DAWN - Opinion; 29 March, 1999
Self-government in metro cities
By M.P. Bhandara
WAY back in 1960s and 1970s my late friends of revered memory, Kamal Faruki and Jamil Nishtar, made impressive arguments for carving two or more provinces out of each of the existing four provinces of Pakistan. It was then as now an "intellectual" idea confined to marginal political groups, letters to the newspapers and drawing room talk. It was never on the serious political agenda.
The idea lacked a Chaudhry Rahmat Ali - someone who could crank away at it, and did not mind being called slightly crazy. Indeed such was the fate of the Pakistan idea in its early years.
Why more provinces? If the population of Pakistan increases from 32 million in 1947 to at least 132 million today you need more devolution of power for good governance in the same way that you need new schools, hospitals, roads, etc. And this is the nub of the argument. A group of people are saying: keep expanding the old schools, hospitals, roads, etc for 'history' and tradition have placed them there; like ants we must tread in well heeled runnels. For a good many people any change in the status or size of the British formulated provinces provokes the most extreme sentiments from our budding nationalists.
But, our idealists and intellectuals forget one important thing: that the geography and contours of our provinces have been cast in the bronze of the constitution. Any change to provincial boundaries requires the sanction of the provincial assemblies and parliament. It would be easier to obtain consensus on the shades of the moon, than on this. Indeed, we live in a status quo society.
And therefore talk of more provinces within the federation is dilettante - a waste of time. But the problem cannot be swept under the carpet. The population may double itself in a mere thirty years. Surely, between now and then, something will have to be done to the dilapidated building which is the state of our government. The structure gets creakier as time moves on.
Fortunately, a practical solution for devolution of government does exist. Metropolitan cities embedded within the existing provinces can be created by the federal government without involving constitutional amendment. Ordinary legislation by parliament can create law for the creation of metropolitan cities.
These cities will relate in all matters to the province in nearly the same manner as a province relates to the federation. Metropolitan city governments will be 'de facto.' provinces. The classic example is that of New York city and New York state.
Karachi is our first claimant to metropolitan city status. Lahore, Peshawar and Quetta also have their own, but somewhat lesser claims to similar status. Should this happen, there will be eight regional centres of devolved governance instead of the present four. The metropolitan cities will hold over 20 per cent of our total population.
Parliament, should in a democratic way determine the set-up and powers of a metropolitan city. Preferably, a metropolitan city should not double as a provincial capital. Historical but post-partition neglected cities such as Hyderabad, Multan, Kalat and Abottabad, etc should be given an opportunity to serve as the new provincial capitals.
I cannot think of any mega city worldwide with the size of Karachi without its own government and legislature. Karachi has grown from a population of a lakh in 1902 to over 12 million-plus today, an increase of 120 times in the span of this century. It is among the top 10 metropolis of the world. From a population of under half a million in 1947, it has expanded 22 times since independence. The population of Karachi today exceeds the entire urban population of Pakistan at the time of the birth of the state.
There are several impressive statistics that highlight the importance of Karachi. It contributes to 20 per cent of the GDP, 45 per cent of value added product, 25 per cent of Federal revenues and holds 50 per cent of Pakistan's bank deposits. But none of the statistics is as impressive as the fact that the rate of literacy is almost 90 per cent both for boys, and more importantly, girls who have been born in Karachi, irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds. As we shall see below, this fact has important consequences.
The urdu-speaking population is industrious and very adaptable to skilled jobs. For example, in the central district - Karachi has five districts namely East, West, South, Central and Malir - the average household enjoys an income four times the national average and twice that of the multi-ethnic West district.
One further statistic: Urdu speakers are a little over half the population of Karachi, followed by Punjabi speaking 15 per cent and Pushto speaking 8 per cent. The original Sindhi,Baloch population makes up 11 per cent, illegal immigrants mainly from South Asia account for the rest.
Karachi and the interior of Sindh do not live in the same century. It is not ethnicity that divides - for Karachi is multi-ethnic and multicultural - so much, as two differing chronologies that barely overarch one another.
A feudal or semi-feudal economic relationship is the dominant feature of interior Sindh. The feudal state is, of course, the antithesis of the modern state in all respects. Karachi on the other hand which contributes to 40 per cent of Pakistan's large-scale manufacturing product and employs 25 per cent of the total work force has a proletarian-cum-self-employed artisan base. The economic pyramid is typical of early but sustained capitalism. It looks west to Dubai and beyond for inspiration and east to Bangkok and Singapore for competition.
Karachi's fundamental problems arise from two causes. First, white collar unemployment. Over 100,000 secondary school graduates enter the market annually. A secondary school qualifier aspires for the middle class up market. New jobs in the white collar segment are a fraction of the total upwardly mobile jobs available. Having a regular pay day and associated benefits in one of the many hoodlum gangs that have sprouted in Karachi provides a sort of dubious macho status employment for an intelligent, educated, unemployed youth, if the doors of gainful employment or emigration are almost closed.
The second weakness arises from the political structure. The chief executive of the province and the political centre of gravity of any Sindh government is provided by the rural Sindh. Coming from the boon docks of the interior to be rulers of Karachi with all its glitter, is a mind boggling experience for a feudal grandee. All chief ministers of Sindh (barring one) since 1985 (when political activity was resumed) have been corrupt to the bone; their ministers and camp followers, no less so. They have no vital stake in Karachi. Once in the saddle, Karachi has been open to loot and rapine in the name of democracy. Witness the vulgarity of their homes, conspicuous consumption and style of living and transport of our non-income tax-paying legislators
These spoilt grandees of rural Sindh are least suited to make Karachi, the silicon city of Pakistan, like Bangalore in India. Karachi has the potential of providing the skilled and educated manpower that the world needs. The Kalashnikov toting masked young men, once schooled in the technologies needed in Y2K can then regard the world as their oyster. Many of their cousins in India have become new information technology millionaires in less than a decade. It may interest the readers to know that the richest man in India today is a young Muslim. He is the Bill Gates of India. He is worth, according to Forbes magazine, $ 1.5 billion: This is more than the total foreign exchange reserves of Pakistan today!
Those who think that a rich metropolitan Karachi will someday opt out of the federation, like Singapore need have little fear. The federal presence in Karachi is strong. The harbour, port, armed forces, cantonments, the headquarters of nationalized banks and heavy industry such as the Steel Mills and refineries will continue to remain under the federal control in Karachi.
The people of Karachi would only wish to separate from the federation, if no legitimate outlet is provided for the energy and potential that multi-ethnic Karachi promises. And what is good for Karachi's governance is also good for Quetta, Lahore and Peshawar. All our present provincial capitals have developed at the expense of their respective interiors.
It was a mistake - an injustice - to attach the old state of Bahawalpur, to Punjab in 1969. Southern Punjab remains alienated, deprived and neglected. It has always viewed Lahore in despair. It will be an act of historic justice if the capital of Punjab is shifted to Multan or Bahwalpur, after Lahore is declared a metro city. One of the great losses of Pakistan has been the loss of the melodious Saraiki language and its culture. The same is also true for the Hindko, Balochi and Brahui languages and cultures.
The ancient and honourable languages and cultures of Pakistan must be taken out of the closet. We must not react to the teaching of our regional languages in schools as if this would provide the seeds for the disintegration of the country; nor, should we make its learning in schools compulsory. If we do not honour our cultural past, the future will be much like the present: an alienated plastic existence in concrete jungles. We must sweep inwards to reach for the real core of Pakistan. By moving our new provincial centres to the interior, new energies will be released.
The struggle for freedom is still on a half century after independence.