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Roldan, Mary (1997), Citizenship, Class and Violence in Historical Perspective: The Colombian Case in the Meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Continental Plaza Hotel, Guadalajara, Mexico.
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Review(1999/4/15)
Roldan, Mary (1997), Citizenship, Class and Violence in Historical Perspective: The Colombian Case in the Meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Continental Plaza Hotel, Guadalajara, Mexico.
Roldan reveals
the double sides of Medellin, which is the regional capital of Colombia
in this article. The one side is the orderly, efficient and incorrupt management
of municipal services; the other side is characterized by routine weekend
massacres of males in the citys poorest neighborhoods. Roldan thinks
it is because urban class differences contribute to the urban violence
and the unequal political participation and citizenship in Medellin. The
region of Antioquia in Medellin has developed since 19th century because
of mining, commerce and coffee production. These economic, political and
social power concentrated in the hands of a broad network of extended families,
and social peace tended to be guaranteed through the access to economic
opportunity and the assertion of paternalistic philanthropy. The rural
migrants and refugees crowded into Medellin through late 1950s and settled
on the hillsides that surround Medellins wealthier inhabitants. There
is existing bifurcated urban consciousness: for example, the gang leader
(Antonio) described the center of Medellin as a cannibal ready to consume
the slum dwellers; however, Medellins wealthier inhabitants treated the
poor as diseased and disorderly people. In 1980 because of debt, Latin
America was facing economic restructuring and declining in public investment.
The unemployment rate was increasing and the narcotics trade was absorbing
the unemployment and alienated youths in the comunas of Medellin. The growth
of drug economy made regional economic successful and redefined the codes
of taste, consumption and behavior in Medellin as well. Moreover, this
situation challenges the previous political and economic entitlement that
was limited to a privileged few. However, after the imprisonment of drug
leader (Pablo Escobar) in 1991, those people engaged in narcotics organization
turned to kidnapping, assault and rubbery. Some other armed neighborhood
groups organized themselves in clean up campaigns to rid their neighborhoods
of drug dealers, prostitutes, homosexual, molesters, rapists and thieves.
Roldan thinks that urban violence is the strategy with which the urban
disenfranchised attempt to participate in Medellins society. Finally,
the inhabitants of the comunas experimented with and articulated a different
vision of democratic and community participation, a different vision of
legitimacy and authority, that has fundamentally changed the definition
of citizenship in Medellin. In this article Roldan looks into the political
and economic causes of urban violence instead of moral condemnation, however,
does urban violence only result from class conflict? Is there any conflict
between gender or ethnic group? If we expand our historical perspective,
is urban violence also the colonial legacies of the Third World countries?
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