name to Eire. In 1949 Eire left the Commonwealth and became the Republic of Ireland. The Catholics, North and South, has refused to accept this partition, and say that it is a an artificial barricade for the Irish people's right of self-determination.

Since 1921 most people in Northern Ireland have voted in successive elections for Unionist candidates, pledged to maintain Northern Ireland's constitutional position as part of Britain. Roman Catholics, however, have remained largely nationalist and continue to favour a united Ireland outside the United Kingdom. Consequently, the Unionist/Nationalist division has tended to dominate Northern Ireland politics, often to the exclusion and detriment of important social and economic problems. When the boundary was drawn, it was deliberately done so that the Protestants would be the majority. Thus a reunion with the Free Republic could not be called. Large parts of the population were now living in the "wrong" state. Catholics and Protestants were living scattered over the territory. (Although the density of Protestants increases to the East, the River Bann may serve as the parting line.) In the western counties (Fermanagh, Tyrone and Londonderry) there are mostly Catholics and in the eastern counties (Antrim, Armagh and Down) the Protestants are concentrated.

During and after World War II, more southern Irish Catholics moved to the better employment conditions of Northern Ireland, which had been developing a relatively prosperous industrial economy. Urban centres expanded and more specifically Catholic districts developed in the towns. But the Protestants through their ruling party (the Ulster Unionists) at Stormont, maintained an exclusive hold on all areas of life in the province, including employment, the police force, local councils and the public services. The Catholics consequently suffered systematic discrimination in these areas and in civil liberties generally.

After the partition, the Catholics omitted to take part in the responsibility for running the province. The Nationalist Party did take part in the elections but refused to be represented in the Parliament. The Protestants felt this as "illoyalty" against the state.

By this partition the British Government was hoping that the problem was (for their part) solved, since Northern Ireland was given internal self-government. Westminster was not even allowed to discuss matters touching the responsibility of the Stormont-parliament. Thus Northern Ireland was in the hands of the inhabitants of the six counties, without any guaranties for the minority's rights.

In 1929 proportional representation in Parliament was abolished in favour of single-member constituencies (thus adapting to the British system, but here there was no prerequisite that the power should change between the parties). The Catholics were in a minority, in most constituencies and in the areas where they were in a majority, constituency boundaries were altered, so that Catholic parliamentary representation almost disappeared (this tactic was called gerrymandering). The fixing, of boundaries to help the Protestants was also used in local elections. With a Protestant majority, where everybody supported the Unionist Party, was in fact a single-party state.

But the majority was not one group. It was split in different religious directions. Besides, it wasn't given that the working class would consider that their best interest would be looked after by the Protestant élite. In order for them to enjoy the confidence of the working class, Protestant employers were urged to hire Protestant workers. But the decisive matter for this alliance between classes and beliefs was the membership in the Orange Order, which has appeared for just this reason. It wasn't only the Catholics that faced discrimination. Protestants were also discriminated i.e from Catholic employers or had disadvantages in constituencies which were dominated by Nationalists.

Continuing allegations of discrimination of Catholics by Unionists dominated local councils in the allocation of jobs and housing and in the formation of local government boundaries led to the formation in I967 –against the background of the civil rights campaign in the United States– of an active broadbased civil rights movement, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). The aim of the movement was to win social and economic reforms so as to place Roman Catholics on an equal footing with Protestants. A series of marches and rallies were organised by the campaigners. The so-called People's Democracy Marches made television viewers all over the world aware of the injustices done to the Catholics in Ulster. The situation was soon out of control for the RUC and the auxiliary police (the B-specials). Thus the marches were violently attacked by the police and Ian Paisley's paramilitary forces. Simultaneously, so-called Loyalist extremists sought to resist these reforms by violent protest as they saw reform weakening the previous Unionist ascendancy.

By August 1969 the British Government, as a result of the widespread riots in Belfast and Londonderry, sent troops to the region –to protect the minority (the Catholics).But the actual reason was to ensure British reform-politics.

Although at first welcomed by the frightened community, the troops' presence was exploited for propaganda purposes by the reawakened IRA which mounted a series attacks. IRA was now the challenging authority of state. The reason that IRA could legitimate their political violence was that their aims were considered to be more Democratic than the Unionist-regime. Historical injustice should now be dealt with. In 1969 a part of the IRA broke out to form the Provisional IRA ("the Provos"), because they considered that the Catholics were given to weak a defence against the Protestants. The embittered Catholics of Londonderrry and Belfast welcomed the IRA bombers and gunmen. At the same time they were afraid of them. It was dangerous to have any relations with the Protestants and the English. As a result of these attacks Ulster Prime Minister Brian Faulkner (with the support of Britain's PM Edward Heath) passed a law providing for internment, i.e. detention of suspects without trial: as a means of rolling up IRA members. On Sunday 30th January, 1972, a Catholic protest march against this law ended in a bloodbath as British paratroopers shot down and killed 13 people (Bloody Sunday). This massacre created such an uproar internationally that Britain, to ease the tension, assumed direct responsibility for law and order. As this proved unacceptable to the Ulster government (Stormont), it resigned. Instead, direct rule from London was established and the British military presence was increased. The Protestants acknowledged this half-hearted because of fear for Irish reunion.

Several attempts to find peaceful solutions to the problems in the 1970s, involving moderate groups of both religions, as well as the governments of the UK and Eire, were made, but these were fiercely opposed by the militants. Violence increased, until bombings and other actions were almost daily events. Britain's response was to pour in more troops. The number of casualties rose steadily. The army, having arrived as a go-between, was now in many areas the enemy.

The most severe threat to law and order would come from the Provisional IRA whose campaigns are designed to force British withdrawal from Northern Ireland. In the beginning of the 1980s IRA's policy seemed to take a different direction. Bobby Sands, who had just been elected a member of the Westminster Parliament for Sinn Fein, went on hunger strike in the Maze Prison, where political special-category prisoners were kept. Together with other IRA members he said the hunger strike would continue until certain demands were met, but as the Thatcher government refused to meet these demands, ten hunger strikers starved to death. The IRA returned to more violent tactics in desperation. They argued that the presence of the British could be seen as warfare between two nations and started a bombing campaign both in Ulster and in England. It hoped that, as a result of the level of its violence and the consequent political stagnation, some future British Government, under pressure from the British electorate, will conclude that the social, economic and political costs of remaining in Northern Ireland are such that the constitutional link cannot be sustained and must be broken. At that stage, the terrorists hope, the scene will be set for uniting Ireland and the British will leave. Bombing-attacks against military facilities, police stations and civil buildings is a part of this economic warfare, which increases the costs of remaining in Northern Ireland. To that end the Provisional IRA has over the last 20 years or so conducted a terrorist campaign of murder, bombing and violence.

IRA and Sinn Fein certainly don't want the relations between the Catholics and the British Government to improve. Because a Catholic who is satisfied with being a British citizen is a loss in the fight for a united, socialistic Ireland. This is the reason for the double strategy of using both the ballots and the machine guns. Similarly, Sinn Fein's very active and highly appreciated work to improve economic and social matters for the Catholics, can't have too much progress. It's apparent that while the British Government's attitudes towards the fights in Northern Ireland has grown more persistent, the draw towards the IRA has increased. For example the results of the hungerstrike in the Maze-prison in 1980-1981 was this; Sinn Fein could no longer be ignored as a political strength.

The Provisional IRA is financed by a mixture of illegal activities, including armed robbery, extortion, fraud and other racketeering. Funds are also received from overseas, including the Irish Northern Aid Committee -NORAID- in the United States. There is also clear evidence that Libya has supplied arms and explosives to the Provisionals.

The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) is another Republican terrorist organisation; although much smaller than the Provisional IRA, it has been responsible for particularly ruthless acts, of terrorist violence and murder. The INLA, also, has a political counterpart, the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP).

It's a myth that the IRA is responsible for all terrorist activity in Northern Ireland. Over the years several paramilitary Protestant groups have been responsible for a number of killings during the revolts. It has been documented close relations between these groups and the RUC, the official police authority in Northern Ireland .

In retaliation against the Provisional IRA and INLA terrorism, 'Loyalist' paramilitary groups were formed from within the Protestant community in the early 1970s. The biggest of the Loyalist paramilitary organisations is Ulster Defence Association (UDA, a.k.a. Ulster Freedom Fighters). UDA was formed from various vigilante groups set up in 1971. UDA was frustrated over the security forces’ inability to oppose the Republicans. The terrorist Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) murdered Roman Catholics; like the Provisional IRA, they have financed their activities by racketeering.

The reason why the Loyalist groups aren't as strong as the Republican ones, is that there is a considerable problem of legitimacy to defend the state with means that threaten its stability and the nature of democracy. Thus it's been easier for the IRA and other Republican groups to recruit skilful, disciplined volunteers. Protestants who want to fight the IRA and other republican groups can always seek to one of the security forces.

The Provisional IRA and the Republican and Loyalist terrorist groups are proscribed by law and membership is a criminal offence punishable by imprisonment. Terrorist acts, from whatever source are condemned by political leaders, by church representatives of all faiths and by the great majority of the community.

Since 1969 3,172 people have died as a result of terrorism in Northern Ireland. These have mainly been innocent civilians although 640 members of the police and the army have also been murdered (Aftenposten, 02.01.95). Bombs have exploded in crowded places such as public houses and shops. Since the first IRA-bomb exploded in London 8th March, 1973, 50 people have been killed in Eire, 90 in Great Britain and 11 in other European countries. Many deaths have resulted from sectarian shootings, frequently carried out in the victims' homes in front of wives and children. To these numbers can be added some 35,000 injured people. Hundreds of people have been injured by so-called punishment shootings in kneecaps and elbows. It's mainly in the working class areas that the violence take part, in the middle class areas the violence is much less present.

The level of violence in Northern Ireland, however, is much lower now than in the early 1970s -in 1990, for instance there were 90 deaths compared with 467 in 1972. The security forces continued to have success against the terrorists and 80 people were charged with serious terrorist-related crimes in 1990. From 1973 the Provisional IRA extended its terrorist campaign to Great Britain where some 100 people have been murdered, including two Members of Parliament. In 1984 a bomb exploded in a hotel where members of the Government were staying during the Conservative Party Conference; the explosion killed 5 people. In 1991 a mortar attack was aimed at the Prime Minister's official residence in Downing Street where a Cabinet meeting was taking place. The provisional IRA also sought to extend its campaign to British military installations and interests in mainland Europe. Today the hard core of the IRA has been reduced to a very small group indeed and in many ways life has returned to a less violent condition. The problems, however, remain unsolved and few people really believe that the unrest is over.

The region are being governed with laws of exception, that give extensive command to the police authorities i.e: internment. These laws have contributed to withhold the discord from the Catholics. Special Powers Act (SPA) has from 1922 been a powerful tool for the police forces, that consists of Loyalist Protestants. As a result harassment is common. Encroachent against civilians have given Great Britain several jugdements in the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg without improving the situation. The British Forces have, on several occasions, shown brutal conduct and are responsible for many civilian lives.

Because of the violence and terrorism, the British Government decided to assume direct responsibility for law and order in Northern Ireland in 1972. The Northern Ireland Government refused to accept this decision and resigned. A Secretary of State was appointed to administer Northern Ireland. The regional Parliament was abolished in 1973.

Since the introduction of direct rule, the British Government has taken a number of initiatives to establish a locally elected administration acceptable as far as possible to both sides of the community.

In 1973 a 78 member Assembly was elected by proportional representation and in 1974 an Executive took office in which both the majority and minority communities were represented. It was forced to resign in May 1974 as a result of mass strike by Protestants.

Various other attempts were made between 1974 and 1982 to reach agreement between representatives of the two political traditions. In 1982 a new 78 member Assembly was elected under proportional representation, to make proposals on the formation of a devolved administration acceptable throughout the community.

It was also given power to scrutinise draft legislation, and initiate reports. The Assembly's task was made more difficult by refusals of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) to take its seats.

After the signature of the Agreement, the Unionist representatives suspended the Assembly's monitoring work in protest against the Agreement. In March 1986 they refused to fulfil the Assembly's statutory functions. The Government therefore decided to dissolve the Assembly.

The Government remains committed to the principle of a locally accountable administration acceptable to, and enjoying the support of, both sections of the community.

Successive British Governments have accepted that links with the Irish Republic are beneficial to Northern Ireland, for example, co-operation on security, transport and economic development. A variety of institutions are organised on an all Ireland basis, for instance, various sporting bodies, the Irish Trades Union Congress, the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant Church of Ireland. There is also a common travel area between Britain and the Irish Republic and close family, cultural, educational, commercial and sporting ties. In addition, there are reciprocal voting rights. Both countries are also members of the European Community.

In 1981 an Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Council was set up to encourage contacts between the two countries.

The Anglo-Irish Agreement(AIA) was signed in November 1985 at Hillsborough. The broad aim of the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement is the furtherance of peace, stability and reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the improvement of co-operation in fighting terrorism. The agreement ensured inter-governmental consultations on Northern Ireland matters. This means that the republic of Eire is to get a say in Ulster affairs in return for abolishing its traditional claim on Northern Ireland, whose constitution can only be changed with the consent of a majority. The agreement is, of course, opposed by both the Unionists and extremist Catholics. The granting of a consultative role to southern politicians and civil servants immediately reunited Ulster unionists in their insistence that "Ulster says no".

Another part of the agreement established an Inter-governmental Conference in which the Irish Government puts forward views and proposals on Northern Ireland questions, as long as these are not the responsibility of a devolved government. The Conference meets regularly in full session. It has discussed:

• Cross border security co-operation between the two police forces against terrorism;
• The elimination of discrimination, particularly in employment;
• Relations between the security forces and the community in Northern Ireland;
• Legal, social and economic matters;
• Human rights; and
• The use of the Irish language.

Although the Agreement was generally welcomed by the minority Nationalist community, opposition among Unionists was widespread on the grounds that it has given the Irish Republic undue influence in the internal affairs of Northern Ireland and that it is a step towards a united Ireland against their wishes. The British and Irish Governments have made clear that they would be prepared to consider a new and more broadly based agreement or structure if such an agreement can be arrived at, through direct discussion and negotiation between all the parties concerned, including the constitutional political parties in Northern Ireland.

In an attempt to achieve peace the IRA declared full cease-fire from 1st September, 1994. The reaction to this was partly scepticism and partly fear. One and a half months later the volunteer forces (UVF and UFF) announced a similar truce. They emphasised, however, that all violence against Catholics would stop only so long as the IRA keep their promise of cease-fire. Now, this opens for a possible entry in the Anglo-Irish peace negotiations, based on the Downing Street-declaration of last winter. The declaration state that both the IRA's political representatives (Sinn Fein) and representatives from similar Protestant groups can take part in peace negotiations when truce have been declared.

The British Government have since last October been sounding to find out who shall be allowed at the negotiating-table. The question is whether or not Sinn Fein and the Ulster Volunteers should be invited. The soundings are difficult. Sinn Fein demands to have some of the terrorists, who are imprisoned in Britain, released. On the other hand the British Government demands the terrorists to hand in their guns. None of these demands will be carried out at first.

Parallel with the sounding the negotiating with Eire is in progress. Here they are trying to solve the political future of Northern Ireland. This work have been slowed down because of the government-crisis in Eire. Where Finna Fail leader Albert Reynolds's coalition-government had to step down and Fine Gael leader John Bruton will take over. The new government will probably continue where the old left off.

Who should represent the Protestant extremists hasn't been decided either. But before anything will be effectuated there will have to be a referendum. Sinn Fein wants the whole island to participate, not only those in the North. And that, the Protestants will never accept.

The principal characters in the Provisional IRA have threatened to break out and form a new terrorist group if the negotiations don't show results by March 1995.

Great Britain are now in many ways, stuck in a corner. If they were to withdraw now, they would leave an empty space that may cause a civil war: The weak economy of Northern Ireland prescribe great financial assistance. Prime Minister John Major hopes to win votes by solving the conflicts in Northern Ireland.

(Man from Ulster)

Xxxxx, January 1995