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Learn about the history of
CYPRUS
The first British military forces
disembarked at Larnaca on 8-9 July 1878, and on 12 July they arrived
at Nicosia via Famagusta. The occupation of Cyprus was effected
peacefully and on 22 July 1878 the first High Commissioner, Sir
Garnett Woolsley arrived at Larnaca. From an international
point of view, according to the Anglo-Turkish Convention of
Istanbul, Great Britain was taking up the possession and
administration of the island, but the de jure jurisdiction over it
continued to be vested in the Sultan. This international status
continued until 1914 when the island was annexed to the British
Empire. To avoid any misunderstandings with the Turkish authorities,
the Cypriots continued to be considered Ottoman subjects until 1914.
Initially, the British High Commissioner was responsible towards the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but after December 1880 the Cyprus
affairs were transferred to the jurisdiction of the Colonial Office
in London. With the British occupation, the internal administration
of Cyprus was fundamentally reorganised. The executive power was in
the hands of the High Commissioner who governed with the help of a
group of senior British administrative officials. An Executive
Council, comprising the highest British officials, had only a
consultative status. The most significant change which the British
occupation brought about in the administration system was the
introduction, for the first time in the history of Cyprus, of some
parliamentary forms through the establishment of a Legislative
Council.
The British administration did not,
however, mark the end of the exploitation of the Greek and Turkish
Cypriots by heavy taxation. The main problem which gave rise to
continuous political protests by the population of Cyprus since the
beginning of the British occupation was the fact that the British
had imposed taxes to cover the compensation which they were paying
to the Sultan for the concession af Cyprus to them. This arrangement
was provided for in the Convention of 1878 and meant that Cyprus,
although under British occupation, would have to pay a tax of
tribute to the Sultan. The amount of this compensation had been
agreed in the Convention of Istanbul as 92,799-11-3 (eleven
shillings and threepence!) and had been calculated on the basis of
the average of the surplus of collections over expenditure during
the last five years of the Turkish occupation. According to a
British official estimate of that time, the sum of the compensation
corresponded to a taxation of 10 shillings (half a pound) per
Cypriot (men, women and children), which was too high considering
the incomes and the purchasing potential of the citizens at the
time. In reality, the sums collected as above were never paid to the
Turkish Treasury; they were actually used in repayment of the
interest due to the British and French holders of the bonds of the
Ottoman public loan of 1855, which the Ottoman Government had
denounced in 1875-1876 and which thus had to be repaid by the
guarantor governments of France and Great Britain. This arrangement
implied considerable financial burdens and sacrifices for the
Cypriots, who had nothing to do with the loan, and who continuously
protested. The injustice done to them was repeatedly recognised even
by British officials, including Winston Churchill who, as Deputy
Minister for Colonies, visited Cyprus in 1907.
The development of the population of
Cyprus in the four decades which followed the British occupation
presents certain demographic and ethnological trends which
substantially lead to the formation of the population features of
modern Cyprus. This development emanates from the reliable figures
of the official censuses of the Brifish authorities, which were
collected every ten years commencing from 1881. On total, the
population of Cyprus presents a steadily rising trend. So, in 1881
the population reached the figure of 185,630, in 1891 209,286, in
1901 237,022 and in 1911 274,108. On a communal basis during the
same period we have the following picture:
| . |
1881 |
1891 |
1901 |
1911 |
| Greek
Cypriots |
73.9% |
75.8% |
77.1% |
78.2% |
| TurkishCypriots |
24.4% |
22.9% |
21.6% |
20.6% |
| Latins |
1.1% |
0.4% |
0.4% |
0.3% |
| Armenians |
0.1% |
0.1% |
0.2% |
0.2% |
| Maronites |
. |
0.6% |
0.5% |
0.4% |
| Other
Groups |
0.5% |
0.2% |
0.2% |
0.% |
From the above table we see a
continuous reduction in the number of the Turkish Cypriots, due to a
small emigration to Turkey after the British occupation. Besides,
some basic changes in the infrastructure of the economic life of the
island, during the first 35 years of the British administration
(construction of roads, drying up of marshes, electrification,
re-forestation) affected the social process both as regards the
Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots.
The Ottoman Penal Code was replaced
in 1928 and in 1935 the principles of the British Common Law were
enacted. In 1946 the important law on Immovable Property was
introduced. Generally the British courts were fair and impartial,
justly winning the respect of the people.
The
Ethnic Consciousness of the Cypriots
After the Greek revolution of 1821 and the establishment of the
Greek state, the Greek Cypriots expressed practically the wish of
'Union' with Greece, as it happened with the Ionian Islands and
later with Crete.
This feeling of the Greek Cypriots began to be formed since the
era of the Turkish occupation and was expressed later at the time of
the British occupation. These expectations for 'Union'
were expressed by the 'Ethnarchy' (supreme
ecclesiastical authority, which represented the Greek Cypriots in
the political sector since the first moment of the British presence
in Cyprus). The development of the 'Union' movement of the Greek
Cypriots was a sequence of the close ties between Cyprus and Greece
due to the common cultural and religious history. During Turkish
occupation the manifestation of nationalism was clandestine and
feeble due to oppression. On the contrary, during the British
occupation, the freedom of expression allowed by the British gave
the possibility to the Greek political and religious leaders to
nurture the idea of 'Enosis' (Union). The demand for 'Enosis' was
initially propounded by the Church and then by the politicians in
the Legislative Council, and the various committees formed for the
promotion of the national cause.
Great Britain used the Turkish-British Convention of 1878 as an
excuse. Its main argument was that it could not deal with Cyprus as
it wanted, for, by virtue of this Convention, the Sultan's
sovereignty over the island was still in force. But this pretext
could not be valid any more when Britain, taking advantage of the
entrance of Turkey into the First World War by the side of Germany,
annexed Cyprus to the British Empire on 5 November 1914. The British
Government continued to be very clear and categorically negative on
the satisfaction of the demand by the Greek Cypriots for 'Enosis'
with Greece. The British administration in Cyprus was defending its
position by always bringing to the forefront the presence of the
Turkish - Cypriot community which was opposed to 'Enosis'. The fact
that Lord Kimberly in charge of the Colonial Office
between 1880-1882 did accept that Cyprus was different from the rest
of the British Colonies and that the vast majority of its
inhabitants contributed much to what is known as European culture,
could not change the policy of his successors. This policy did not
change even though prominent British politicians like Gladstone,
Churchill, Lloyd George, Lord Crew, Lord Milner etc.
accepted as logical the aspirations of the Greek Cypriots for 'Union
' with Greece.
ln July 1903 the Greek members of the Legislative Council voted for
'Enosis', by majority and the Turkish members abstained. On 9
October 1907 the Deputy Minister for Colonies at the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, Winston Churchill, arrived at Famagusta where
the quay and the streets were full of Greek colours and slogans for
'Enosis'. On 16 October 1915 (the First World War had already
erupted) the British Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Gray,
informed by telegram the Prime Minister of Greece, Alexandros Zaimis
and the High Commissioner of Cyprus Sir John Clawson, that Great
Britain was ready to transfer Cyprus to Greece if Greece ceased to
be neutral and immediately proclaimed war against the enemies of the
Entente powers. The Greek Government rejected the offer as the King
of Greece who was of German origin was playing an important part in
politics and did not want Greece to fight against Germany and her
allies. In Cyprus the rejection of the offer was received with great
disappointment by the Greeks and a sigh of relief by the Turks.
On 5 December 1918 a Greek Cypriot delegation comprising the
Archbishop and the nine Greek Cypriot Deputies left for London in
order to ask of the British Government the realisation of 'Enosis'
of Cyprus with Greece. The Turkish Cypriots then sent a memorandum
to the Minister for Colonies on 23 December, requesting the
continuation of the British administration.
When the First World War broke out and the Ottoman empire sided
with Germany, Great Britain annexed Cyprus on 5 November 1914. In
July 1923 the Treaty of Lausanne settled the international status of
Cyprus. During the period between the two wars there occurred a
noticeable change in the demographic picture of the population. The
1921 census had shown the fol- lowing percentages: 78.8% Greek
Cypriots and 19.8% Turkish Cypriots. These percentages changed to
79.5% Greek Cypriots in 1931 and 80.2% in 1946 and to 18.5% and
17.9% for Turkish Cypriots, respectively. The reduction in the
percentages for the Turkish Cypriots was due to a small scale
emigration to Turkey after the annexation of Cyprus by Great
Britain. Under Article 21 of the Treaty, the Turkish subjects who
were permanent residents of Cyprus on 5 July 1914 would be deprived
of their Turkish nationality and become British subjects. Because of
this a small number of Turkish Cypriots preferred to emigrate, an
act that Turkey was strongly recommending, though with very little
success. By virtue of Article 16 of the same Treaty, Turkey
renounced all her rights and demands on Cyprus. In 1925 Cyprus was
proclaimed a Crown Colony and the British Government tried to
contain Greek nationalist feelings with a policy that resulted in
the uprising of 1931.
The crisis of Cyprus society, which had not yet come to surface,
was reflected in the Legislative Council, and burst out in April
1931, when the government of Sir Ronald Storrs decided to impose a
law for increments in the customs duties, in an attempt to balance
the budgets. This law did not pass, because the Turkish Cypriot
deputy Misrlizad Netzati Bey voted against it together with the
Greeks. However, the Governor enacted this law in September 1931 by
an executive order. Meanwhile people were demanding constitutional
changes but the British Government reacted negatively. In addition
to this it applied a stricter policy regarding education etc.
It is within this climate that the events of October 1931 evolved
rapidly into demonstrations and acts of civil disobedience on the
part of the Greek Cypriots, leading finally to clashes and bloodshed
with the British administration. The October uprising was suppressed
by severe measures and restrictions for all Cypriots.
In the thirties and forties Greek and Turkish Cypriot workers in
the Transport and Port Workers' Trade Union cooperated closely. On 6
March 1939, at the meeting which led to the foundation of the
Limassol Porters' Trade Union, 40 Turkish Cypriots were present. A
fortnight later the first committee of the Famagusta Porters' Trade
Union included three Greek and an equal number of Turkish Cypriots.
The period of 1938-1948 is of particular importance for the
Cypriot workers, for that was the period of the big strikes of
Greeks and Turks together in an attempt to gain the 8-hour working
day, the cost-of-living benefit, better working conditions, labour
legislature, social insurance, improvement of wages etc.
A most important event for the people of Cyprus was the decision
of Governor Lord Winster for constitutional changes. To discuss such
changes Lord Winster called a meeting for 1 November 1947, which was
named 'Diaskeptiki'. In the discussion that
followed Greeks and Turks were present. The Turkish Cypriot
delegates rejected the proposition for self-government and the same
happened with the Greeks but for different reasons. The right wing
rejected it because it was closing the door for Union with Greece
and the left wing because it was not envisaging a true self-
government. Thus the meeting was dissolved without progress.
After two world wars in which the Greeks fought on the side of
the British, they thought it right and demanded that Britain should
leave aside all intermediate stages and give a permanent solution to
the Cyprus problem according to the will of the vast majority of the
people, which was 'Union' with Greece, in ex- change for British
military facilities in the island.
Britain, thinking still in terms of being an Empire, turned down
outright the idea of offering Cyprus to Greece and this stance
inevitably led to the armed conflict of 1955-59.
A political event which influenced for the worse the labour and
political relations between Greeks and Turks in the following years
was the plebiscite for 'Union' with Greece, which took place on 15
January 1950 and was conducted by the 'Ethnarchy'.
Out of the 224,757 Greek Cypriots who had the right to vote
215,108, or 95.7%, voted for the 'Union'. Among those who voted for
'Union ' were 800 Turkish Cypriots. Generally, the majority of the
Turkish Cypriots reacted strongly to this organised expression of
the Greeks' desire to unite with Greece. The slogan 'Enosis'
gradually became the main weapon in the hands of the British
colonial administration which, applying the policy of
"divide and rule", created all those conditions
that favoured the intercommunal clashes. At the end of 1951, the
first purely anti-Greek Turkish Cypriot organisation was founded
under the name of VOLKAN- which started organising the Turkish
Cypriot minority under the slogan "Cyprus is Turkish".
Successor to VOLKAN was the chauvinist and terrorist organisation
TMT (Turkish Resistance Organisation). This organisation turned its
activity against the Greek Cypriots and those Turkish Cypriots who
favoured the peaceful coexistence and cooperation between the two
communities. By 1958 they were killing Turks as well as Greeks in
order to prevent any form of cooperation of the two. TMT applied
also other methods for promoting its chauvinist aims, such as
intimidation, beating etc.
The armed struggle of EOKA, started at dawn on 1
April 1955, was taken advantage of by the British in order to
involve Turkey as an interested party in the Cyprus problem, and to
create a 'cold climate' between the Greeks and Turks of Cyprus. In
May 1956, following clashes between Greeks and Turks, the British
drew a dividing line in Nicosia.
The activity of the terrorist organisation TMT, the murder of
progressive Turks and similar acts gave rise to panic and fear among
the Turkish Cypriot population, who were thus obliged to withdraw
from the Trade Union Movement and gradually to sever themselves
completely from the Greek Cypriot working people.
Besides, the setting of fire to Greek houses in the Turkish
quarters of Nicosia, Larnaca and Limassol, the murders of Greek and
Turkish Cypriots in many parts of the island, created conditions of
great turmoil in the relations of the two communities. Using the
intercommunal troubles of 1958 as evidence, the British tried to
argue that "it was impossible for the two communities to live
together in peace". So even though the Ottoman Empire lost
Cyprus in 1878 and in 1923 it was deprived of any legal rights on
the island, Britain effectively involved Turkey in the affairs of
Cyprus once again. In fact in 1958 a partitionist plan the socalled
MacMillan plan, was proposed and because of this imminent danger,
the Greek Cypriots abandoned their struggle for self-determination
and were obliged to compromise and accept an independent Cyprus. In
this way they avoided temporarily as it happened the partition of
their country as envisaged by the MacMillan plan. Thus on 19
February 1959, Britain, Greece, Turkey and representatives from the
Greek and Turkish communities of Cyprus signed in London the complex
agreements that created the Independent State of Cyprus.
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