Hermann Goering

13. THE SCHLEICHER GOVERNMENT

Of all the Chancellorships of post-war times one can well say that Schleicher's was the most pitiful. Schleicher hoped to keep himself in power, hoped to be able to govern, by playing off one side against the other, by promising every Party a great deal and not keeping any of his promises. The absurd idea of getting support for himself from the Marxist trade unions, which had already completely broken down, shows by itself this man's entire lack of political understanding. His idea of splitting the National Socialist party from within and of enticing away some of its subordinate leaders in order to checkmate Hitler shows the same lack of political understanding. Strasser, up till then one of the most powerful men in the movement, worked with Schleicher against the Leader, and in the middle of the fiercest battle, and five minutes from the goal, attacked his Leader from behind. While the Leader was fighting Schleicher in this hard struggle and was holding with iron will and dogged determination to his demand for the Chancellorship, Strasser was negotiating with Schleicher behind Hitler's back in order to get a place in the Cabinet. It was Strasser who was seeking to win over other officers in the Party to his side in order to bring pressure to bear on the Leader and to force him to yield. These gentlemen had thought it all out so splendidly - Schleicher Chancellor and Minister for Defence, Strasser Prime Minister of Prussia and Vice-Chancellor. But Hitler was to be pensioned off and robbed of all power.

Hitler had strictly forbidden all his collaborators to carry on independent negotiations. I, who was then his political representative in Berlin, received my instructions daily drawn up beforehand in the most exact terms. Thus during the negotiations the Leader always held the reins firmly in his own hand. Now Strasser tried to get round this prohibition and therewith wantonly set fire to the solid structure of the National Socialist Party. The Movement can pardon everything except faithlessness towards the Leader; it never forgives disobedience, indiscipline or treachery. As soon as Schleicher's and Strasser's action became known a cry of rage went up. The other leaders, followers and supporters felt themselves more firmly bound to Adolf Hitler than ever before. Now more than ever all were determined to follow him blindly in iron discipline and to carry out all that he ordered. The negotiations were broken off. Schleichr was Chancellor, and therewith began the same passionate struggle as had been carried on against Papen. But for Schleicher we had not the personal sympathy that we had had for Papen. Schleicher had tried to bring disloyalty into the Movement in order to break it up. And that was not playing with one's cards on the table. For the third time the German people's hope that it would at last be saved was destroyed. One could hardly think that this extreme tension would pass off without an explosion. Pessimists declared that the Movement was now losing ground, that the Party could not stand this third disappointment of its hopes, and that supporters were beginning to drop off. Again Hitler was urged to give in. But now, too, in what was perhaps the most critical decision he had had to make, Hitler remained firm. Above all the noise and chatter of the crowd his goal shone clear before him and, with prophetic gaze, he saw that his time was no longer distant. Here again we know today that we have to thank Providence that Hitler did not become Chancellor in those November and December days. For as things were then he would have had to have taken General von Schleicher as his Minister for Defence, and, since his treachery was not then known, Gregor Strasser would have been Minister of the Interior. Therewith both instruments of power would have been in the hands of men who at heart were out of sympathy with Hitler, and would in fact have rather seen him fall than prevail. Right from the beginning the Cabinet would not have been homogeneous; it would not have been able to work together harmoniously. That would necessarily have led to acute conflicts, and who can say what would have been their outcome?

And so this temptation passed too, but only because of the iron will and the wonderful political instinct of our Leader. The attacks continued. The masses participated perhaps more passionately than ever in the meetings and electoral battles; the Government was attacked still more hotly and ever and again they and their party confederates were driven into a corner. More and more did the people come to realize, and the old Field Marshal came to realize it too, that Schleicher's Government was incompetent and impossible. In addition to this, the President was disgusted with the way in which Schleicher had brought about Papen's fall and also with the way in which he was now governing. But Schleicher's sole political support was the confidence of the President. Only with the confidence of the President could he play his part; ever and again he was forced to borrow the authority of the venerable Field Marshal in order to fight his political battles. We all knew that if we could only enlighten the President and if he would then withdraw his confidence, Schleicher would be done for. There would not have been one man, whether among the people or in the army, who would have been ready to fight for him. And so the year 1932 came to an end in such a turmoil of political passions as the German people had never before experienced. The suspense was almost unbearable and even more bitter conflicts were threatening, for the most difficult part of the winter was still to come. When the year 1932 came to an end Germany had reached the depths of suffering. The German people's time of trial had been marked by countless sufferings. The beginning of the coming year would either bring collapse or recovery. All the parties, all the leading politicians, all groups and associations had been tried. One had, so to speak, taken the last and the best horses from the stable and let them run. But they had all broken down. Men as well as parties, they had all failed.

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