The appeal of Emilio Aguinaldo, who signs himself President of the Philippine republic,
addressed "to the civilized nations, and especially to the great North American republic,"
gives his version of the causes of the Philippine conflict. He entitles his manifesto "An
Authentic Review of the Philippine Revolution." The appeal, written in Spanish, was sent
to this country and fell into the hands of Mr. Erving Winslow, of Boston, Eastern
secretary of the American Anti-Imperialist League. Mr. Winslow, who says that it came
into his hands accidentally, sent a translation of it to the Springfield Republican, which
published it the morning of January 25. The Republican, which is one of the leading
anti-imperialist journals, says of Aguinaldo's review:
"Aguinaldo's statement must go out for what it is worth. That his is a partizan relation
goes without saying. There is bitterness in it, of course, for this could not be otherwise
under the circumstances; the statement of facts will be open to dispute at many points;
people opposed in an armed contest never see alike; but the value of this Filipino
presentation is twofold. It offers an opportunity for sizing up the man whose leadership
his people have invited and welcomed, and to which they adhere under extraordinary
stressful circumstances with dogged loyalty, and it presents the other side....
"Undoubtedly there are inaccuracies in this narrative by the Filipino leader, while the
discrepancies with the testimony of American officials are often sharp and irreconcilable.
He writes with a national bias, just as General Otis or Professor Worcester writes with a
bias equally strong. It will be the task of the impartial historian to discover, if possible, the
actual truth as between the conflicting witnesses." As Aguinaldo's review repeatedly avers that Admiral Dewey promised the Filipinos
independence, The Republican sent a set of proof-sheets to the admiral, asking for such
comment as he might care to make. Response was received through his private secretary
as follows:
"The admiral, after examining this article, adheres to his determination not to talk of the
matter, at least until after the report of the commission is made public."
Aguinaldo's statement, in a few words, is that he was induced to cooperate with the
American troops against the Spanish by definite and repeated oral promises from Admiral
Dewey and others, guaranteeing Philippine independence; but that after Manila was
taken by the combined forces, it became evident that American control of the islands was
contemplated, an impression soon confirmed by President McKinley's proclamation
issued January 4, 1898. Aguinaldo protested, "threatening also to open hostilities at once,"
but, reassured by General Otis, he did not do so. The American forces, however, he says,
unexpectedly attacked the Filipinos the night of February 4, 1899, when most of the
Filipino officers were away on furlough. The war has continued from that time to the
present, General Otis refusing all requests for an armistice. The Filipinos are determined,
says Aguinaldo, to defend their country's liberty "to the death," and he appeals to the
American people to recognize the justice of their cause.
The first promise of Philippine independence, says Aguinaldo, was made to him in
Singapore, where he was in hiding. When Consul Pratt asked him to renew the rebellion
against Spain, Aguinaldo asked "what advantages the United States would concede to the
Filipinos?" The consul said he would cable Commodore Dewey, and, continues Aguinaldo
--
"in the morning the conference was renewed, Consul Pratt stating that Admiral Dewey
had answered with regard to my wishes, that the United States would at least recognize
the independence of the Philippine Islands, under a naval protectorate, and that there
would be no necessity for putting down this agreement in writing, as the word of the
admiral and the American consul was sacred and would be kept, being not at all like that
of the Spaniards, adding finally that the North American Government was very
honorable, very just, and very powerful."
When they parted, a few days later, the consul "suggested to me that I should name him
as representative of the Philippines in the United States in order to obtain promptly the
official recognition of our independence," and Aguinaldo promised to do so. Reaching
Manila on the McCulloch, May 19, 1898, Admiral Dewey sent his launch for him at
once. Aguinaldo continues:
"The admiral received me in his saloon, and after the first exchange of courtesies, I asked
him whether all the telegrams which he had sent to Mr. Pratt, the consul at Singapore, in
regard to me were authentic; he answered me in the affirmative, and added that the
United States had come to the Philippines to protect the natives and to liberate them from
the yoke of Spain. He said, besides, that America was rich in land and money, and had no
need of colonies, finally assuring me that there would not be any doubt with regard to the
recognition of the Philippine independence on the part of the United States."
Aguinaldo says that he mentioned to Admiral Dewey the fear felt by some of the Filipino
leaders that the United States might turn upon the Filipinos after the war with Spain was
over, and deprive them of their independence; but the admiral reassured him with new
promises of independence and encouraged him to devise a Filipino flag, which he did,
flying it over towns taken by the native troops and over Filipino boats in the bay. When
the independence of the Philippines was proclaimed by the dictatorial government on
June 12, 1898, in the town of Kawit, however, "the admiral, through his secretary,
excused himself from being present, alleging that this was his mail-day." During an
interview in July, however, Aguinaldo says that Admiral Dewey said to him:
"Trust to my word, which I pledge, that the United States will recognize the independence
of this country. But I recommend that you maintain the greatest reserve with regard to all
that we have said and agreed upon."
Manila was captured on August 13, the Filipinos attacking at the same time as the
American troops, altho Aguinaldo does not say that they were ordered or asked to
cooperate, or were even notified of the time of the attack. General Merritt asked
Aguinaldo to order his troops not to enter Manila, a request which Aguinaldo refused,
because the native troops had been fighting severely for months for the very purpose of
entering Manila. When General Merritt insisted, however, Aguinaldo gradually withdrew
his forces to the edge of the city. "Until then," he says, "and even until the day on which
the Americans openly started hostilities toward our people, I had cherished in my soul the
most well-founded hopes that the American generals would maintain in behalf of their
Government the agreements made verbally with the chief of the Philippine revolution,
notwithstanding the symptoms to the contrary."
"These hopes, however," he says, "vanished entirely" on learning that Mr. McKinley, "at
the instigation of the imperialistic party, had decided to annex the Philippines." This news,
says Aguinaldo, "struck like a lightning bolt into the camp of the revolution. Some cursed
the hour and the day on which we had verbally negotiated with the Americans; others
censured us for having given up the suburbs." The majority wanted to send an ultimatum
to General Otis, but Aguinaldo restrained them. Aguinaldo still believed that the promised
independence would be given them. He says:
"I was also confirmed in this opinion by the circumstance, not less evident and notorious,
that the other American generals who arrived after the glorious victories of the admiral,
Generals Merritt, Anderson, and Otis, proclaimed to the Philippine people that 'America
had not come to conquer new territories, but to liberate their inhabitants from the
oppression of Spanish rule.'"
"Joy and satisfaction returned again to the hearts of all the Philippine revolutionists" when
they heard the glad tidings that the United States Government had decided to send a civil
commission to treat with the Filipinos in regard to the government of the islands; but
meanwhile "the abuses of the Americans became in many cases unbearable." Aguinaldo
says: "I could fill a whole book if I continued to relate one by one all the abuses and
brutalities committed by the American soldiers in these days of general anxiety." These
abuses, he thinks, were "ordered, or at least officially tolerated, with the evident intention
of provoking a fight" before the commission arrived, so that they would see the country in
a state of war and think the imperialistic policy necessary. Aguinaldo says that the
Filipinos "would have come to a friendly understanding and settlement with the said
commission, if the same on arriving had found the country at peace." He continues:
"We Filipinos would have received this commission with proofs of true friendship and
complete adherence as honored agents of great America. The commission would have
traveled through all our provinces, seeing and observing directly the order and tranquillity
throughout our territory. They would have seen the fields plowed and sown; they would
have examined our constitution and public administration quite at their ease."
But on the 4th of January, 1899, a proclamation was issued, "establishing in the name of
the President, Mr. McKinley, the sovereignty of America in these islands, threatening
ruin, death, and desolation to all who failed to recognize it." Then, he says:
"I, Emilio Aguinaldo, humble servitor of all, but President of the Philippine Republic,
charged as such to watch over the liberty and the independence of the people which has
elected me to that high but thorny position, mistrusted for the first time the honor of the
Americans; comprehending at once that this proclamation of General Otis had passed the
boundary of all prudence, and that there was no other remedy than to repel by force of
arms such an unjust as well as unlooked-for proceeding from the chief of a friendly army.
"I protested against that proclamation, threatening also to open hostilities at once, as the
whole nation was crying 'Treason.'"
Now General Otis resorted to conciliatory measures. He appointed a commission to
confer with the Filipinos, heard what they had to say about the abuses and about
independence, and promised to inform the Government at Washington of their desires. At
this the expectations of the Filipinos ran high again, "the majority giving themselves up to
the most flattering hopes." Most of the Filipino generals went home on furlough. Then,
says Aguinaldo, "came the fatal day of the 4th of February, on the night of which the
American troops suddenly attacked all our lines, which were practically abandoned."
The anti-imperialist press have long asserted that at this point Aguinaldo sent a message
to General Otis saying that the hostilities were not begun by the Filipinos, and asking for
an armistice that the misunderstanding might be settled peaceably; but General Otis, the
story goes, replied that as the fighting had now begun, it must go on to the bitter end.
Aguinaldo, in this review, makes no mention of this alleged incident. He does say,
however, that while our civil commission was in the Philippines, he asked General Otis
three times for a suspension of hostilities so that he might confer with them, but General
Otis replied "that he would not suspend the hostilities as long as the Philippine army would
not lay down their arms." Aguinaldo makes no mention of having received assistance,
directly or indirectly, from the anti-imperialists in this country.
Aguinaldo then asks if General Otis and the Administration have forgotten their promises
and the services of the Filipinos. Pointing to the Cubans, he says: "Are we less worthy of
liberty and independence than these revolutionists?" The closing paragraphs are an appeal
to the honor and sympathy of the American people.
The Hartford Courant says:
"The one really important question raised anew by this missive from Tarlak is whether
George Dewey recognized the insurgents as allies of the United States and repeatedly
promised Aguinaldo on his honor that they should have political independence. Aguinaldo
reaffirms that he did. George Dewey has told the President and the country that neither
on May 19, 1898, nor on any other day did he give Aguinaldo any such promise. It is the
word of a Malay adventurer -- a Malay 'patriot,' if you please -- against the word of an
American admiral and gentleman. Erving Winslow and the Springfield paper are at
perfect liberty to make their choice. We made ours some time ago. We believe George
Dewey."
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