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General Scott told me on my arrival at New York, as early as 1850, that the country was on the eve of civil war; and the Southern politicians openly asserted that it was their. purpose to accept as a casus belli the election of General Fremont in 1856; but, fortunately or unfortunately, he was beaten by Mr. Buchanan, which simply postponed its occurrence for four years. *** They asserted an absolute right to
seize public moneys, forts, arms, and even to shut up the
natural avenues of travel and commerce. They chose war--they
ignored and denied all the obligations of the solemn contract of
government and appealed to force. We accepted the
issue, and now they begin to realize that war is a two-edged sword, and it may be that
many of the inhabitants cry for peace. *** (In New Orleans) Everybody regarded the change of Government as final; that Louisiana, by a mere declaration, was a free and independent State, and could enter into any new alliance or combination she chose. *** Most complicated
with the belief on the one hand that all on the other are
not enemies. It would have been
better if, at the outset, this mistake had not been made. *** The progress of our Western armies had aroused the rebel government to the exercise of the most stupendous energy. Every man capable of bearing arms at the South was declared to be a soldier, and forced to act as such. All their armies were greatly reenforced, and the most despotic power was granted to enforce discipline and supplies. *** It
seems to me, in contemplating the history of the past two years, that
all the people of our country, North, South, East, and West, have
been undergoing a salutary political schooling, learning lessons
which might have been acquired from the experience of other people;
but we had all become so wise in our own conceit that we world
only learn by actual experience of our own.
The people even of
small and unimportant localities, North as well as South, had reasoned
themselves into the belief that their opinions were superior
to the aggregated interest of the whole nation. Half our territorial
nation rebelled, on a doctrine of secession that they themselves
now scout; and a real numerical majority actually believed
that a little State was endowed with such sovereignty that it
could defeat the policy of the great whole.
I think the present war
has exploded that notion, and were this war to cease now, the experience gained, though dear, would be worth the expense. *** (McClellan ran against Lincoln as a Democrat. His Peace Plank was to end the war and ask the southern states to return to the Union.) I
had much respect for McClellan before he became a politician,
but very little after reading his letter accepting the nomination. *** (After the war, Stanton wanted Sherman's Army headquarters in Washington) Thus
we were thrown back on the old method in having a double--if not
a treble-headed machine. Each head
of a bureau in daily consultation
with the Secretary of War, and the general to command without
an adjutant, quartermaster, commissary, or any staff except his
own aides, often reading in the newspapers of military events and orders before he could be consulted or informed.
This was the Washington
as general-in-chief, seemed to want, different from what he
had explained to me in Chicago, and totally different from the demand
he had made on Secretary of War Stanton in his complete letter
of January 29, 1866. I went to him
to know the cause: He said
he had been informed by members of Congress that his action, as
defined by his order of March 5th, was regarded as a violation of
laws making provision for the bureaus of the War Department; that
he had repealed his own orders, but not mine, and that he had no
doubt that General Rawlins and I could draw the line of separation
satisfactorily to us both.
(Sherman's letter on the move to Washington. This letter letter shows the difference in personalities between Grant and Sherman. It may explain why Grant was called "the Silent One") To
President Johnson Generals
Scott and Taylor proved themselves soldiers and patriots in
the field, but Washington was fatal to both.
This city, and the influences
that centre here, defeated every army that had its headquarters
here from 1861 to 1864, and would have overwhelmed General
Grant at Spottsylvania and Petersburg, had he not been fortified
by a strong reputation, already hard-earned, and because no
one then living coveted the place; whereas, in the West, we made progress
from the start, because there was no political capital near
enough to poison our minds, and kindle into life that craving, itching
for fame which has killed more good men than bullets. I have
been with General Grant in the midst of death and slaughter when
the howls of people reached him after Shiloh; when messengers were
speeding to and from his army to Washington, bearing slanders, to
induce his removal before he took Vicksburg; in Chattanooga, when
the soldiers were stealing the corn of the starving mules to satisfy
their own hunger; at Nashville, when he was ordered to the "forlorn
hope" to command the Army of the Potomac, so often defeated--and
yet I never saw him more troubled than since he has been
in Washington, and been compelled to read himself a "sneak and deceiver,"
based on reports of four of the Cabinet, and apparently with
your knowledge. If this political
atmosphere can disturb the equanimity
of one so guarded and so prudent as he is, what will be the
result with me, so careless, so outspoken as I am? Therefore, with
my consent, Washington never.
(Finally, To
Grant: I
got your was
issued. I never felt so troubled in
my life. Were it an order to
go to Sitka, to the devil, to battle with rebels or Indians, I think
you would not hear a whimper from me, but it comes in such a questionable
form that, like Hamlet's ghost, it curdles my blood and
mars my judgment.
(The
impeachment of President Johnson solved it, Stanton resigned) |
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