1.1
Latin American countries have significant multi-cultural and
multi-racial populations, a large part of whom are Black,
whose existence is
now only been officially acknowledged.
1.2
There are an estimated 150 million persons of African
ancestry in Latin America representing about one-third
of the entire regional
population. Over the centuries they have made enduring,
significant and
largely unacknowledged contributions to the cultures
and the economies of
their countries. Even those elements that most typically
define
Latin-American culture, sometimes, surprisingly, show
origins which are
Black: the Argentinean tango, for example, developed
in the Black brothels
of Buenos Aires. Chile became liberated after the bloody
battle of Maipu,
and owes its freedom primarily to the mistreated Black
slaves and free
persons who fought in that war.
1.3
These kinds of realities were and are too often forgotten by
many Latin-Americans in a push to be as white as possible.
As late as 1952,
Chile was reporting that it was perfecting its biological
stock by importing
whites from Europe.
1.4
These "whitening" policies called emblanqucimiento were
instituted by elites such as Juan Alberdi, the father
of the Argentine
constitution, who declared, and I quote: "to populate
is not to civilize
when one populates with .. Negros from Africa." Jose
Ingenieros, the most
influential of Latin-American social scientists declared
that Blacks seemed:
"closer to apes that to civilized men ,.. All that is
done in favor of the
inferior races is anti-scientific. At most, one might
protect them so that
they die out agreeably." Former Peruvian Presidential
candidate Mario Vargas
Llosa, a prominent member of the Latin-American literati,
speaks out through
his characters in contempt of Blacks: "You could tell
in his eyes that he is
a coward, like all Negroes." La Ciudad y Los Perros
1.5
How have these kinds of statements and policies impacted on
the well-being of Blacks in Latin-America? Where are
Blacks today in the
Latin-American socioeconomic and political order? They
are not in the
Organization of American States, for sure, nor are they
employed at the IDB,
the World Bank or the entire policy sector where Latin-American
countries
enjoy a very strong presence and influence. Blacks are
absent from corporate
board rooms, and the upper ranks of the clergy and military.
They are very
rarely ministers of government. They are virtually absent
from the
diplomatic corps, and they are grossly under-represented
in politics.
1.6
In the end, however, we are left with the naked truth, about
who we are as a people. And that truth should be celebrated,
not berated. We
are not Europeans -- This is a fact for all countries
in Latin-America and
the Caribbean, with only one exception -- Uruguay. This
simple statement has
profound implications on development for those who choose
to see it.
1.6b
I am not alone in my analysis of who we are as a people. In
the early 19th century, one of Latin-America's historical
giants set the
record straight. Despite his tremendous unease with his
own African ancestry
and that of the population at large, the Great Liberator,
Simon Bolivar, a
man whose dubious racial origins and swarthy color resulted
in derision from
Europeans, declared that Latin-Americans were an emanation
of Africa and
America. "We are no longer European just as Spain is
no longer European,
because of its African blood, character and institutions."
1.7
Although Afro-Latin-American populations are apparently more
integrated into the mainstream of their countries than
Indigenous groups,
Blacks display significant conditions of extreme poverty,
marginalization
and exclusion from political and economic processes.
They also continue to
live under the threat of losing traditionally held lands
in the rain forests
and along the coasts to fresh waves of internal colonization
and economic
exploitation of the last frontiers of the region.
1.8
These are stark indications of a historical unwillingness of
governments and international institutions to invest
in Black populations or
the areas in which they live, preferring instead to treat
them as expendable
and replaceable with new immigrants of an ethnicity or
demeanor more to
their liking.
1.9
Black communities in Latin America are therefore particular
casualties of the skewed economic development of the
region which affects the
disadvantaged. This can be directly attributed to their
status as unwilling
actors in a historical process of social discrimination
against their race,
with origins in the colonial era.
1.10
Lest there are doubts, I would like to take a brief moment
to show some images that reveal how Blacks are viewed
or portrayed in the
region. Because we are not set up for video, we will
show a tiny selection
of the thousands of images we have collected --- All
are contemporary.
1.11
Discriminatory exclusionary practices are still enduringly
maintained through: (1) institutions that silently condone
discriminatory behavior;
(2)a lack of appropriate legislation to redress individual
discriminatory
abuses, and (3) by social pressures throughout Latin
America which favor
emblanquecimiento. A larger definition of Latin-American
racism can be seen
on the transparency.
1.12
Besides the unjust nature of the unspoken socio-racial order, the
creative and other investments in whitening do not generate
returns adequate
enough for the process to be considered a viable
economic development tool.
On the contrary, the process may be said to result in
a net loss to society
by creating a marginalized and poor class of all those
who genetically and
culturally can not make the Euro-Creole ideal. This marginalized
class
represents a sizeable cost in human resources, in funds
for social
programming, policing, and a loss in the tax and consumer
base.
1.13 In essence, ladies and gentlemen, besides the highly ethical
problems of continuing to justify the exclusion of Blacks,
there is an attendant loss
to the nation of creativity and vitality. Latin-America
and this hemisphere
can not hope to compete with the rest of the world if
we have a divided
family. Racism and discrimination do not come cheaply.
1.14
Excluding the Dominican Republic and Cuba, it is estimated
that 60 percent of Latin America's Black population lives
in conditions of poverty.
These 90 million poor people make up only 20 per cent
of the region's total
population yet Blacks represent fully 40 percent of all
of Latin America's
poor. A minimum 60 percent of Latin-America's poor are
either Black and or
Indigenous.
1.15
A much-quoted IDB report states that the governments in the
region have given "high priority to opening economic
opportunities for the poor and
to empowering them to become more productive participants
in economic
growth." ..."A special focus of these countries efforts
is to increase
health, education, and vocational skills for all, especially
the poor." But,
AFROAMERICA XXI would like to go on the record noting
that we believe the
reasons for the stagnancy in poverty rates are (1) unequal
distribution of
wealth, and (2) the exclusion of large numbers of Blacks
and Indigenous
people from realizing their development potential.
1.16
Many Latin American countries have instituted economic
reform programs. But under-equipped Afro-American minorities
living in conditions
of poverty have been largely unable to take advantage
of the new incentives
and contribute to the growth process. For example, those
wonderful
micro-enterprise programs are of no use in pre-entrepreneurial
Black
communities.
1.17
Recognizing serious limitations, this same IDB report I have
referred to, wisely argues that the "economic reforms
being implemented in Latin
America will achieve the desired results only if they
take place within a
more integrated society in which factors of exclusion
are being reduced so
that all groups can be involved in and benefit from modernization
of the
productive sectors".
1.18
Hence, some small movement. In April of 1998 the Plan of
Action of the Summit of the Americas included "ethno-racial
disadvantaged minorities,"
in reference to Black communities. In addition, conclusions
and
recommendations arising out of the preparatory seminars
before the 1998 IDB
Board of Governors meeting in Cartagena, described the
situation of Blacks
as follows:
"Large segments of
the Indigenous and Afro-American populations
constitute the most dramatic cases of socioeconomic exclusion
and reveal the ethical,
socioeconomic and political challenge."
" In the case of
Indigenous and Afro-American populations ... the
recognition of their rights and their economic and political
inclusion under
conditions of dignity and efficiency must be considered
a priority in
development."
1.19
I would like to personally acknowledge the efforts of President Dr.
Enrique Iglesias, of the IDB, to, in his own words, "put
this issue of
exclusion on top of the table." His support led to the
first ever Bank forum
on Black Latin-Americans in 1996. But, I would also like
to acknowledge,
with gratitude the tremendous foresight of many of the
IDB staff, in
particular, Dr. Claire Nelson who, acting with courage
and tenacity, made
the first study on Black Latin-American communities possible.
1.20
But there are lags between recognition of problems and
implementation of solutions. Within the IDB we
have seen some small increases in
investments benefitting Blacks. The World Bank has recently
made a loan to
benefit Black Ecuadoreans. USAID under LAC Chief Mark
Schneider has made
important strides that we hope will filter down to the
country-level staff.
Other donors are increasingly coming forward with their
own plans and
agreeing on the need for increased investment and programs
to activate
social and economic self reliance.
1.21
But, there are still other organizations who fail to
recognize that they must change their modalities and
their methodologies if they truly want
to serve the Black communities. The most notorious example
of this
intransigence is The Inter-American Foundation, in Rosslyn,
Virginia. But,
IDB programs like the Small Project Fund and the Global
Credit Facility are
also inaccessible to many Black communities because of
their historical
underdevelopment.
1.21a The labor and professional skills with which
Afro-Latin-Americans in
the economy are traditionally equipped do not provide
sufficient
entrepreneurial or development project experience to
qualify them for these
programs and puts them at a distinct disadvantage. Under-handed
and
paternalistic institutional attitudes also mandate than
non-Black
intermediaries retain control of the project processes
in order for the
required funds to be approved.
1.21b And, with few exceptions, U.S. foundations
working in Latin-America
continue to privilege white Latin-American minorities,
and functionally
exclude Black U.S. organizations from participating in
Latin-America by
withholding support for their agendas.
1.22 These often unstated yet constantly manifested
policies serve to exclude potentially capable Black
NGOs from managing funds or designing and participating in projects aimed
at the development of their own communities.
In addition there is very little interest in the conditions
of
Afro-Latin-Americans by local mainstream NGOs that do
manage such programs
and who in any case lack the necessary sensitivity or
cultural experience
required to work effectively with the target population.
1.23
AFROAMERICA XXI will remain steadfast and vigilant. Why should we?
The answer is simple. If the challenge of Afro-Latin-American
development was
the same as with other groups that these institutions
have dealt with in the
past, then the issue would no longer exist because of
on-going strategies
that would have had effective impacts. However, the traditional
strategies
used by these institutions in social development completely
failed to
identify the glaring problem that existed, neither did
they work to resolve
it. AFROAMERICA XXI wishes to be partners in development
and is asking you
to allow us this opportunity.
1.24
AFROAMERICA XXI recognizes that overcoming obstacles which
exclude Afro-Latin-Americans from the benefit of economic
development will require
substantial support from the international financial
institutions. But, it
will also be dependent upon the will of the Latin-American
states to make
democracy and development real for Blacks. In effect,
Mr. President,
ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen, it depends on the
governments that you
represent. The ball is in your court.
1.25 It is important to now take measures to build
capacity within Afro Latin American institutions, community
leadership and community NGOs to enable them to make full use of the changing
environment and to function in
a professional manner.
1.26 We are asking that your governments consider
the following
recommendations taken from the IDB's publicationon: Forum
on Poverty
Alleviation in Black Communities:
i.
National Statistical departments should include appropriate
questions to identify the ethno-cultural situation of
informants in its Census and
Household Surveys, and to correlate this factor to socio-economic
data.
ii.
Ministries of Education should require that their curricula
for primary and secondary schools include the history,
achievements and
contributions to nation-building of Blacks: in their
countries, in Latin
America, Africa, and the world at large.
iii.
Ministries or Departments of Culture should fund public
education campaigns in the mass media to undo harmful
stereotypes about Blacks. As
part of this campaign governments should construct monuments
to African
contributions as soldiers, slaves and in other capacities
to celebrate their
contributions in nation-building. Public museums, galleries
and national
buildings should begin to reflect the historical presence
and contributions
of people of African descent through their art, artifacts
and educational
displays.
iv.
Post office departments should begin to issue commemorative
stamps reflecting prominent Black individuals and their
contributions and the
history of Black communities in their countries.
1.27 To address discriminatory barriers to
Black advancement, Latin
American governments should first reject the notion that
a state of de facto
racial harmony exists. It is recommended that:
i.
They should begin to develop judicial process and procedure
including punitive measures for addressing discriminatory
behavior that maintains or
promotes negative racial stereotypes, that denies access
to employment and
to public social spaces. Argentinean anti-discriminatory
legislation could
be a starting point.
ii.
Governments should create offices of ethno-cultural
minorities, with a division for Black affairs with inter-ministerial
mandates to investigate
and recommend action on issues brought to its attention
by the community,
and on the impact that policies and proposed legislation
may have on this
community. This office should have an adequate budget
and must be staffed
mainly by Black professionals with credibility in the
community. Colombia's
example could be constructively used as a starting point.
3. Governments and the public
service must begin to address the issue
of discrimination in the workforce. They should set the
example by reviewing
their hiring practices at all levels of government and
remove any racially
discriminatory barriers that prevent competent Blacks
from participation in
positions of authority in all areas of the civil service
and statutory
bodies, including the diplomatic corps, the armed forces
and upper ranks of
the civil service, to reach a level at least in proportion
to their
representation in the general population. There are examples
to start from
-- in Canada and the United States public service commissions.
Recommendations to the IDB, PAHO, OAS, and World Bank:
The multilaterals and other regional institutions have
the capacity to
promote the economic and social advancement of Black
minorities in Latin
America by incorporating some steps into its process
of loan and grant
approval. These are they:
1. Financing for the Textbook
Program require that any history and
social studies textbooks contain accurate and comprehensive
information about
Blacks for the country, in the Americas and about Africa,
as appropriate.
2. Financing for the development
of Poverty Maps in the region,
particularly those supported through FIS's should require
that:
(a)
Blacks should be incorporated into the poverty methodology
developed, and socio-economic data collected;
(b)
poverty maps should provide socio-economic data for Black
and Indigenous populations as specific target groups
for the regions they
inhabit.
3. Any loans for education reform
which include curriculum changes
should support the development of bilingual education
program materials, and Black
History and Social Studies curricula material as appropriate.
4. Whenever possible, loans for
government reform of the social sector
should include components to support statistical departments
so they adjust
their census and Household Surveys to collect data to
define the
socio-economic condition of Black and Indigenous communities.
5. The various program analyses,
economic studies, and studies for
Poverty Alleviation should incorporate Blacks as a target
group whose specific
situation should be defined and addressed.
6. Economic studies of loans for
projects in Black communities should
prove they will not increase Black poverty by:
(a)
defining, through feasibility studies, the impact they will
have on local populations, particularly Black communities;
(b)
defining project components to ensure that these
communities' capacity to maintain self-sustainable economies
is not affected in the long term, and
if it is,
(c)
defining project components for these communities to
compensate them, in a manner they approve, with an equivalent
long term communal capacity to maintain their economic sustainability.
7. Blacks should be included in
the design and implementation of
projects.
8. Immediate capacity-building
for NGO's, civil society organizations
and municipalities is required, along with short-term
funding for project
development.
7. The Latin-America sector, including
the OAS, PAHO, World Bank and
others must address the discriminatory hiring practices
in its midst. Hiring of
competent Blacks is a priority. Competence is not only
technical capability,
but the ability and will to advocate where necessary
for the interests of
Black communities.
Thank You
Organization of Africans in the Americas
1234 Massachusetts Ave. Suite C-1007
Washington, D.C. 20005
Tel:202.638.1645
Fax:202.638.1667