It was  thirty  years before the  commencement  of our  present era that Egypt
exchanged the yoke of the Ptolemies for that of the Romans. It was in the year
642 A.D. that the treason of a renegade native delivered her into the hands of
the Arabs.   Though Egypt had been more  or less Christian since the preaching
of St. Mark,  her faith had been at  variance with that  of her masters during
the greater part of these six centuries.

Until 323 the State religion of Egypt was pagan; from  about 340 to 380 it was
generally Arian; and after 451 it became, to give it the name used by Egyptian
historians, Chalcedonian.   The National  Church  of Egypt, whether   right or
wrong in her rejection of Chalcedon, fairly claims that  she has remained ever
the same--rejecting   all later creeds   than that of   Nicea, and refusing to
acknowledge any Pope  but her own.  Since the  conquest of the country by  the
Arabs the State  religion has always been Moslem,  and  has gradually absorbed
into  itself the greater  part of  the Egyptian nation.   Still there are--not
seven thousand, but more than seven  hundred thousand, who  have not bowed the
knee to Baal; and with a pathetic pride those who  have remained faithful call
themselves, not the Church, but the nation.

It has been a popular notion for some centuries  that Europe owes to the Arabs
her science and much of her learning.  In one sense this is partly true, ``for
what  they  were  able to  assimilate   in course  of  time  from  the ancient
civilisations which they destroyed they passed on  in a more or less imperfect
form to Europe;  but a careful study of  history shows us that they originated
nothing  of  value.  The  Arabs   through the   tenth,  eleventh, and  twelfth
centuries  invented  the Arab art  and  architecture which spread  through the
Saracen  world were  Greek,  Armenian,  and   Circassian rulers who   employed
Egyptian architects and developed existing styles.  The  very names which used
to be quoted as proof of an  Arabic origin are found by  modern research to be
Greek or  Egyptian,  pronounced  or  written as  if  they were  Arabic.   (For
instance, 'Alchemy' is  of 'El Khemi' or Egypt.)   In Egypt their  physicians,
their architects, their engineers, and their  artisans were all natives of the
country, and for  some centuries Christians  as well.  Even  now  any place of
trust, or any post where superior intelligence is needed, is filled by a Copt,
and generally by a  Christian Copt.  This  may appear a startling assertion to
make, but it will be borne  out by anyone  who will take  the trouble to study
the  history of  Egypt  under the  Moslems,  and  who  will  put aside popular
prejudice in examining her condition at  this day.  The  Arabs, and after them
the  Turks, were splendid soldiers, and  had  some virtues which the Egyptians
would have  done  well to emulate;  but  at heart [t]heir  idea  of government
is personal aggrandisement,  and  their idea of  civilization  personal luxury
[19].

At  the outset  of  their  career the  Arabs,  however, were  far superior  to
personal luxury.  Their food was of the simplest, their couch of the roughest,
and they despised the refinements  which they afterwards so coarsely imitated.
Amr was almost aghast at the wealth and  splendour of Alexandria, and wrote to
Omar in extravagant terms of  his conquest.  But  though he writes much of the
baths and  the shops, he says nothing  of the books  or the works of art which
still adorned that city and  everyone knows the  story of the library.  Gibbon
throws doubt upon its  destruction, but his only good  argument against  it is
the silence of the  contemporary writers, and this is  by no means conclusive.
It was not till they had lived  among the Egyptians  for a century or two that
the Arabs realised  what they had done.  At  the time it  must  have seemed to
them  a most trifling  incident.  One of the  most  learned of the Alexandrian
scholars of that  day--one hesitates to call him  John Philopompus, because it
seems almost impossible  that he can  have lived so long--sought an  interview
with the conqueror,  and entreated that the books  of the Alexandrian  library
should  not be    dispersed or destroyed,    but might  be delivered to    his
guardianship.  Amr, we learn, was inclined  to grant his request, but inquired
with curiosity what he could possibly want with the musty old parchments.  The
scholar replied indignantly, but incautiously,   that some of them were  worth
all the  riches of Alexandria put together.   Amr replied that,  if so, he was
not empowered to give  them to the first man  who asked for them, and referred
the question to Omar.

The Kaliph's decision was simple.  ``If these books  contain nothing more than
that which is written in the book of God (el Koran), they are useless; if they
contain anything contrary to the  sacred book, they  are pernicious; in either
case, burn them.'' It is written that the books sufficed  for six months' fuel
for the public baths of Alexandria [20].

While  engaged   in arranging the  affairs  of  Alexandria the  Moslem general
received  a  strange embassy.  The monks  of  Nitriit in Scetis had  mixed but
little with politics for some time, and we do not hear of their taking part in
any of the petty  civil wars and futile rebellions  of the sixth century.  But
the tidings that  the  Byzantines had been driven  out  of the land by  a  new
power,  whose very name  was unknown to  them, but who--so the rumour ran--was
favourable to the Egyptians and to their  National Church, drew them once more
from their  desert retreat.    In  solemn procession they came,   barefoot and
roughly clad but with all  the dignity of an independent  state, to treat with
the new conqueror.  They demanded it  guarantee of their safety and liberties,
and the return of their rightful Patriarch, Benjamin, to Alexandria.  Amr must
by  this time have  been  well aware of  the   importance of conciliating  the
National Church.  He  at once gave the monks  the charter they  desired--which
Makrizi says that he  saw still  preserved  in one of their  monasteries eight
hundred years   afterwards--and wrote a letter to   the Patriarch  Benjamin to
assure  him  that he  was  henceforth free  to show  himself  as openly  as he
pleased.   Benjamin lost  no  time in  returning  to Alexandria,  where he was
received with    great joy.  The Byzantine Pittriarch,    Cyrus, did  not long
survive the downfall of all his  hopes.  He was  taken ill on Palm Sunday, and
died in three days.  A man named Peter was elected--whether by the Court or by
the bishops of the Byzantine Church in  Egypt--in his place; but, finding that
Benjamin was  recognised  as  the   only  true Patriarch by  Amr,   he quietly
abandoned   his  post, and  withdrew to   Constantinople   with  the Byzantine
refugees.   For sixty years after his  death no attempt was made  to  set up a
Greek Patriarch in Egypt.

From Alexandria Amr sent an expedition into Pentapolis, but did not attempt to
occupy the country which, since  the Arab conquest,  has practically ceased to
form  part of the Egyptian dominions.   He contented himself with carrying off
an enormous booty,    consisting chiefly of  cattle, and   a  great number  of
captives, who were reduced to slavery.  After this he returned to Babylon, and
began to build a new town for himself and his followers, a little to the north
of  the older city. [T]he recorded  actions of Amr  show him to  have been not
merely  a successful  soldier,   but a statesman; and  he   fully realised the
importance of keeping his army  separate from the  inhabitants of Babylon  and
Memphis.  He exacted enormous sums from the conquered people, but for the rest
he let them alone, and governed them through men  of their own nation.  In his
time the promise which  he had given of religious  liberty was  strictly kept;
justice, even if it strongly resembled tyranny, was dealt alike to Melkite and
Monophysite, and the native Egyptians were ready to acknowledge that they were
better off under the infidel  than they had  been under ``the Chalcedonians.''
Amr had the Nilometers from Phila to Rhoda  put into sorely needed repair, and
gave orders that Trajan's Canal, since then known as El Khalig [21], should be
cleared out and prolonged.  He regulated and  simplified the administration of
justice,  but permitted the Egyptians to  be judged by  their own compatriots,
and the  decisions of the   Moslem  Kadi were  only  binding  on the  army  of
occupation.  He built the first mosque in Egypt on the  site where the present
mosque of  Amr,  though more than once   rebuilt,  still stands;  but  all the
columns needed  for  it were brought  at  a later  date  from the  churches of
Memphis--a precedent which has been  followed ever since,  the Arabs having no
faculty for stone-carving,  though  in time they learned  how  to cut  a plain
shaft with a mere block for base and capital.

While Amr  was  thus   usefully   employed  in  Egypt, the  Caliph    Omar was
assassinated, and one of the first acts of his successor, Osman, was to recall
Amr from  the  scene  of his successes,  and  nominate  his brother  (the same
Abdallah who, according to some authorities, had served in  Egypt, and was the
first to enter  Nubia) Viceroy of  Egypt.  Abdallah was  appointed in 647, but
cared little to enter on his new duties.  He increased  the tribute payable by
the  Egyptians, but  thought  more of   extending the Arab  conquests than  of
governing well the  countries which had submitted to  him.  One expedition had
already been  sent into Nubia,  or the country  south of  Aswan, and the first
thought of  the new  governor   when he   went  to Egypt   was to  avenge  its
comparative failure.

THE SOUDAN EXPEDITION

Though the Roman  or Byzantine rulers of Egypt   had never really  established
themselves for  any length of time  beyond  the limit of Phila,  the bloodless
conquest of paganism by Christianity in  all these southern countries had been
going on steadily for  centuries.  The Christian religion at  the time  of the
Arab invasion was professed not only  in the valley of the  Nile, but far down
to  the  southern frontier  of Abyssinia, on  the eastern  side of the African
continent.  All these countries  acknowledged the head  of the National Church
of  Egypt  as  their  Pope.  There were  a  number  of politically independent
Christian kingdoms  between Aswan and  Abyssinia, which, it must be confessed,
fought  a good deal among themselves;  but  on the  whole,  as even Mohammedan
historians  acknowledge, this part of Africa  was  never so well settled, well
governed, and well  cultivated as at  this time.  Not  even Egypt herself  has
suffered so terribly and her civilisation been so effectually destroyed by the
Arab and Turkish  invasions as these  kingdoms, which  under  the influence of
Christianity had but just begun to emerge  from the chaotic condition which we
have learnt to regard as the normal state of the African interior.

Opinions differ as to whether  Amr marched in  person against Nubia in 643  or
sent  an army under  the command of   one of his   Emirs.  In the  Book of the
Conquests, by Ahmed el Koufi, the author writes that Amr ebn  Aas was in Egypt
when he  received a letter  from Omar,  commanding  him to march on  Nubia and
conquer this country, the country of the Berbers; of Barkah; of Tripoli in the
west; and all the provinces belonging  to them Tandjah, Afrahenjah, until Sous
el Aksa.

Amr, the  writer adds, had intended to  send the sum  of ten  thousand dinare,
which he had  just received as tribute from  the Alexandrians, to Omar; but on
receiving these orders he divided them instead among the soldiers of his army,
and after making the necessary preparations sent Abdallah  ebn Said into Nubia
with 20,000 men.

Abdallah  allowed his soldiers unbridled licence;  they spread themselves over
the country, murdering and pillaging on  all sides.  After the first surprise,
however, the Nubians gathered together for the defence of their country to the
number of 100,000 (?),  and attacked  the Moslems with  so much  courage that,
says their historian, ``they had never experienced so terrible a shock.''  One
of  the  principal Moslem  warriors told  the  writer afterwards  that  he had
``never  seen men  aim  their arrows with such  skill  and precision as  these
Nubians.''  He declared that during  the war it was not  uncommon for a Nubian
to  shout to a Moslem to  know in which particular member  he  preferred to be
struck; and if the Arab  mockingly  answered the  challenge and mentioned  any
particular part of his  person, he  instantly received an  arrow in  the place
indicated, without fail.  But  ``they preferred  to  aim at the eyes  of their
enemies.''

In the end the victory   remained with the Arabs, but   they gained little  by
their  success at first, not even  a single prisoner  since the Nubians fought
to the death.  The Moslems judged it expedient to retreat across the frontier,
and it might  have been long before they  ventured again into  a country where
they had met with so stubborn  a resistance, had it not  been for the rashness
of  the  Nubians themselves,  who  in the following years  made  more than one
expedition into Egypt, and did much damage.  The Arabs after the death of Omar
were greatly hindered by internal dissensions, and Amr was recalled from Egypt
by the new Kaliph  while the new governor, Abdallah  ebn Said, did not go near
the place for some time.  Had the Egyptians combined with the Nubians to expel
the  invaders at this  juncture,  there is little doubt  that  they could have
succeeded with ease.  But the  Heaven-sent leader of  men, so greatly  needed,
did  not   appear, and  the  opportunity  was  lost.   The   Nubians exhausted
themselves  in   objectless   raids and  in    the  year  653   Abdallah,  who
had now taken over the government of Egypt, marched again  into Nubia with the
resolute purpose of subduing that troublesome country.

He penetrated as far as Dongola (the Dongola of the seventh century was nearly
a hundred  miles south of  the present town) and laid  siege to that city.  He
constructed a stone-throwing  machine, the like  of which had never been  seen
among  the Nubians and  directed it either  by accident or design, against the
principal church of the city, to such good purpose that in a short time it lay
in ruins.

The  fall  of  their  great church seems  to  have  intimidated the Nubians as
nothing-else could have done, and their king (whose name is variously given as
Kalidourat, Balidaroub, and Kalidourdat--none of which  versions are likely to
be correct) opened negotiations for peace.

Eventually a formal treaty was concluded between the Arabs and the Nubians, in
which the former agreed not to invade Nubia, and  to give aid, if called upon,
in the wars of the latter.  In return the Nubians were to allow a mosque to be
built in Dongola for those Arabs who might desire  to settle there, and to see
that no harm was done to it, and no Moslem annoyed or hindered in the exercise
of  his  religion.  They  were even  to  hold themselves  responsible  for the
cleaning and lighting of this mosque.   Moslems were to  be allowed free entry
into the country, but no  fugitive slave from  the  Arabs in  Egypt was to  be
given shelter.

The worst feature  of the treaty was the  clause which laid the foundation  of
the Arab slave trade--so difierent an affair from the domestic servitude which
has existed   from time immemorial in Oriental   countries.  Three hundred and
sixty slaves from  the interior, of both sexes,  among whom should be found no
old man or old woman  or child below the age  of puberty,  were to be  brought
every year to the Governor of Aswan, for the Imam.  As may be imagined, it was
not long before forty slaves were required as a backsheesh for the Governor of
Egypt in addition to  the three  hundred and sixty  forwarded to  the reigning
Iraart.  Presents of wine, wheat, barley, and fine robes for  the king were to
be  sent in exchange;  but occasionally  the  Mohammedan governor for the time
being  had  scruples   about   the  wine.   Another question   of   conscience
subsequently arose--whether, so  long as the  tribute of s]aves was duly paid,
it was  just  to take  slaves from Nubia  beyond the  stipulated  number.  The
Mohammedan  judges to whom the question  was  referred made no difficulties in
deciding that all slaves taken in the wars which constantly prevailed in these
countries--which, indeed, were bound  to prevail for  the purpose of obtaining
slaves for the tribute--and all  those who had been reduced  to a condition of
slavery in their own country, were legitimate trade.

It  is also  recorded  by  Moslem   authorities  that  one  of  the  principal
inhabitants of Nubia presented a mumba, or pulpit, to the new mosque of Amr at
Fostat, and sent Victor, Iris own carpenter, who  was a native of Denderah, to
fix it in its place.

The Egyptians were not slow to  feel the difference  between the government of
Amr and that of Abdallah, and in  the year 657  they showed unmistakable signs
of preparing  for a general  rebellion.  Abdallah left  the country to consult
the Kaliph; but a conspiracy had  already been formed  by the Arabs themselves
against Osman,  and Abdallah was hardly out  of Egypt  before that country was
taken  possession of by one of  the principal  conspirators,  whom the army of
occupation appear to have  readily received.  Osman  hastily promised all that
was demanded of him  by the Arab rebels, and  in particular the request of the
Egyptian party--that Abdallah should no longer be  their governor.  But secret
instructions having been   found on one   of Osman's messengers that the   new
Governor of  Egypt, Mohammed ebn  Bekr, was to  be assassinated as soon  as he
reached the country, the indignant Arabs appear to have made common cause with
the Egyptians against the Kaliph.  They marched upon Medina, killed Osman, and
elected Ali in his place the commotions which followed, Egypt was left without
a governor; two were  named, but were  dismissed or died without  entering the
country, and the appointment of  Mohammed  ebn Bekr  was finally confirmed  in
A.H. 37.

The Moslems,  however, were still  disunited.  Ali  reigned in Persia, Arabia,
and Egypt; but Syria  was in the  hands of Moawiyah, and Amr  was on his side.
In the year 660 (A.H. 41) the assassination  of Ali and  his son Hussein, with
the abdication  of his  elder son Hassan,  left  Moawiyah  sole master  of the
Moslem world.

ABD EL AZIZ

Moawiyah is the  first Kaliph of the dynasty  of the Ommyades, so called after
Ommyah, the great-grandfather of Moawiyah.  Egypt had reason to rejoice in his
accession,  for he at  once restored the  governor whom they  had respected as
well as  feared--Amr ebn Aas.  He died,  however, about a year afterwards, and
Moawiyah sent  one of  his younger brothers,   Atbah, to govern  Egypt.  Atbah
dying within  the year, another  man was appointed  and speedily dismissed; so
that  Egypt had three successive governors  within as many years.  Finally, in
664  (A.H. 45) Mosleima  was appointed  Governor of Egypt,  and remained there
till his death in  681 (A.H. 62).  During these seventeen  years and the three
years  of his successor, Said ebn  Zezid, Egypt remained in comparative peace,
though  in all   other  parts of    the  Saracen Empire   there  were constant
dissensions and  civil wars, owing  to the struggles   of the different Moslem
leaders for supreme power.

About a  year  before  the accession  of   Moawiyah, Benjamin,   the  National
Patriarch  of Egypt, died  at  a ripe  age.   He had laboured unremittingly to
encourage and strengthen  the members of the National  Church,  to refound the
monasteries which had been pillaged   and destroyed in the recent  commotions,
and to reform  the morals of  his people.  He had sent  a  new Metropolitan to
Abysssinia, and with him  a monk named Tekla Heimanot,  of great sanctity, who
is held in reverence to this day, and credited for being  the first founder of
monasticism  in that country.  Benjamin's last  act   was to consecrate  a new
church to St.  Macarius in the desert settlement of Nitria.

 [1] These towns were so near together that they are  now confounded under the
     name of Abousir-Bana, near Samanhoud.

 [2] In 598 Gregory wrote  a letter to Eulogius of  Egypt, which must interest
     all Englishmen.  After congratulating  the  Patriarch on his  success  in
     reviving the Byzantine Church in Egypt, he tells him of the efforts which
     he on his part is   making for the conversion of   the Angles.  He  tells
     Eulogius all about  the mission of St. Augustine  to England, and relates
     with joy that at the last Christmas no  less than ten thousand pagans had
     received Holy Baptism.

 [3] The  town  which  rose upon   the ruins of   Aykelah was  called  Zawiet.
     Professor Amelineau identifies it with the present Zawiet-Sakr.

 [4] In Egypt  the Archangel Michael  had taken the place of  one of the pagan
     gods, to whom they were   greatly devoted.  In   the fourth century  Pope
     Alexander solemnly broke the brazen image of this idol in Alexandria, and
     altered the temple into a   church. But he   only won the consent of  the
     people by promising them that they  should find the patronage of Michael,
     to whom  he dedicated the  church, far better  for them than that  of the
     idol, and that nothing  should be changed  in the yearly feast which they
     had been wont to celebrate, save only that it should be held in honour of
     Michael instead of the idol.  This ancient heathen feast has been kept in
     Michael's honour ever since.  The Egyptians have a legend that on one day
     in  the year the mouth of  the  pit of purifying fire  opened,  and it is
     Michael's privilege to plunge  into it  and bring up  as many  souls into
     Paradise as he can carry on his wings.

 [5] Athribis is ruined, and its place taken by the modern town of Beuha.

 [6] It is said that  Benjamin was cheered in his  flight by  the vision of  a
     celestial messenger, who  foretold to him  that within ten years the Lord
     would deliver the  Egyptians by the advent of  a  nation circumcised like
     themselves, and that   by them the  Byzantine yoke  should be broken  for
     ever.

 [7] It is curious that almost the only  lasting result of the attempted Union
     of Heraclius in Egypt has  been to impose  the observance of this fast on
     both Churches alike.

 [8] This date used to be given as 638, but modern researches have established
     it two years later.
 
 [9] Omar's reply was to the effect that if Amr were already on Egyptian soil,
     he might go forward; if  not, he must return. Amr  having reason to guess
     what was in the letter,  refused to open   it until he camped within  the
     frontier of Egypt.

[10] Menas, or Mena, was such a common  name in Egypt  that a surname, usually
     Greek, was often attached to those who bore it.

[11] It was not uncommon for Egyptians of the Imperialist  party to take Greek
     names, but no instance is known of a Byzantine taking an Egyptian name.

[12] The  ancient religious name for Memphis  was Ha ka  ptah.  When the Arabs
     came,  they called it  Agupta (hard  g), and the  inhabitants  Agupti. In
     course  of time it became Gupt  and Gupti, which the English mispronounce
     Copt and Coptic.

[13] The story of Armenosa is taken from El Wakedi, and not from the papyri or
     from the chronicle, which is here imperfect.

[14] This name is probably corrupt.

[15] Nikius is the Greek name  not only of  a city, but  a district called the
     Isle of   Itikius, lying between   two branches of    the river. Both the
     district, which  was a diocese, and the   city had but   one name also in
     Egyptian--Pshati.  This   older name is still preserved,   but given to a
     modern hamlet in the same district-- Ibshadi.

[16] Khereu, now  El Kerioum, about   twenty miles from  Alexandria, whence it
     used to be considered the first halting-place.

[17] Then occurred--so  runs the  graceful   legend which  shines  out from  a
     background of  treachery and bloodshed like &  gleam of sunshine on a day
     of storm--a curious  incident.  When the order was   given to strike  the
     tents of the  Moslem camp, some one told  Amr  that a  pair of doves  had
     built  their nest on  the roof of his tent,  and that the young ones were
     not  yet   fledged.  Amr at  once  gave  orders that  they  should not be
     disturbed,  and that his tent should  be  left standing  as  it was until
     his return from Alexandria.

[18] Since the above was written, a new census has been taken  (in 1897).  The
     figures  are not  yet  published, but it is  currently  reported that the
     total population is now over eight  millions, of which about nine hundred
     thousand are acknowledged Christians of the National Church of Egypt.

[19] The pure-bred Arab in Egypt,  represented by the present Bedouin  tribes,
     is  still superior to  personal  luxury;  but  the reigning Arabs  of the
     eighth  to  the eleventh   centuries  degenerated almost  as   quickly as
     their Turkish successors.

[20] It is true that  the ancient library of Alexandria   was burnt by  Julius
     Caesar,  but   it was shortly  after  replaced  by   the rival library of
     Pergamus.

[21] This  ancient canal is   now  being filled  up  (1897)  by order  of  the
     English sanitary authorities. It is not known yet whether the Pharaonic
     festival of the Nile will be discontinued in consequence.