Ross Perot, Reform Party, 1992

Billionaire businessman H. Ross Perot ran for president in 1992 on the strength and momentum of his political movement, the Reform Party. National attitudes, and Perot's persona and politics, produced an impressive yield: Perot was the third participant in the 1992 presidential debates with Clinton and Bush. He won nearly 20 percent of the popular vote in the general election. His core ideology became the nation's agenda -- in D.C. and around the country. And his party prospers today, with indisputable premier status.

The early 1990's were a sad time for American democracy. The public's level of trust in its government had steadily declined since the 1950's. Two-thirds of Americans were unsatisfied with the Clinton administration. Two-thirds were also unsatisfied with Congress. A 1992 Gallup poll concluded that the "country's opinion of Congress has never been lower." 69 percent of respondents in another poll agreed that incumbent politicians "will never reform the political process."

Not surprisingly, the public's perception of the two major political parties was also suffering. Almost one-half of voters said that America needed a "new" political party. More than two-thirds said that they would be willing to vote for a third party candidate, depending on his views. Theodore Lowi, president of the American Political Science Association and Cornell University professor, said, "The popular preference for an alternative to the Republican and the Democratic candidates goes well beyond the public opinion base of any and all independent candidates in modern times."

Ross Perot's self-financed candidacy tapped national attitudes. As a successful Texas businessman with no political experience (he had never held elected office, worked in a bureaucracy, or studied public policy), Perot was the ultimate outsider. With a sinking economy, and intense public disapproval of the political status-quo, many in the Washington establishment were trying to portray themselves as outsiders. But only Perot fit the bill, and he harnessed the nation's rage.

Perot successfully identified the sources of America's anger. People felt removed from the political process, vulnerable to the souring economy, but with a frustratingly apathetic, stubborn, and unresponsive federal government. (Reagan's budget cuts, tax cuts, and devolution, which Bush supported and later proposed, worsened the situation and Bush's reelection campaign.) Perot's response was aggressive television advertising campaigns, including conventional, 30 second spots and half-hour paid "infomercials." The strategy portrayed Perot as a down-to-earth outsider who was not afraid to discuss issues and present real solutions.

Perot frequently focused the infomercials on deficit reduction, his pet project. The presentations often included Perot's colorful graphs and appealing humor. Deficit reduction was new on the national scene; even with previous administrations' enormous deficits, Perot was one of the first voices to persistently advocate balancing the government's budget, and reducing the nation's three trillion dollar debt. The public, worried about the worsening recession, was eager to blame their problems on irresponsible government spending and management, and the burgeoning deficits and debt were perfect targets. The financial chaos was "robbing future generations of their inheritance," Perot argued, and his emphasis on deficit reduction was therefore particularly persuasive to younger voters, many of whom had previously not participated..

Perot's multi-billion dollar fortune was not in such disarray; he was a successful businessman. It was an appealing image: not only did Perot's finances represent many Americans' fantasies, but his business sense seemed a prerequisite for fiscal responsibility. Moreover, Perot's campaign had other ideas, such as tougher law enforcement and a stronger national defense, both of which soothed Americans' fears and insecurities.

Anger with America's lagging economy, frustration with the government and career politicians, and Perot's appeal as an honest outsider with intelligent ideas combined to form an expansive grassroots network that promoted Perot. His campaign was built from the ground up. Its localized structure was intrinsically appealing to voters, and it also represented their inherent distrust of D.C.'s decrees. The Perot campaign's effective organizational structure not only boosted Perot in the 1992 elections: it sustained his movement, and its party, at least to 2000.

Indeed, by the middle of the summer before the 1992 elections, Perot, who had technically not yet declared his candidacy, was in a statistical dead heat with Bush, and had a ten point lead over Clinton. Polls and pundits predicted Perot's presidency. One group projected that by election day between 43 and 51 percent of voters would support Perot, and that he would "easily win." APSA president Lowi called Perot's support "unprecedented."

Perot agreed, but would not take credit. He said:

"We've got a guy with a bad regional accent who does not look like Robert Redford, who has a huge net worth, who in one minute on television said if everyday folks all over this country want to put me on the ballot, and they want to go out and do all the hard work to get it done, I would run as their servant and I won't belong to anybody but them. That's a very unlikely scenario that would within two months put this odd character ahead of the other two candidates in California, Texas and Florida, and in . . . basically a dead-heat three-way race, for a guy that's not even a candidate yet, something interest[ing]'s happening out there, right? It has nothing to do with me. It has everything to do with this country and the concerns of the people in this country. I'm just the catalyst that gave these people an outlet for their concerns. I'm not surrounded by people writing my scripts, powdering my face, telling me what to say and do. It's just what you see is what you get. Seems to work."

Perot's undeniable success left the Commission on Presidential Debates with no choice but to include Perot in its nationally televised debates. For the first time, the presidential debates had three participants. Perot's performance actually did not help him. His political inexperience was clear, and his popularity began to slip.

In the November election, Perot received more than 19 million votes, although he failed to win a state, and therefore received zero electoral votes. He won nearly 20 percent of the popular vote, which is the highest received by a 20th Century third party candidate, other than Teddy Roosevelt, as a Progressive, in 1912.

The Reform Party's relative success created waves. It drew immediate and desperately needed attention to the nation's disillusionment with and distrust of its government. Deficit reduction became a major campaign theme, and it suddenly turned into the nation's top legislative priority. His campaign's focus -- outsiderism, infomercials, grassroots organization -- fundamentally altered the political landscape, and paved the way for future presidential and congressional businessman-candidates, including Steve Forbes, and outsider-based campaigns.

The 1994 midterm elections were largely a result of the intense national attitude that swept up Perot in 1992. The 1994 congressional election was not a referendum on the Republican's Contract or a sign of conservatism's triumph. It was much more: people wanted change, and 1992's results did not satisfy them.

Perhaps most important, the Reform Party still exists as a potent political power. Starting in 1994, Reform candidates have spread throughout the country, in national, state, and local elections. Perot ran for president again in 1996, and won nine percent of the vote, a drop that he partially attributed to exclusion from the televised debates. In 1998, Reform candidate and former-pro wrestler Jesse "The Body" Ventura won Minnesota's gubernatorial election, and became the first reformer to win statewide office. As the 2000 elections approach, candidates (including Pat Buchanan and Donald Trump) are courting the Reform Party's nomination.