To 10 years of our foundation, who we are, from where we come and towards which place we go
This text was published like presentation of the pamphlet that contains the resolutions of our VIII Congress (23-24 of May 1998). The same one is a brief sintesis of which we considered aspects fundamental of our ideological and political route.
Days 11 and 12 of June of 1988 the foundational Conference of the " Construction Committee of the Revolutionary Working Party (POR) " was made.
This Conference was the conclusion of a prolonged previous process of debate that beginning in the interior of the Working Party (Partido Obrero - PO) and which had to continue obligatory outside that frame before the summary expulsions of dissidents implemented by the bureaucracy of Altamira.
The different groups victims from the liquidationist purge (group " MASAS ", Dwelled Grouping of the UOCRA of Neuquén, and revolutionary fraction of the PO of Rosario) conformed a " Parity Committee " to prepare in the best possible conditions the fusion. There were six months of intense debate that culminated in this foundational Conference.
In the same one, there were present delegates of the Bolivian POR (the comrade Vilma Plata) and of the Revolutionary Socialism of Uruguay, with who, a month later, we gave birth to the " Liaison Committee for the Reconstruction of IV the International (CERCI)".
In fact, the process of rupture with the Working Party goes back to 1986. By the end of this year the group of Altamira makes a congress, in which is put to red alive a basic contradiction. The blockade to the organizational development of the party in relation to the possibilities that (according to the desproportionate official characterizations) the stage offered.
As a result of this basic contradiction, an ample antibureaucratic fan is formed (it would be abusive to call it block by its heterogeneity), whose common denominator was the rejection to the stalinist regime that reigned in the organization: ideological terrorism, purge of dissidents, extortively use of the resource of the rent to press to the cadres, resignations to place to the party on the brink of madness abyss, armed of " processes " to comrades to discredit them, etc.
The general low politic level that reigned in that Congress (fed in each day by the denounced stalinism) does not allow that the fan took body during the course of the deliberations, because of this the only communication that questioned the Report of Activities of the Direction was left extremely isolated. Motion that, in spite of its immaturity, had the merit of standing against all the mechanisms of opportunistic adaptation in operation.
Defeated the possible tendencies that could question their bureaucratic impunity, Altamira was dedicated to bleed them stepped, of way to obtain two objectives: on the one hand, to prevent that they took contact between them developing a post-congress block. And, on the other hand, to obtain partial capitulations. Thus, the expulsion of the party of Juan Ya#ez and other comrades of Neuquén by the charge of robbing money to the UOCRA (!falsified together with the bureaucrat Evaristo Selesky!), passed without the rejection and repudiation of those of us who even remained inside the organization.
With the perspective of the passed time and the experience, the details of the succession of expulsions that went away happening lose importance.
The essential, is that we could develop to the process of political maturation of the divergences only outside the original structure in which we were educated (Worker Policy and its successor, the Working Party). This does not happen as a result of our will, but by a typically stalinist necessity of the power group of Altamira to be perpetuated in impunity of bureaucratic management of the party to assure its means life.
Thus the forced separation by the expulsions was a necessary act, so that all that live inside a sectarian microclimate could open our heads to fundamental debates:
1.Method to characterize the political stage.
2.Relation between the work in the fronts of masses and the work of party.
3.Policy before the elections, before the Parliament, Justice, the Armed Forces and the bourgeois institutions in general.
4.Relation between the international situation and the national particularitity as far as the processing of the program.
5.Application of the United Front tactics in the fight against the Popular Front.
Our small group went away forging this way, in a hystoric context of much pressure of the leftist electioneering (we are born in the " better moment " of the morenistas, when they are self-proclaimed as an organization with influence of masses, characterizing the popular lootings of Rosario like "the Argentinean February", and to restauracionist process of Gorbachov like "political revolution".
In that frame, our policy of international construction was fundamental: this one allowed us to project the domestic debates to the world-wide sand, arguing with the main currents of self-proclaimed trotskysm.
It was like turn out to assume this challenge that we could be nourished and take control of the rich Bolivian experience: we must to the Bolivian POR, in general, and to Guillermo Lora, in particular, the leninist compression of the conception of party, as well as the hierarchy that must have the national and regional particularitity in the construction of the program. Paradoxicalally, because we have armed ourself with these conquests, we could develop our critics to the antimarxist theory of the " Bolivian exceptional nature ".
The Liaison Committee was born thus as a product of our audacious initiative, but on the base of a real and uncontrastable fact: the hystorical weight and the traditions of the Bolivian POR, experience that had to be critically assimilated by the small groups (brazilean, Argentinean, Chilean, Uruguayan, Spanish) that went adding to the CERCI.
This element (the real fact of a party with long tradition in Bolivia, with a long experience of strong international isolation), marked without doubts to the CERCI.
Only by adopting a rigorous critical attitude before the history and the present policy of the Bolivian POR, and at the same time, developing the national works on the base of a permanent processing of the world-wide program, that congenital tare of the CERCI could be reversed. With the limitations imposed by the still embryonic development, it is doubtless that only one dynamic application of the concept of the democratic centralism (as much at world-wide level as in the sections), it could forge the scene for " making level upwards" the logics inequalities of the different groups (in special in relation wuth the Bolivian POR), and of the own cadres between them.
In this sense, our organization made a authentic cultured of that principle, not only in its formal aspect, but also in the permanent initiative to the stimulus of the critical spirit, and the stimulus of the debate.
For that reason our eight congresses, the hundreds of internal debates, and the different experiences of fractions and tendencies in our interior. Notice, that in no case these experiences implied the application of the stalinist and disqualifying regime which is so common in the call " trotskist movement ".
One of the touchstones by which we managed to extract valuable lessons of the different fractional processes, is the relation of the different divergent positions with the concrete intervention in the fronts of masses.
In that sense, the fight by an old resolution, which says that all cadres must give account of their insertion and concrete intervention in a sector of the exploded masses (in the frame of a plan of general work), marked a true dividing line of waters in the internal fight and the political-organizational work.
Not only this; but also we must credit that more of our programmatic advances were nourished essentially of the intervention in the masses, instead of (the also necessary) process of theoretical processing without an immediate empirical verification.
Comrades: They have passed 10 years since our foundational Conference. We have consolidated a nucleus of cadres which is outlined like a direction equips with the mental opening of the marxism, enemy of the scholastic and dogmatic reasoning of a sect.
Many comrades have contributed to this process, and some of them have moved away of its construction. In some cases, in benefit of other political projects, in the majority, moved away of the militancy, as result of the wearing down and the demoralization that produce the partial defeats of the class strugle, and the difficulties in the construction of the revolutionary party. Only conceiving to this as dynamic tool, it will be possible valorize what we have constructed. Not only in order " to conserve it ", but also to lean in this fact to continue advancing.
In this sense, some other comrades also are absent, in special, those that nourish our revolutionary traditions, assassinated and disappeared by the killer bourgeoisie.
THEN OUR TRIBUTE TO CESAR LORA AND ISAAC CAMACHO, MARTYRS OF THE BOLIVIAN POR!
THEN OUR TRIBUTE TO JORGE FISCHER, MIGUEL ANGEL BUFFANO,GUSTAVO GRASSI AND ADRIAN MARCELO MARTYRS OF WORKING POLICY!
MANY MORE THAN 10 YEARS ARE THOSE THAT WE WILL CONTINUE GIVING TO THE CAUSE OF THE REVOLUTION AND PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIPS!
THERE WILL BE MANY MORE; UNTIL THE SOCIALISM ALWAYS!