Terrifying Proposition II

The attached text (Terrifying Proposition II) is an initiative for the construction of a network for information and activities against neoliberalism in Europe. The group of authors consists of people from several European countries which originally met at a panel discussion on "neoliberalism" during the First European Meeting for Humanity and against Neoliberalism from May 30 to June 2 1996 in Berlin.

The initiative sees itsself as a part of the developing "Intercontinental Network of Alternativ Communication" (RICA) which was started up during the First Intercontinental Gathering from July 28 to August 3 1996 in Chiapas. Main infrastructure of the network initiative is the Internet homepage "Initiatives against Neoliberalism" (URL: "http://www.icf.de/yabasta") (Email "yabasta@contrib.de") as well as a bulletin (in preparation) for people without Internet access.

The network initiative is multilingual. At the moment there are contributions in Spanisch, Englisch, French and German on the Web. But we hope for a lot more! All texts can be ordered via Email as well. Through theoretical-analytical texts as well as progress reports and news, the network initiative aims at putting the diverse struggles out of their local/national frame into a global context:

Everywhere people hesitate to resist the multinational blackmail, knowing that elsewhere people are giving in, that "its too big for us". Putting our local struggles in a global context aims to reverse the point of view, show the other side ot the coin: Everywhere there are also people who are resisting!

Resume - How can our initial project fit into the Intergalactic's decision to also create a decentralised action network? Must the actions of a network be all the same? If there is no decisional center, the actions will necessarily be diverse, because there will be no one to make the decision. We think this is better at least initially, because it will allow us to stay tuned to local struggles. The specific contribution of the network will thus be to place them in the context of a global struggle against the neoliberal capitalist project. Evoking other struggles of the network elsewhere, the exchange of experiences and analyses, will progressively develop and unify a common project, will help us break out of our local and sectorial " ghettos ", help us learn to speak with other kinds of people and other kinds of languages of our common problems.

Practically, we propose: - To manage a " page " in the network against neoliberalism that is being setup on Internet , and to use these sources to create bulletins in several languages that can spread the exchange of analyses, action proposals, tracts, experiences, poems, etc.

- A first day of coordinated actions in December (rather than the Consulta) to affirm practically our intention of building the network, associating other local organisations as much as possible.

Everywhere people hesitate to resist the multinational blackmail, knowing that elsewhere people are giving in, that " its too big for us ". Putting our local struggles in a global context aims to reverse the point of view, show the other side ot the coin: Everywhere there are also people who are resisting!

Dear friends of the "network in embryo"

We sent you in July a "terrifying proposal" result of a discussion meeting in Berlin about forming an European network of action and reflection. Our first letter was mainly dedicated to an analysis of neoliberalism. This one mostly makes practical proposals, especially in light of the decisions taken by the Intergalactic. Indeed, the "Second Declaration of la Realidad" proposes... the forming of an international network to co-ordinate actions and a network of information exchange against neoliberalism! It will be a "common network of all our particular struggles and resistances... which will respect the differences as well as the resemblances..." This network will not be an "organisational structure, it won't have a decisional centre, a central command or hierarchy. " The network is all of us who resist". The network would be proposed to the people of the world through an international "Consulta" (popular vote) in the first half of December.

I. WHAT IS THE NEXT STEP AFTER THE DECISIONS OF THE INTERGALACTIC?

A. The network

We are happy that our modest proposal can now fit into a project with all the energy of the world-wide zapatista movement. We hope that it will motivate more people to join us (we have had encouraging reactions to our letter from a dozen of the some hundred persons who signed up in Berlin, which is OK for August, but if you want more news, please contact us. Otherwise, you will have to look for us on Internet! But how could such a network work practically, especially if it is quite large? Such a network should avoid two traps. On the one hand it should exist immediately as a real political initiative, as a way to co-ordinate actions. A mere list of addresses will be a non-event. On the other hand we should be realistic and avoid voluntarism. Fortunately, there is not a central committee which could force this heterogeneous gathering of persons and organisations from all over the world to shift their energies into actions specially conceived for and to the network. The meetings have also shown that there is no other way to come to an agreement very fast about things so specific, because our circumstances and stories are very different. The network should respect from the very beginning this diversity. It's unity lies in the common will to set ourselves against neoliberalism, and could grow through the network.

Different types of actions or joint campaigns were proposed during the Encuentro: actions towards the suppression of third world debt, against speculative money movements, towards a reduction of working hours or a minimum income guarantee. So much the better if some of these suggestions, at one moment or the other, are picked up by the network or part of it. But we can't impose any of them to everybody as a condition to belonging to the network. Each one of these suggestions is at the same time a too big and too particular. None of them could convey the main message: the idea of an international initiative against neoliberal capitalism in general. And none corresponds to the immediate needs of everybody with respect to neoliberalism: The suppression of the South's Debt is not a demand for the North (although of course we should support it). The minimum income guarantee or the reduction of the working hours seems exotic in the South. To be able to mobilise, the network must start with actions that correspond to real local struggles against neoliberalism. The zapatistas have very well defined the product of the Encuentro : Neither a new International nor a program but an "echo". "The echo of the small, of the local and the particular resounding in the echo of the big, the intercontinental and the galactic". Of course, this doesn't mean we can't share some types of actions or targets. For instance, the Geneva Stock Exchange was occupied to announce the Encuentro . After the Encuentro, the Mexico Stock Exchange was also invaded in support of a local struggle. Banks all over the world can be serve (and can be made to serve) the same purposes.

Consequently, we think that the only real possibility is to start with the co-ordination of all sorts of struggles against neoliberalism, taking advantage of their diversity to illustrate the system (and the resistance) as a whole. This, at the same time, would allow full respect of the local priorities and initiatives. The entering into the network would simply mean to place these struggles in a larger context. We would be saying "This local struggle (about squats, night work or illegal immigrants, etc...) isn't isolated. It contributes in such and such manner to a more general struggle against neoliberal capitalism. In this same moment, in such and such places, other members of the network are involved in similar struggles, have had such and such experiences etc. And also, in such and such places, other types of struggles are resisting other aspects of neoliberalism."

A NETWORK OF LOCAL RESISTANCES: THE IDEA IS IN THE AIR

The workers (mostly women) of two French bankrupted factories occupied them (the BAP in Dijon, beginning in April and L' Epee in the Doubs region, from June). When they got to know of each other, the idea was irresistable: "We discovered each other. We exchanged experiences and decided to fight together". "Each time we demonstrate, we will also talk of the other struggle". Better yet, the strikers wish to contact other factories, whether occupied or on strike, in order to co-ordinate demonstrations.

While they were taking over their factories, we were - unaware of their existence - discussing the necessity of a network. Which is really the proof that we really need this network!

The first and main target which would suffice to justify and give existence to the network is to make militants and public begin to place local resistances in a general context of struggle against the neoliberal capitalist project.

In practice, this would mean that in each city a group of persons would have to assume the task of promoting the idea of the network on the local political scene.

But we must go further than that. If groups join the network, it will be in order to break through the limits they come up against in their particular local struggles. It is to affirm, more or less explicitly, that capitalism (in its neoliberal form) has become the main obstacle for us all. How can we go further? This necessitates progressively conquering a new "point of view", as the same time as a new way of getting together.

Capitalist society is a very differenciated and complex society in which each one's place is determined above all by the power of money: thus it's a atomised society, without autonomous social links, made of many ghettos, each with its own habits, language etc.. The political circles, even the extra-parliamentary ones, are in only one of the cages of this zoo. In the measure that they represent the demand to rebuild society around a project, they have something to say to everybody. But the brain is just one of the organs, alongside the liver, the lungs or the intestines. Apart from political cercles, there are also circles of housewives, artists, immigrant workers, outcasts, scientists etc.... It's a vast dialogue, a "plurilogue" that must be opened up among all the classes of society. In the actions we develop, there must be room for incredibly different kinds of .

To do so we must abandon many behaviours inherited from the past: the network is something different from the addition and co-ordination of things already existing. There is a new spirit blowing. We have seen it in Berlin: we are amazed and we find it difficult, but we have the feeling that an important change is taking place.

Another way of saying it is: The market value is the great regulator of the social metabolism and leads us to the neoliberal aberrations. To desire a human world means to build society on human values as perceived and affirmed by the different social circles (each one in it's own way). We have a lot to learn from the outcasts as well as from the artists, the politicians, the peasants, the traders, and even from certain bankers (even if they have a lot to learn from us!). All this process of multiple confrontations means, of course a great upheaval in power relations!. When values are at stake, we are dealing with affirmations of life, power conflicts and old social compromises are broken. Let's shake it!.

This is a terrifying proposal! Its a question of attempting what we both most fear and desire. It is clear that it takes time for society to change, but what we want meanwhile is to change our own lives: this adventure should straight away gain us more friends, more ideas, more efficacy and more dignity. This is exactly what makes the zapatistas so fascinating.

B. An International "Consulta"?

The different Mexican "consultas" are unofficial votes concerning a whole program (Consultas on the future of the EZLN, on domestic economy, on working and unions rights) submitted in the street to thousand of persons. We can hardly imagine such a thing in Europe. We are too small in number to get interesting results and, in Europe petitions are not a very original means of action. Moreover, this Consulta only proposes a way of getting organised (the network), with little content apart from a very general statement against neoliberalism and for humanity. But we can very well imagine asking certain organisations to join the network, making public the result of such a "consulta of organisations" on the occasion of a first co-ordinated action early in December, and inviting all interested persons to join. If we asked individuals to "vote", it would be through organisations or personal contacts but not in the street.

II. PRACTICAL PROPOSALS

We propose two initiatives: a communication network via Internet and a bulletin; and the first international actions day which will take place in December to launch the actions network. A. The Information and Discussion network

- The role of Internet

A network, even an horizontal one, needs some central co-ordination, simply because everybody cannot write to everybody. An Internet server can collect all the contributions, notices and propositions (directly or via persons with access to Internet). But someone must do the filing, the updates, etc... so we can have easy access to the information. We have learnt that since the Encuentro, different people managing pages in Internet have started co-ordinating themselves to create a comprehensive information network on neoliberalism to which our page will be linked. You can already read several contributions on the page (http://www.icf.de/yabasta/neolib.htm). If you wish to participate in the discussion, send your documents to ** or, in case you don't have access to Internet, write us at Reseau, c/o I.A.S., 5, rue Samuel-Constant, CH-1201 Gen=E8ve. If you enclose a diskette we could insert it in Internet..

The amount of information may very soon swamp us. We should borrow some useful tricks from networks of exchange of scientific: Send each document with a summary of one or two paragraphs ( if possible in several languages) so that we can at least print the summary in the bulletin, mentioning the author in Internet for further information. You should also send the key-words of the text, so that one can find the same text under different headings. For instance, under "December-actions", "public services" or " debate on the State".

-Bulletins In order to spread the information, the information on Internet must be translated and printed in a bulletin in different languages for all those who don't speak many languages or don't have access to Internet. We are going to make one. Of course the authors of a bulletin will have to choose among the many texts, but all the information will always be available on Internet if others want to write other bulletins!

- First subjects of exchange

The Internet pages, like the bulletins, will have to take maintain several different discussions under different headings. Here's a first outline of a bulletin referring to some contributions received, and some ideas to provoke your reactions...

1) Critics and reflections about the encuentros

The question is to know how a democratic dialogue can really make headway! It is, of course, easier with leaders and a "political line". We gathered to speak and to listen to each other, but very often we perceived it as a succession of monologues. (cf. texts of Stefan and Massimo-1). Its not a moral question, but one of better structuring the exchanges, so that all of us can talk about the same thing at a certain time, draw conclusions and use them in the subsequent discussions without an unnecessary waste of time. Basically, we need an efficient network which could start the discussions, so that we already have some idea of the problems to be discussed and how to put them in some sort of order that would give more structure to an Encuentro (cf. Olivier). Frankly, Marcos's invitation to the intergalactic was beautiful and suggestive but it wasn't an outline to use to set up the discussion tables. Was it used as such by deference to Marcos, or simply because the FZLN was to busy organising the practical aspects? Among other things, using this outline relegated the feminists and lesbians to the "minorities" corner (cf. Ya Basta des femmes); an error in clear contrast with the major role women played during the indigenous forum held at Chiapas at Christmas.

Next time the network will hopefully be in operation!

2) Debate on the network and what will follow (consulta, 2nd Encuentro)

- Obviously all the first part of this letter would belong here.

- Ann asks an essential question: who are we trying to touch with our network? We consider that the interest of this network is that, being launched by the zapatistas, it can't be limited to any particular faction or circle. But it is also true that in each city there have been people of a certain trend who have responded to the zapatist invitation (here anarchist, there troskists etc.). So, are we going to remain among ourselves, or should we really try contact different sorts of people? We believe that we should make the contacts as varied as possible. Within traditional organisations, there are people who would like to break out of the rut. Our actions must also aim to touch unorganised persons in all sorts of milieux. We should assume, like the zapatistas do, that in this world of increasing alienation and exploitation, everybody has a repressed Ya basta! that is waiting to be expressed. The idea is to include and exchange with all those who consider themselves against neoliberalism, to try to find mutual grounds (even we can't agree on everything, have different kinds of practice, actions, etc.). The real storm is fast approaching. We can and must bet that many things will be changing fast in the leftwing political scene.

Anyhow, in Berlin and Geneva, for example touching a pretty wide range of people seems possible. In Geneva we have already organised a co-ordination called "Neoliberation" which includes the Viva Zapata committee, a group of radical young squatters, a left-wing group with deputies in the local Parliament, committees supporting Central America, and even some people from the youth group of the Socialist Party (yes!). We have contacted some left-wing trades unionists and propose to participate (early in December) in the campaign against a new (very neoliberal) labour relations law (we are planning a night demonstration against night work...). We are also contacting artists to put some color in the campaign... Of course, all these people are not used to working together. That is the difficulty and the interest of the matter. That's the essence of politics: overcoming our isolation, linking people .

- A symbol for the network? Durrito on a Champagne glass has been proposed. We agree about Durrito, but it has to be easy to understand for those not familiar with zapatismo. That is to say, he should be dressed as Don Quixote. Don Durrito de la Lacandona with lance and horse! Everybody knows Don Quixote. Otherwise just a beetle won't be more than a private joke for zapatistas. We could at times represent him charging against a Champaign glass-wind mill, why not? Maybe we will need to try several symbols and see which one works best. To your pencils!

3) Local actions and struggles, exchange of experiences

Ann, from Berlin, respond to our first letter saying that we would need more examples of local struggles in different places, so grassroots militants can feel involved, see the resemblances etc. This is very true and it should be a permanent heading in our publications. We are waiting for your contributions (more details about Berlin included).

4) Analysis of neoliberalism

We need more reflections on neoliberalism that showing the new possibilities and criticising perspectives that have become illusory. For instance, the idea of resisting globalisation and austerity, is it a possibility or a mere illusion? We have received a very interesting article from Massimo which tries to answer this question. In our analysis, we had insisted on the huge benefits the multinational companies are making. Massimo points out that this is going on in a context where capital in general has great difficulty obtaining a sufficient rate of profit on the unprecedented amount of wealth accumulated by society. (I don't think the two aspects are contradictory, but I would like to hear Massimo explain exactly why...). In this context, financial globalisation policy transforms each State to enforce austerity on the local workforce, always demanding more work for less wages (direct or indirect). The restrictions imposed by Maastricht on european States debts and deficits, for instance, are a deliberate attack against the indirect salary distributed in the form of welfare. Most importantly, Massimo insists on the fact that globalisation is still more a project than a reality. So it can't still fail, especially if we help a little.

Does all this seem abstract? It should be of interest to the French strikers who have managed to postpone the Maastricht calendar, and to the Spanish ecologists of AEDENAT, who are attacking it today (cf. manifesto against Maastricht). It would also interest our farmer friends who, spade in hand, have been fighting for years to construct local and direct links free between producers and consumers. It is important to know that the " inevitable " is not so absolutely certain as they claim.

A theory useful for practice. We ask each person to submit - even in very simple terms - the questions raised by the struggles in which he/she is involved. The theoretical analyses must emerge from the doubts, the dead-ends run into, must cast light on the choices to be made, on our basic motivations and reasons... From the capitalist point of view, for instance, education is just a factor of competitivity, housing a chance to speculate, and redistribution of revenues an adjustment between the different salaries of workers which it exploits. Under what conditions can partial struggles in one of these areas be more than defensive, escape recuperation to become a step in the right direction? How can we put some sand in the lethal mecanism of global competition? A hypothesis: the network of "alternative" practices, of local struggles, national as well as international, will raise us to a level in which we will be able to conceive and impose another project, attacking on levels where capital is currently undisputed.

We have also received interesting texts from Denmark and Texas. But this is not yet the bulletin, only a little glimpse. Are you interested? If so, let us know!

B. For the December action day

In Geneva, we are getting ready for Friday, December the 6th, although it is close, because the intergalactic has fixed the early part of December for the "consulta" which would launch the network.

The network must be born in the field. Its in action that we will find our real allies to take this step forward. This action day would enable:

1)-To bring attention to the network via the practical collaboration of all interested groups.

2)- To give more credibility to local actions. Even in a small place, even if there are just two or three persons involved, it's possible to find an action which fits the situation. It can exist as a link in a great chain.

3)- To show everyone that we challenge the capitalist system itself, of which neoliberalism is just the last metastasis. The fact that groups acting in different fields or places decide to work together, illustrates the main point: the heart of society is bewitched, and local struggles will not succeed if they don't aim for the heart.

This action day should try to combine direct action, public discussion and celebration.

a) Direct action

We suddenly appear where we are not supposed to be heard, we interrupt (for a moment) the normal course of affairs, we break out of the places where we are tolerated. Transgression brings something new and the new situation dynamites the way of thinking like the frying pan pops the corn. Transgression starts by changing us and then questions others. We can't be satisfied with a "polite" debate, while the machine continues working undisturbed. Everything starts when we start occupying more space, refuseing to be confined to the authorised areas that are those of helplessness.

b) Public debate

We must inject new ideas in this anthill where everyone minds his/her own business, only concentrating on short-term projects. We must dare to think! A more human world! Is man going to be forever a merchandise sellling himself for a salary? Why do we accept unemployment? Why should the huge social factory be in private hands? We must place the objective chosen for the action day in a deeper, in an intergalactic, perspective.

c)- Celebration

Celebration is at the heart of action, because in action and celebration, we already are - prophetically - that for which we are struggling. We are already living what we would like to be: celebration brings, for a moment, the future into the present. Celebration dances and allows us to live already the "for" which is behind our "againsts".

Those opposed to us know very well that our immediat demands are only the signal announcing something far bigger. Our immediate aims are carried by a great desire, a great vision. That's what celebration shows straight away. Celebration is subversive, claiming symbolically a social space still forbidden to us, but which won=B4t always be!.

Celebration also protects us. For it is not always easy, for those who have the courage to consider the ravages of neoliberal, to avoid being contaminated by the sadness of the system. The political discourse then loses it's petals, it's shine, forgets that it's starting point is a great love story. How do we penetrate the heart of the system if our own heart's not in it?

To create an intergalactic network means tearing the clothes that have become too small, it means helping the sun to rise. Even more, it means drawing from the imagination of celebration, its visions, the inspiration which enable us to dive again into everyday life without forgetting the goal. For although the task is huge, humanity is greater yet. And capital only diverts a power that is originally our own: a power that our struggles bring back to its source.

But before talking of the immediat steps to be taken, let's change our language for an instant. For the language of political analysis is only one of the languages that our network should convey. Its certain that precise ideas, clear definitions of what we are talking about are essential to linking our forces. But there are also everyday languages, languages that express values, poetry, etc. Limiting ourselves to abstract expression would dry us up, and exclude most of the people we should touch. The network will be the experience that "no one really knows his own tongue if he hasn't learnt others."

The upper language

It was a huge ocean-liner in the middle of the Ocean. I couldn't tell you precisely her destination, because at times she veered to the right and at times to the left.

She was so big that it would take days to go round her.

There were first class quarters for rich passengers, others for those who were not that rich and still others for even lower classes; there were also separate quarters for old people only. We put them aside, they said, to ensure their tranquility, but it could also be a way to avoid seeing them, or even forget about them. There were also quarters so low that their occupants never saw the sun or the upper quarters at all: movement between quarters is not that easy.

An odd thing was that the Captain and his crew talked between themselves in a sort of coded language. Or was it some sort of english? Only a few of the passengers could understand it.

These few passengers knew they were being deceived; that the Captain and his crew, despite their white uniforms and their refined manners, were not so sure as that of the destination they had chosen; and small groups began to see them as piranhas or sharks, always hungry and never satisfied.

That was how the dance started, or should we say the rebellion or the resistance of these small groups. Because from time to time, despite everything, the weather was lovely on the Ocean, when the sky was clear and one could even see the stars... But that is another story. As I was saying, our small groups understood what was happening in the upper quarters (for those who make the decisions always live on the upside).

And so from time to time, those from the upper parts were forced to make concessions to calm the people down. In short, it was a great struggle which frightened the people of our small groups, maybe because of their responsibility... Fortunately that there were some people on board could understand the code of the rulers, but there was still something rather mysterious: Why do they persist in using the upper language to call to action those from below? After all, are they from above or below? Why don't they use the language used by the rest of the quarters to explain what was going on? Or could one only lay hands on the helm in this more or less english jargon?

But there was still another phenomenon unrelated with this mystery, or perhaps they were so related that we don't notice it: it was each person's isolation, their timidity and maybe also all those armours and shells around each passenger and each couple. Would there perhaps also be within each person an upper language and a lower language?

Thus we could prove to others and to ourselves that we are in fact aware of our own lives, of what's going on around us, and even of the destination we are sailing towards, we who don't hold the helm, which is in the upper parts.

III. IMMEDIATE STEPS: STARTING THE BULLETIN AND THE ACTION DAY

A. For the first number of the bulletin

We hope to publish it at the end of November, so it could help prepare the December action day (see below)

Send us whatever you find important to define the why and the how of the network:

1)- experiences and reflections that you have read or written; 2)- stories, poems, drawings, leaflets; 3)- A letter to explain how you see things would be great; 4)- Or if you just want the bulletin and to stay in touch;

The bulletin will allow a link among the first interested persons and supply material to those who have decided to give a priority to the launching of the network and wish to work in that direction in the local groups in which they are involved.

A publication in four languages seems necessary. Who could help with the translations? Number 2 could be issued elsewhere than Geneva and the translation could be undertaken by the concerned countries.

B. For the 6th of December action day

All those who wish to act on or around December 6th should let us know as rapidly as possible, and communicate their ideas and projects. We in Geneva can coordinate the information for all those involved in this first apparition of the "net".

It doesn't matter if this first day only happens in a few cities: we must begin, open a breach, give an example. The first number of the bulletin should above all be useful for the action day.

Hasta la victoria!

(Erika, Abder, Catherine, Olivier, Frank, Ann, Stefan, Nicolas, Barbara, Julio, Brigitte).

Liste des textes que nous avons re=E7us / List of the text we received / Liste der eingegangenen Texte / Lista de los textos recibidos *Sur / on / auf dem / sobre Internet (http://www.icf.de/yabasta/neolib.htm)

F1 Text de Lyon sur le sommet du G7 - Text from Lyon about the G7 summit - Texto de Lyon sobre el (please ask for the group and adress) F2 Le Collectif "Reponse au Livre Blanc" : Contre la puryfication de la pensee - Elements de reponse au Livre Blanc neo-liberal, 36 p. (O. de Marcellus et P. Vanek, c/o solidariteS, CP 2089, CH - 1211 Gen=E8ve 1) F3 Pierre Lehmann: Le Revers de l'ECU, 3 p. (Pierre Lehmann, SEDE SA, Rue du Midi 33 CH - 1800 Vevey) F4 Commission "Neo-liberalisme", Comite de Solidarite avec les peuples du Chiapas en lutte: Contribution =E0 la reunion intercontinentale de Berlin - Th=E8me: Le Neoliberalisme, Paris, mai 1996, 13 p. F5 Temps Critiques, Janvier 1996, Supplement au no 8: Le mouvement de l'automne 95, Lyon, 18 p. F6 Mascha Mad=F6rin: Les femmes et la theorie de l'economie, article paru dans la "WoZ" 43 / 29.10.93 - texte revu et leg=E8rement raccourci d'un discours tenu en septembre =E0 l'Academie des Femmes =E0 Graz

E1 Pierre Lehmann: The Collapse of Industrialized Civilization and the Rebirth of Society, May 1994, 8 p. (Pierre Lehmann, SEDE SA, Rue du Midi 33 CH - 1800 Vevey) E2 John Holloway: The Concept of Power and the Zapatistas (not published), 12 p. E3 Solidarity Initiative for the Zapatista Struggle: Bulletin: "Tierra y Libertad", May 1996, (Fax:+3031/207.093, P.O. Box 50 042, 54013 Salonica, Greece) E4 Torkil Lauesen: Strategy for global anticapitalism, July 1996, 7 P. (Torkil Lauesen, Bl=E5g=E5rdsplads 15. 2 sal. th., DK - 2200 Copenhagen N) E5 Harry Cleaver: The Zapatistas and the Electronic Fabric of Struggle, November 1995, 28 p. (draft) e-mail: hmcleave@eco.utexas.edu homepage:http://www.eco.utexas.edu:80/Homepages/Faculty/Cleaver/index.html E6* Massimo De Angelis: The Autonomy of the Economy and Globalization, vis-=E0-vis 4, Winter 1996,11 p. (http://jefferson.village.virginia.edu/~spoons/aut html/glob.html) E7* Cecilia Rodriguez: "The struggle of the Zapatistas runs clearly and directly against the policies of Neo-liberalisme" (http://www.actlab.utexas.edu:80/~zapatistas/neo.html) E8* Aspects of Neoliberalisme (political, economic social...): series of interconnected notes prepared by Acci=F2n Zapatista of Austin (http://www.utexas.edu/ftp/student/nave) E9 Ann Stafford: Comment on the "terrifying proposition", August 1996, 4p. E10 Massimo De Angelis: The REALIDAD in Europe: an account of the first European meeting against neoliberalisme and for humanity, Berlin 30 May - 2 June 1996, July 1996, 8 p., published in the Scottish journal Common Sense

G1 Arranca - linke Zeitschrift - Extrablatt, intergalaxis: berlin-europa/la realidad-welt,Berlin Mai 1996, 4 S. G2 Kollektif "Repose au Livre Blanc": gegen den neoliberalen Betrug - Erste Antwort auf das Weissbuch der schweizerischen Arbeitgeber, 18 S. (O. de Marcellus et P. Vanek, c/o solidariteS, CP 2089, CH - 1211 Gen=E8ve 1) G3 Verschiedene Texte von Mascha Mad=F6rin, Schweiz: Zur neuen Welt(un)ordnungspolitik - Fonf Thesen aus feministischer Sicht / Frauenrechte in der internationalen Wirtschaftspolitik G4 Dr. Winfried Wolf: "Neoliberalismus ist...=F6konomische Theorie, Ideologie und gesellschaftliches (Abzocker-)Projekt", Referat anl=E4sslich des "europ=E4ischen Treffens gegen Neoliberalismus" G5 Detlef Hartmann: Chiapas und die Angst in den Metropolen, in FORUM entwicklungspolitischer Aktionsgruppen 204/205/96 G6 Stefan Armborst: Neuer Internationalismus? Berliner Konferenz gegen Neoliberalismus, in links, sozialistische Zeitung Nr. 314/315, Juli/August 96 SP1 Oscar Battinton: Reflexiones sobre el Neoliberalismo (Desde el Zapatismo), Madrid, Mayo de 1996 10p. (Oscar Battinton, Red de Apoyo Zapatista, Apartado de Correos no. 18135, CP 28080, Madrid, Espan=E3) SP2* A/Parte: Chiapas desde la metr=F2poli, Barcelona, Abril de 1996, 5p. SP3 Colectivo Internacionalista Turin: una propuesta a la sociedad civil, 2p. SP4 Iniciativa de solidaridad con la lucha zapatista Salonica, Bolet=ECn "Tierra y libertad", Mayo de 1996 (Fax:+3031/207.093, P.O. Box 50 042, 54013 Salonica, Greece) SP5 Torkil Lauesen: Estrategia para un Anti-capitalismo Global, Julio de 1996, 7 p. (Torkil Lauesen, Bl=E5g=E5rdsplads 15. 2 sal. th., DK - 2200 Copenhagen N) SP6 Movimento contra la EUROPA de Masstricht y la globalizaci=F2n econ=F3mica - Declaraci=F2n Pol=ECtica, 4 p. (texto abierto) (AEDENAT, Campomanes 13, E - 28013 Madrid, Tel. 541.10.71)