3xx4 (Letter from Col. William Martin, son of Brigadier General Joseph Martin to Lyman Draper - transcribed by William Kent Martin)

Dixons Springs, July 7^th 1842

Lyman C. Draper, Esqr.

Dear Sir

I have just received, under cover of one, from my highly valued friend. Col. Campbell, our representative in Congress, your favor of the 14^th of May last, making inquiries of the life and services of my father, as one of the "Pioneers of the West" - that you were preparing to publish a book, etc.

I have anticipated those inquiries, in an extended communication sent on to you, some time ago, pursuant to a letter to my brother J. C. Martin, as I have before advised you. In that communication, I gave the strong, and leading features of my fathers character. Some suggestions in your letter to me however, require that I explain, in some particulars, and subjoin some additional facts.

Know then, that my father was not at the battle of the Island Flats as Col. Fountain supposes: for, it was just about that time, that the Powels Valley Settlements broke up, owing to the abrupt outbreak of the Indians. My father was, at the time, absent from the valley, or, they would not have broken up, as was believed.

This place (Martins Station) was about fifty miles in advance of the then frontier, on Clinch river, and on the road to Ky, 120 miles from the later. Thus, this whole region of country, from Clinch to Ky, 170 miles, remained unsettled, (owing to the hostility of the Indians, and the undesirableness, of a great part of it, being mountainous and bare) until about 1783 or 1784, my father determined to make another effort to occupy his favorite, Powels Valley. He engaged men to go and settle there, (meaning his old station) but did not go himself, still being Indian Agent... He employed a man to take charge of some hands, stock, etc. kept up a blacksmiths shop, built a mill, etc. This was the only settlement then between Clinch and Ky., and was of great relief to travellers, the roads being much infested with Indians. I went there in the early part of 1785 being 19 years old - continued two years, and shared freely of the dangers and privations incident to our situation, all this time, the Indians depredating.

Although there were intervals of nominal, general peace, it was never so, with those remote and thinly settled forts. After a while, people began to settle on the road between Clinch and this Station, two or three families, or more, together, for protection - to raise supplies for travellers - the advantages of a new country, etc. And here, I will relate an incident, of some interest, coming within my own knowledge - namely - Among the families settled as above, were those of Archibald Scott (a man of more than ordinary consideration in those regions) and - _____Ball, who had settled together, about midway between Clinch & the station, say 25 miles from each. With those families, especially Scotts. I became intimate in travelling back and forward. At length, I had been to Clinch on business, returning, in company with Wm Hord, my mate (a term there used among us for intimates). We called at Scotts and got refreshments. This was in the month of June 1785. Some four or five days after this, the Indians killed Scott, and all his family, except his wife. Her they took prisoner. She finally escaped and returned. I saw her soon after, and she gave me the following narrative. Viz: One night, just after dark, her husband and children (four) having gone to bed, she being up and the door open, the Indians jumped into the house, (the first notice they had) and shot and killed her husband, as he rose from the bed, - then dispatched the children. In the mean time, one fellow laid hold on her and protected her against the violence of the others. They then rifled the house of such thing as they thought proper to take, and among others, her saddle (The other family, Balls, defended themselves and were not injured.)

The Indians (nine in all, one and old man,) now directed their course N. Westerly, over that tremendous bed of mountains, which give rise to the Cumberland, Kentucky, and Sandy rivers. The weather was hot, she was rather fleshy than otherwise, of good size - good appearance - good sense - and good character, aged from 25 to 30 years old. She said they were quite civil & kind to her, and would assist her up the mountains, still directing their course towards the Ohio. She indulged some hope that as Hord and I, had shortly before, passed to the Station, we might hear of it in time & knowing our character for intrepidity, that we might raise men and pursue them. On the 3th day, they came to some horses (five) supposed left by them as they came in, and was the reason for taking her saddle, having carried it all along. They then mounted her on one of the horses. About this time, they separated, leaving with her three, the old man being one.

They went on two or three days & encamped, waiting, as she supposed, for the others. The young men went out to hunt, leaving the old man to take care of her. Late in the evening, he was busily engaged in graining a deer skin. She took advantage of his inattention, and slipped off. She travelled all night, and in the morning discovered (she was near the camp - was much alarmed and hesitated, whether to deliver herself up to her former captors, and undergo, through life, all the miseries of savage bondage - severality and horror, or make an effort to go back. She finally determined on the latter, hopeless as was the prospect, being not less, perhaps, than a hundred miles from relief, though a trackless wilderness of the most tremendous mountains, interspersed with savages - poisonous reptiles - and ferocious beasts of prey.

She had no weapon of defense, not even a knife - no means of subsistence, nor any way to make fire. Discouraging however, as was the attempt, she with that indomitable courage, so common to women, determined to make the venture, for her soul sunk neither her at the thought of savage bordage with its whole train of misery and degradation - and that death would be far preferable. With this determination, she set out, trusting in God, for help. She came to the trail made coming on - thought of taking that, which might conduct her back, but was afraid of pursuit for she discovered fresh tracks on it. She persevered, subsisting on hurtleberries of which there were abundance. These, with one land terrapin & a small fish constituted her entire subsistence for thirty three days. For she was known to be about forty two days, and was with the Indians nine, as she said.

She was bit by a copper head snake, on one of her feet, which did not affect her much. She finally arrived at the settlements, some 50 or 60 miles from the place where taken, and about that distance farther. Unreasonable and romantic as was all this I believe its correctness was never disputed. She married afterwards and raised a family.

My father did not command a campaign against the Cherokees in 1781, as Haywood says. That campaign was from the back parts of Va., composed of horsemen, commanded by Col. Arthur Campbell. For, it may remembered, that although Sullivan County of N.C. at that time, lay directly between Washington County of Va. and the Cherokees. The north boundary of this county (Washington) was exposed for a great distance, and was much harassed since this campaign from that county.

My father, ever reckless for daring enterprises, raised, in Sullivan, a considerable body of men, and joined Campbell, as auxiliary, reserving an independent command. For, in these wars, military etiquette was but little observed - the great matter was, as get men into the field, and when fighting came on, everyone fought for himself, officers and all. And the best officers were those that fought best, a good deal like the Indians, leaders rather than commanders.

So that command was more nominal than real, and in fighting it was always expected the officers would lead in, any failure to do this, would be marked as cowardice, and the officers cashiered, not by a court martial, but by acclamation. They went on in the latter part of the autumn of that year 1780, and returned sometime in the following January. (This was a remarkably mild winter.) Sometime after the march, Col. William Campbell, (the hero of Kings Mountain) with a body of men also from Va., came to reinforce the others, and encamped on the Long Island. About this time, I arrived there from Va. on business (then just 15 years old) and joined those troops. They lay there sometime, the commander wishing to know the condition and situation of the other division of the army before he moved. He therefore determined to send an express for the purpose. For this purpose, he selected John Payton (father of the distinguished Balie Payton, now Atty. Gen. of La.) William Love, Michael Doherty, and one other, whose name I have forgotten, four in all, to bear this express, they, possessing that kind of enterprise and daring, suited to the occasion. Before this, I had become pretty much attached to Peyton, and wished to go with those men. Whether this proceeded from my attachment to Peyton, or a desire to see my father, then in the other line, or whatever else, I was extremely anxious to go, but was told I was too young for so dangerous a trip. Col. Campbell discovered my anxiety and objected - said I was a smart little fellow, and that he would take me into his mess. Those men went on, and met the army returning. The army had surprised the Indians, killed a good many - took and brought in many prisoners - Laid waste many of their villages - and returned with but little loss. My father's appearance on their return, although more than 60 years ago, is now vividly before my eyes. His fine manly form - his hunting shirt and leather leggins - his large horsemans sword and pistols and mounted on one of the fines geldings, for an occasion of the kind I ever saw. He called him the Fallen Brown.

He then had the title of Major. His corps did most of the killing. He, having an independent command and being acquainted with the country, would wing off at will, scout the country and return at pleasure, while the main army kept compact. When they arrived at the Tennessee river, a quarter of a mile wide, it was difficult crossing. My father was near being drowned in attempting to swim it on his fine Brown.

These eruptions - into the Cherokee Country were frequent, owing to the predatory warfare continually carried on by them. And as it is important for a Biographer, in doing justice to his subject, to know something of the times and circumstances - and the leading characteristics of a people from among whom he may select his heroes - and as it is probable that I know more of that part of the country under consideration, from tradition, and actual observation, (to say nothing of history which is a good deal imperfect) than any man now living. I will attempt an outline, tho it may be imperfect, yet sufficient for your purpose.

It may be known then, that during the war of '36, fort Chisel, on new river, was a fortified garrison, and (one of that cordon of posts established by Washington on the western frontier, and the one farthest South, on the west of the Blue Ridge - and at the southern extremity of the great valley, lying between this ridge, and the Allegheny mountains & also about 30 miles west of this ridge. The interval is poor and mountainous, and thinly inhabited. To the south of this garrison, and wet frm the Blue Ridge, the country is mountainous and poor each way, for a great distance, and then uninhabited. The Flour Gap in the Blue Ridge, where the line between Va. & N.C. crosses, took its name from that of packing flour on horses, through that Gap, from the other side to Ft Chisel. This place took its name from an English gentlemen by the name of Chisel, who had discovered lead ore near that place.

He established a foundry, (called Chisels mines) and carried on an extensive business for a great many years - and it was of considerable importance in furnishing lead during the Revolutionary war.

The French War being over & the Indians at peace, the frontier, which had long been pent up by the war, began to expand. From this point, Ft Chisel, westward, there was a pretty open country, varying in width from 30 to 80 miles for a great distance, (bordered on each side N. & S. by mountainous regions) a good deal of which is now comprised within the counties of Wythe and Washington Va. and Sullivan - Washington and Carter Tenn. Within this region, emigration began, and continued to flow, slowly (once in a while interrupted by Indian wars) & until the outbreak of the Revolution. At this time, the settlements had advanced to the neighborhood of the Long Island of Holston, and formed a kind of peninsula, more than 100 miles from Ft. Chisel.

It may be remarked, that, at this time, there were no settlements to the N. or S. of this whole bounds, except there an there a squatter to hunt etc. Thus isolated, and the war coming on (all the western Indians taking part with the enemy,) they, the Indians, commenced and continued, with short intervals, as desolating war, on those frontiers, for many years. History has told something of those wars, but not one fourth of the suffering and privations. The prowess and daring of these people never can be told. Finding themselves thus situated, far removed from succor, owing to the claims the Government had on all its resources, to support the war against the common enemy they were obligated, of necessity, to rely on themselves alone for protection, annoyed as they were by the Cherokees (then a powerful people, on their front & south quarter) and by the Shawnees and other tribes, no less powerful, on their north. They finally sustained themselves. This was a remarkable race of men, generally poor, but of the enterprising, chivalrous description, and well fitted for the occasion on which, from circumstances, they were called to act. Every man considered himself a soldier - had his horse and his rifle, which he knew well how to use. Always ready to join at short notice, his fellow on any emergency. This was general, all having a common interest, and that the most vital, their homes, their families, and every thing most dear to man.

Thus was formed among them a kind of tacit league and covenant, which all regarded as most binding. No wonder then, to see spring out of this mass, those mighty spirits, as my father - Sevier - Shelby - Campbell (Wm) and many others of minor consideration, and who figured so conspicuously in the public theatre, during those times. For then, as in all revolutions & ebullitions, mind and power, could not fail of developing themselves.

It would surprise men of this puny generation, to see the power those men would exercise over their followers. This was a power however, conferred by God in nature, much more effective than that on parchment. Hence their frequent and successful campaigns, not ordered by Govt. for it had but little to do with them, their attention being necessarily diverted to a more vital quarter. But whenever those great leaders, or any of them thought proper, to move a campaign for the common good, he would send out his runners, and here would come the men, mounted and equipped at their own expense, and knowing too, that hey were to get no pay from Govt. (I mean during the war of the Revolution.) These campaigns were not confined to the Indians, but several were made over the mountains to Carolina, during intervals of peace with the Indians, to aid their brethren there. That to Kings Mountain was the most important.

Thus did these men, with scarcely the shadow of aid from Govt. not only maintain themselves, under all these disadvantages, against those powerful tribes of Indians, but afforded also, considerable assistance to our armies in other parts. And these were the people, among whom my father spent many of the best years of his life.

This sketch of western parts of N.C. & some of Va. being the truth substantially, may perhaps, assist you in drawing out several characters, besides my father, coming as I suppose within the purview of your contemplated work, such as Gen. Campbell - Gov. Sevier - Gov. Shelby - Gen. Robertson - Gen. Smith - Co. Anthony Bledsoe - and Col. John Donaldson.

In my other communication, I purposely omitted a pretty important item, in the history of my fathers life, from a wish to throw a veil over it: but on reflection, conclude to give the particulars. Viz: When he was appointed agent of the Cherokees, he took a young half breed Cherokee, by the name of Betsey Ward , to wife. She was of the most distinguished clan of the whole tribe, and of one of the first families of that Clan. (For there was then, a marked distinction between families among them, as in civilized life.) Her mother, Nancy Ward, was said to have more character than any woman there, of her day - was wealthy etc.

With this woman he lived the greater part of his long agency - Mostly at the Long Island, but sometimes in the Nation. Once in a while he would go home to Va. stay a while & return. And strange as it may seem, it never produced any discord between him and my mother. Such was her affection for him, and such was his address, that he quieted all concerned except myself. For when I had got to be a big boy, & had been there, and seen all, I became mortified and much disgusted, and when I went home, advised my mother, one of the best of women, to leave him, for which she rebuked me sharply. Although after my mother's death (of whom I was very affectionate) & which happened when I was 17 years old, he had me about him for several years, and I was obliged to connive at what I say, but felt indignant - and all through life, it shaded, in some measure, my veneration for him. And more strange still, that a year or two after my mothers death, he married a lady of considerable distinction, she knowing all about it.

And he continued in this way, for several years, without discord with her. By this Indian woman, he had a son and a daughter, very promising. When he quit the agency, he took the boy home, to Va. and raised & educated him with his other children: and, at my insistence, enlarged his education, to a knowledge of the classics, as he was promising, hoping, that, with these advantages, he might, when grown, be of advantage to his people. But, after getting his education, he went to the Nation and disappointed all our hopes, and turned out badly.

That girl married a respectable white man, and did well.

My father plead in defense of his general character, that this course was indispensable, to usefulness in the agency - that without it, his life would not be safe, at times - but with it, he could be with them in their nation, and exercise an influence, which would otherwise be impossible. All this I admitted, but the moral turpitude I could not be reconciled to, even when a boy.

That this connection did protect his life, more than once, was verified, for he sometimes, and at critical junctures, would go to the nation, at great hazard of life, and was frequently guarded and protected, by the clan, he being adopted as a member. To his family he argued, that he was making a great estate for his children etc. and quieted them in that way. And as I said in my other paper, that he had the greatest talent, of any man, to become all thing to all men. And he could step, with more convincing to himself, from the sublime to the ridiculous, and vice versa, than any man I ever knew. I believe I said in my other communication, that my Father in early life, indulged in some of the grosser vices. These were confined to gambling, fighting, etc.

That although a great fighter, he was by no means, quarrelsome, but it was said, his fighting was mostly for his friends.

Not until his agency with the Cherokees, was there any complaint of lewdness with women, but on the contrary, he was chaste and kind in his family. He did not profess religion publicly, but for a great many years of his after life, was reserved and quite moral.

You will probably draw a good deal on Haywoods Book. This should be done with care, for he is wrong in a good many things, with facts - dates - and details, all jumbled up together, and so distorted, as not to be understood. At least it appears so to me, having read it with more attention, latterly, than before (Indeed on its first appearance, it was read only to be laughed at).

It may perhaps appear worst to me, than to most others, because, I was, myself, directly or indirectly acquainted, with a good many of he events he undertakes to describe. And as to tradition, I have had the best means of knowing. In addition there are but few men who recollect the history of times past as well as I do. Although my recollection of recent occurrences is a good deal imperfect, yet the old record is plain.

Haywoods account of the battle of Kings Mountain - and the circumstances which gave rise to, and the movement of that campaign, are so confused and distorted, that an actor, in it to read his account, would be disgusted. Pretty much so with the State of Frankland.

He speaks of Wallen, Blevins and their having, at an early time explored the West, and gives names to rivers - ridges - creeks etc. And that Wallen gave name to Cumberland Mountain, because he lived in a country of that name. Now it so happened, that I was intimately acquainted with this same Wallen, in his latter day. (The same man for whom the Ridge and Creek spoken of by Haywood was named). I used to hear him speak of his Western excursions, and after I grew up and lived in Powels Valley, at the foot of the Cumberland Mountain, I used to see Wallen frequently, who at that time, lived not far from there, and often conversed with him about Powels Valley, Cumberland Mountain, the Gap, etc. but not a work of his having named it. And furthermore, instead of Cumberland County, he at that time, lived in Pittsylvania.

He also speaks of Col. Bird's establishing Ft. Chisel. (This I presume is true) and that he did, about the same time, establish another fort, near the Long Island of Holston; which cannot be true because, Ft. Chisel was at that time, 1758, the extreme frontier, and the Long Island of Holston was 100 or more miles from that point, and directly between there and the Cherokee Settlements, and nearly midway between. And furthermore, I lived at & about that Island tow or three years, and never heard such a fort spoken of. I suppose he had seen some Ft. represented as he has described, and in his careless egotism, located it in the wrong place. The same with Ft. Loudon - as there were circumstances, connected with this place, a good deal different from Haywood's account, known only by tradition ( so far as I am acquainted) and as I have had the best opportunity of knowing those facts from tradition. I will here detail them to the best of my recollection. In the first place, I will give the locality of the Cherokees, say at the time of the war of '56. That although one people as a body politic, they lived in different sections or districts, with some difference in manners and dialect, yet all the same vernacular.

One body of them lived immediately on the Tenn. River, south side, say 50 miles up and down. These were called the Lower Settlements. East of them, some 50 miles, and beyond the Unica or great Smoky mountain, commenced the Valley Towns or middle settlements. Beyond this valley, pretty wide, going E., there is a range of hilly, broken country, say 20 miles, was another Settlement, called Over Hills. Thus were they, at the time referred to, located and denominated. These later resided on Tugalo & Senica rivers, and more than 100 miles from East to West, and perhaps 50 or 60 from North to South. These three divisions, altogether, were powerful in numbers, and well skilled in the arts of Savage warfare.

In the year 1791, I settled on the Tugalo river, Pendleton District, S.C. where I lived several years, not far from Gen. Pickens, with whom I was intimate, as I was with several other intelligent old gentlemen, who had lived long in the country, and from whom I re'd Substantially, the following narrative. Viz: When the old French war of '56 broke out, great efforts were made by both the English and French, to enlist the Cherokees. The latter succeeded. A desolating war ensued on the whole western frontier, of the English Settlements. South Carolina suffered much a place afterwards called Ninety Six, (now Danbridge, Abbeville district, S.C.) was the extreme frontier, about 100 miles to the nearest Indian Settlement, and the English place of deposits. A campaign was set on foot, and successfully prosecuted against the Cherokees. In the mean time, a garrison was established on Senica River, at the nearest part of the Indian Settlements.

The remains of this garrison, I have seen, being not far from where I lived. And the Hon. John C. Calhoun now lives within two or three miles of it. The distance from the place of deposit, thru the frontier, was ninety six miles. Hence the name by which it was long known. And under that name, it is often referred to in the history of the Revolution. After a while the Indians sued for peace, which was granted. A treaty was held, in which the Indians gave up land, of course, and promised to be friendly - and as an earnest of their sincerity, they agreed that the English might not only keep up this Senica garrison, but establish another, in any part of their Nation. This was finally build in a town called Tellico, on the South bank of the main Tenn. River, and 120 miles from the Senica garrison, the whole internal Indian Settlements. This is the Ft. Loudon spoken of by Haywood, but not on the north bank of little Tenn. as he says, for Little Tenn. empties in a long way above. (The remains of this garrison, I saw more than 50 years ago. The walls were of brick, much fallen and mouldered, at the time I saw it.)

It was garrisoned by 200 men commanded by Capt. Watts, father of the notorious John Watts, who afterwards, so distinguished himself in the frontier wars. I have often seen him. He was one of the finest looking men I ever saw, large of stature, bold and magnanimous - much inclined to peace with the whites - never went to war, but when faced by circumstances, and then in open , manly strife.

He was a great friend of my father, and in the greatest danger, if he could get to Watts, he was safe. How long this garrison of men continued here, I have never heard, or if I have, I have forgotten. I suppose it was placed here to counteract much influence, that quarter of the Cherokees being at the time, to them the most approachable, they (the French) having a garrison at Ft. Massae , on the Ohio, just below the mouth of the Tenn.

After a while, however, the French regained the ascendency over the Indians, who commenced hostilities, and attacked Ft. Loudon with great impetuosity. They defended themselves, until starved out, when they capitulated. The agreement was, that they might march out, leaving their arms, and go on, unmolested to Ft Senica the nearest place of relief, 120 miles through the Indian Country. Accordingly they commenced their march, but the first night, the Indians massacred them all, except two or three. So much for Ft. Loudon.

You said, in your letter, that you had been informed, that I had at an early day, commanded a company of men, for the defense of the weakly settlements of Cumberland, (as the whole country was then called) and wished me to speak about that etc. It is true that I did so command a company for two years. Connected with

this service, a good many striking incidents occurred, tho of the small kind, nothing brilliant. The service was hard and hazardous, and entitled the action, to more, in a pecuniary and honorary way, than they ever obtained.

Were I to go into detail, the narrative would not be sufficiently interesting for your purpose - as I apprehend there are brilliant characters in enough in the region you are exploring, to fill as large a book as you would be inclined to publish. My own opinion of biography is, that none should be taken into the catalogue, but such as have been public benefact and in this way, have been preeminently elevated above their fellows. Go below this, it becomes too common, and consequently uninteresting.

Several of my friends however, have signified a wish, that I write out for publication, a history of my career. But I don't think it sufficiently interesting, to be thus brought before the public. I consider, to be sure, that a great deal of my early life, was eventful - adventurous and romantic, but all on a small scale, nothing sufficient to engage much attention. A great part of my after life, has been domestic, and Religion has engaged a good deal of my attention. The Bible is my Alpha and Omega. Guessing, as I do, that you are a Yankee, you will of course know something of the excellences of that Book.

When I speak of Religion here, I don't mean that which consists in a round of formal ceremonies, and at last leaves its notary as senseless (as to holy affections) as it found him. But I mean that which works by love, does away the love and practice of sin, disposes the affections to supreme love to God, and obedience to his will, and inflates the soul with holy affection. This is the kind of religion that I cherish . I am aware however, that there are many metaphysical abstractionists who contend that all this is the result of fanatical enthusiasm, and is well enough for weak minds. But, that true religion is more rational, and that future happiness may be obtained, in a more convenient way. Let those who thus think to take heed, "Let that curse upon them, which is spoken by the Prophet", "Behold ye despisers, that wander and perish. For I work a work, in your day, a work ye will, in no wise believe, though a man declare it unto you."

I was in New Orleans, in March last, and my friend Peyton there, would have me to go with him, to hear the celebrated Knapp of that place. I went, but was poorly paid. For such distortion of the holy oracles, did I never hear. It brought to my recollection an admonition of the Apostle Paul, to his Colossian Brethren. "Take heed lest any man spoil you, through philosophy and vain deceit, after the traditions of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ; in whom ye are circumcised with the circumcision made without hands, in putting off the body of the sins of the flesh, by the circumcision of Christ."

But enough of this, for I did not intend to preach a sermon, when I began. For I am no preacher.

You say you would like to make my acquaintance. This would please me much. I know nothing about you, but through Gov. Campbell, and his nephew. And whether we are congenial spirits or not, I can't tell, but here is a feature in your writing, which has created in me and ardent desire to know more about you. In March and April last, I spent four weeks in Carrolton, Mi. with a married daughter there, named Young.

If I had then known as much about you a I now do, I would have seen you. And even now, were you within 100 miles of me, I would visit you. For, although old, I am healthy and active, not a pain about me - lean and Right - and I can mount a horse and ride, nearly as well as ever. The worst is, the failure of my hand & head. This is a great paination, as I have some thirst for scribbling, altho at the age of 30 years, I could scarcely connect two sentences, and to attempt it, was the greatest drudgery, (having until then, been engaged, mostly in the frontier wars.) But circumstances forced me into the habit, until I came to like it. At all events, I should be pleased to get a letter from you, once in a while.

Epistolary confab constitutes a considerable portion of my present enjoyment. Having lived beyond the common bounds allotted to man, and, in the mean time, lost my companion, more than the years ago, who was dear, very dear to me, and having well disposed of my children - I am now alone, and there is a vacuum produced, which this kind of intercourse, is as important ingredient in filling.

In speaking of the campaign against the Cherokees in 1781, commanded by Col Arthur Campbell, I said those troops were from the back parts of Va. except a corps, from Sullivan under my father, forgetting at the time, that Col Sevier of Washington, went on, of his own accord, with some three or four hundred men, several days before the army - before the army - met with a part of Indians - had a little fight - killed a few, and returned some distance, waiting for the main army. This was complained of at the time, not only as an unauthorized move, but as apprizing the Indians of their approach, before the army was in a situation to act efficiently. It was thought that the motive of Sevier was, to get glory to himself. He and my father, did not agree. The former was at the head of the party that was continually intruding on the right of the Indians - which often provoked hostilities, and which, in a great measure, paralyzed the efforts of the other, to preserve peace, as was his office. And I believe, that all the outbreaks of the Cherokees, after Christian's Campaign of 1776, might be traced to the intrusions of the whites.

I will conclude this long, unconnected narrative, fearing its interest may not compensate the trouble of reading. Be this however, as it may, you have provoked it yourself, and take it as it is - and if it affords you either benefit or amusement, I shall be compensated for the trouble it has cost me. If neither, I shall regret it.

In the mean time, I am my Dear Sir with high

Regards your obt. servt.

Wm Martin

P.S. In your letter, you spoke of Col. Fountain, your neighbor & friend. With him, I was acquainted when we were boys. I, a large, he a small one. His father, Capt Fountain was a gentleman of considerable distinction, and lived our neighbor several years - prepossessing in his appearance, tall, (say six feet) and rather slender - affable - genteel - and engaging manners, he was at the time, (the Revolution) an active militia partigan officers. His mother was daughter of Gov. Henry, who lived in the neighborhood, at the same time.

She was a lady of the finest appearance and the most amiable of woman kind. I was often at their house, when a boy, and they appeared fond of me.

Now a little anecdote of Patrick and myself. Gov. Henry lived ten miles from my fathers, Capt. Hord, a great friend of Henry, (as was my father) live ten miles from us in the opposite direction. He raised fine deer. Venison was then a luxury. Hord slaughtered one and sent it to Henry by one of his sons, and another boy, both about my age, 13 or 14 years. They came on and stayed all night at my fathers. It was arranged for me to go with the boys, all being intimate friends. We went on, the weather extremely cold, and delivered our charge - the Gov, at house, treated us with great attention. Capt. Fountain lived just on the road, about half way to my fathers. We called at his house to warm, it still being intensely cold. At the door, we were met by this same Patrick, a fine looking little fellow, of three or four years old, who playfully addressed us. The other boys, paying no attention to him, rushed on to the fire. But I stopped and had a little humor with the little fellow. I was told afterwards that Capt Fountain spoke of the circumstance, and alluding to me said, there was something extraordinary in that boy, and it flattered me much - and had no little influence on my after life. For it often recurred to me, "there is something extraordinary in that boy." Such a man as you, could write a profitable chapter on an incident of the kind, and show what trivial circumstance often give direction, at an early time, to after life. Give my respects to Col. Fountain. I was never much acquainted with him after our boyhood. I, having left the country before I was grown. And although, so long ago, the events referred to are quite familiar to my recollection. Tell him I should be very glad indeed to see him, and that Toby is still living.

An anecdote of Gov. Henry. After his gubernatorial probation, he settled in Henry County as before referred to, and was there in 1780. When the enemy had overrun the Souther States, we lived about 50-60 miles from the Tory frontier, so called. Bands of marauders of both parties, were formed throughout those region, headed by leaders of bold and daring adventure. And from the brilliancy of Henry's character, as a leader of the Revolution, it was found that some of these leaders (of the enemy) might, by a sudden impetuous movement, surprise and take him off prisoner, who, to them would have been a great trophy, and to us, a great loss.

Therefore the neighbors volunteered and guarded his house for a considerable time. Speaking of Mr. Henry, has brought to my recollection an incident about him and myself, which though trivial, means something.

He and my father corresponded a good deal, by letters. I was a chunk of a boy, just beginning to write, and was anxious to learn to read others writing, besides copy hand, and would pore overall that I could get hold of, sometimes Henry's letters. And having heard so much of him, would peruse them with unusual interest. They werr hard to read, but desirous to know what so great a man would talk about, and finding it was mostly about the wars, with which my feelings were much identified, I would peruse it with greediness - in doing which, I discovered, that, instead of the word and , he used &. It struck me for the first time, that it was a saving of labor, and answered the same purpose. I adopted the plan, and have used it ever since, and in the same forum, seldom use and, and what is singular, I rarely use it, but I recur to the time and way I first noticed it.

By this time you will of course, have discovered, that I am indulging in a weakness common to old men. Viz: A proneness to talk about themselves. The apology is, that the charms of life, with us have ceased to exist, nothing in the prospect to engage, attention. And as the mind must dwell upon something, it involuntarily retrospects - and here it lustrates on the scenes of early life, with their associates, enjoyed, before the business and cares of after life, had corroded those fine sensibilities. And here again, we (in imagination at least) live a second youth. This is the reason why you hear old people complain so much about the times and the people being so much worse than when they were young and all that. Take away this privilege and we would be more miserable that we are.

I forgot to say, in the proper place, that I know of no documents, left by my father, which might be of use to you. I have a file of his letter, only in business. Indeed he seldom wrote on any other occasion, and I think he was rather loose and careless about papers. His style in writing was bold and laconic - and like his dress, old fashioned. His hand legible and singular, and in that, as in every thing else, imitated no man, but was his own entire self.

If there are any such documents extant, they are, I presume, in possession of my brother, Col. Joseph Martin, of Henry County, Va., who had charge of the estate, and who would take pleasure in furnishing them, on application. Should you address him on the subject, direct to Leatherwood Store, Henry County, Va. Col. Fountain long lived his neighbor. Tell the Col. that, in a late letter from my brother Joseph, he expressed himself thus, "I am now prizing my last years crop of Tob. in dry hard order, and in well seasoned heaps, with the view of holding it up, until Mr. Clay, the great statesman of the West, is elected President. And I am now ready to acknowledge, with the frankness due to that greatly injured gentlemen. That the prejudices I long entertained against him were without foundation, and that I entertain strong hopes that old Va. will, in 1844 give her vote to her matchless son."

Several years ago, there was a society formed in Nashville, for the purpose of collecting materials, for publishing a history of Tenn. How far they succeeded, I have not understood. I have heard of no publication. It is probable they may have collected a good deal of interesting matter, which might be of use to you.

Col Washington Sevier, son of the Gen. near Nashville, did have possession of his fathers papers. He is an intelligent gentleman, and may have it in his powers to give you a good deal of useful information.

I have known something of a good many of the distinguished men, of the early settlements of the present Tenn., but this knowledge has been too limited, to give anything like general character.

I imagine that Doctor Felix Robertson of Nashville, son of Gen. James Robertson, and the first child born in the County, would be able to give all the essential particulars of his father's character. Jonathan Robertson, an older son, if living, would know more from observation. Thomas Crutcher of Nashville, knew much of Gen. Robertson, perhaps more than any man now living. None of your selections are entitled to a higher place, in your catalogue, than Gen. Robertson.

Col. George Smith of Sumner County Tenn. son of Gen. Daniel Smith, had, I presume, possession of his fathers papers. Gen. Smith was a scientific man - dwelt much in papers - and I should expect to collect more information, of the kind you wish, from his papers, than from those of any other man.

Gov. Shelby left sons in Ky. I should expect a good deal of documentary evidence there.

There are relations of Gen. Campbell, at and about Abingdon, who, I expect can tell all about him.

With all the above named gentlemen, I had some acquaintance, but superficial, except with Smith and Robertson.

Gen. Smith is the same, who with Dr. Walker, established the boundary between Va. and N.C. as mentioned in Haywood.

Col. John Donaldson, would, of course, come withing the range of your contemplated work. He was father-in-law to Gen Jackson, and I presume that he (Jackson) would know more of the history of his life, than any one else. I have no knowledge of Col Donaldson, more than his having been killed by Indians, in the year 1786, between Ky. and Cumberland.

My father, in 1788 commanded a large campaign against the Cherokees - had a little fight at Lookout Mountain, as Haywood says. They devastated a good deal of the Country with but little loss. The Indians betook themselves to the Mountains, as was their custom, when campaigns would go against them.

No portrait was ever taken of my father, that I know of. You will discover that this narrative is a good deal desultory, owing pretty much to the scraps, with which I have to compose it, having as it were to grabble them out from among the rubbish, with which they have so long been covered. I suppose one reason, why I recollect thing long past, as I do, is, that at 8 or 9 years of age, I began to connect dates with events. The Big May frost in 1774 was the first. This frost was of great notoriety. I often heard people speak of it, as in that year. And the great Shawnee battle, so called, on the 10^th of Oct. the same year.

These events happening in that year, and I often hearing people speak of them impressed the idea of dates and circumstances so strongly on my mind, that I have tenaciously adhered to the practice ever since, so that I an, at any time, refer to some striking incident, that happened in each and every year of my life, from the, until now, and with this I can readily associate others.

Another little matter:

When I lived in South Carolina, Bryant Ward, then old, sensible and intelligent - lived my neighbor was settled, and had a family. He had, in early life, been a trader among the Cherokees. He took a wife there, the notorious Nancy Ward, spoken of above, and the same referred to by Haywood. She was, as I think, one of the most superior women I ever saw (meaning apart from the advantages of education, etc). By this woman he had a daughter, the same that my father afterwards had for his wife, as spoken of already.

He and his family recognized her, for I have frequently saw her there, we, then living not far from the Cherokee Settlements.

When the Cherokees broke out, during the war of '36, he left there and joined the English. The war over, he returned.

The English officers at Ft. Senica, had understood that the French had a garrison at Ft Massoe on the Ohio, just below the mouth of Tenn., and from which they carried on intercourse with the Cherokees. They were desirous to know particulars, and, for that purpose, employed him and five or six Cherokees to go and explore. The distance was considerable - through a trackless wilderness. They went on, and discovered the Ft. on the opposite bank of the Ohio, (the present Ft. Massoe.) Saw people passing about. One of the Indians fixed on himself a bear skin, and went about on all fours, on the sand beach, like a bear feeding on mucles, as was their custom in Summer. He soon discovered that he had attracted the attention of the people of the Ft., and saw several men coming over in a barque, with guns.

He saw the bait was bit at, returned in due time, crawling, bear like, up the bank (His associates being prepared for the occasion). The men came on, in pursuit of the bear - were fired upon and killed.

After which Ward and the Indians returned and reported.

The foregoing has been copied, by my youngest son, who lives with me & oversees my affairs, & has done it at varied intervals when he could cease his outdoor business.

W M

Except one year in Va. the whole of my life, after I was nineteen, (& indeed, a good deal before that time) has been spent in the West. (For when I lived in S.C. as referred to above, it was the western part of that State, the frontier & a good deal of the time Indian wars), during which I transversed, the whole, or nearly so, of the regions of country, referred to in this narrative. So were I with you, I could tell, or print many things, interesting for you to know, too tedious to write. For as I presume that you are a young man, & a foreigner. You can know nothing of the country, & the times & things, long perceived, except what you get from others & things in scraps. But I could give the content, more fully, I apprehend, than any man now to be found.