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The
Argentine events of the year 2002 are directly connected with what
happened in the last part of 2001. The government of the Alliance
itself fagocitó quickly the capital politician that had offered its
opposition to the government of Carlos Menen. Not not once in the
power did only that revert the process but deepened it (seven cuts
of budget in two years of management); likewise, repeated the worst
practices of the previous decade (the labor law of reform number
25.250 was voted under bribes). This last it showed two things: on
the one hand the continuity of the model with all its
characteristics; and by the other, the complicity of the imperialism
with the corruption. The model of convertibility of the currency
went only viable , since 1995, by external financing. The
bourgeoisie obtained extraordinary returns during ten years as
astronomical interest rates product and absolute liberty to emigrate
when thus him to believe convenient.
To
maintain the convertibility and to avoid the cessation of payments,
among end of 2000 and beginnings of 2001, argentina he contracted
not new loans but time limit of wait (through the “armor ”
and the “megacanje”), super change of rates usurarias.
Nevertheless , he could be predicted that the end of the
above-mentioned model one was fence. During the year 2001 became
question of masses the indicator of the “risk country”; this was
increased permanently at the same time that the capitals
“swallows” initiated the exodus. The minister of economy of the
Alliance radical peronista, Sunday Cavallo, intended toward
July of 2001 that industrious assets and passive they financed of
cash balance every faltante through the perpetual adjustment that
implied the law of “deficit zero” (n º 25.453).Esto was thus
because themselves supeditaba the payment of assets and retirements
to the collection operated in each period. Of such form was
permitted to adjust the recurrent fiscal deficit (generated by a
system in crisis terminal) at the expense of salaries and benefits
previsionales without need to count with new legal instruments.
With
all these antecedents, the capitalism one, in its neoliberal
version, began to seriously to be questioned in argentina. The
electoral shift of the 14 October of 2001 was constituted in a leap
of quality in the conscience of the company. Among the abstention
and the negative vote (white, nulos), eight million Argentines
challenged the model in force from the middle of the ç70 and,
jointly with such challenge , they expressed their repudiation to
the assembly of the political leadership (including the
“izquierda”). The electoral result signified an ultimatum for
the government that did not see to see or did not want to see. From
that moment a revolutionary situation will be opened generated by
the fact that the dominant class no longer could advance on the same
course, and the workers and the town did not be still in conditions
to be become alternative to be able.
In
that context the end of the convertibility approached; closed the
external sources of financing the banking deposits were the last
guarantee of said model. On a total of 66.000 million dollars ,
among February and November of 2001, they had fled of the banking
system (and of the country) near the half (in their large majority
you count). The government to avoid that continued the sangría and
the model decayed tried to confiscate the banking deposits of the
small and medium ahorristas. From there a popular rebellion of an
almost unprecedented magnitude in the history would be registered
Argentina; on the 19 of December of 2001, thousands of desperate, in
their oppressing idle industrious
majority for years and desprovistos of social and economic
every cover , they were thrown on the supermarkets to be tried food.
Wanting to take advantage of the situation agents of the party
peronista together with elements of the services of intelligence and
the complicity of the police, they stimulated remove you them to
destabilize to the government. Parallel, the small bourgeoisie and
industrious of almost all the important cities of the country, many
of these esquilmados by the confiscación, they initiated a
spontaneous protest at the same time that finished a speech
televised of the president Of The Rúa in which denounced that the
situation of chaos was generated by alborotadores and announced the
state of place. Then the demonstrators were directed to the Plaza of
May or the headquarters of the most maximum authorities in the other
cities. December 20 next to groups remanentes of the previous day,
appeared and took the initiative in the streets a mixture of
students , industrious youths and idle of the federal capital. With
these they appeared also militant of left remote and without any
organization. Before the repression the masses more than being
scattered itself enfurecieron and although they withdrew several
times insisted in occupying the Plaza of May there is these heights
launching stones on the police. The renunciation of the minister of
economy I do not calm the demonstrators and time later the president
surrounded in the house of government I opt for fleeing in
helicopter. The balance of the day went of more than thirty dead
persons and scores of injured among the rows proletarias, together
with almost about ten police, some vehicles set on fire among them a
patrol and destructions in the building of the Congress and the
Department of Economy to which also I try itself to set on fire.
From
there five presidents took turns itself in few days: Of the Rúa ,
Door, Rodriguez Saa, Caamaño and finally Duhalde). Of these
Rodriguez Saa and Duhalde also they faced you protest massive, alone
the I finalize resisted. Set against the collapse of the
convertibility (situation that was always fictitious given that the
value of a currency in the capitalism one It is aforesaid, in
finalizes instance, by the wealth and the activity of a country),
the dominant class appealed to other two variant to continue the
spoils of the workers and the town: on the one hand, the confiscación
of above-mentioned deposits and by the other, the devaluation of the
currency. These two mechanisms permitted the great bourgeoisie to be
guaranteed its rate of profit. The it called “corralito”
financial confined , mainly, the money of small ahorristas. Eight of
each ten ahorristas had (when the measure was decreed), lower
accounts to the 25.000 dollars, many of which
compensations by dismissal were opened to protect. The devaluation
generated, in combination with the increases of the merchandise of
first need, a significant decrease of the investment in capital
variable. At present, the Argentine salaries are, on the average,
the lowest of Latin America (little more than 100 dollars).
A
novel fact of organization of the popular resistance the popular
apparition of assemblies in the neighborhoods of the main cities of
the country went. Such phenomenon went contemporary to the order of
masses inaugurated the own one 19 of December: “that go all”. Of
such form, the company repudiated to the totality of the leading
class showing the evident union and partisan exhaustion of
structures that dominated the history Argentina of the century XX.
Some they intended to believe that only the sectors media had become
“asambleístas ”
forgetting that such sectors for a very long time had seen
precarizarse their material conditions of life. Nevertheless, the
assemblies had barriales had their limit and progressively they went
themselves extinguishing. One more time remained in evidence the
organizing and ideological orphanhood of the wage earners and other
popular sectors.
One
of the priorities of the government peronista went that of
controlling the protest of the idle. For them it destined 150 lecop
(national bond whose quotation intended equivalent to the weight),
for 2 million stopped what I imply an annual investment of 3600
million pesos (approximately 1000 million dollars). Such investment
was financed for the breach of the external debt. In reality,
Argentina paid (with reserves), in spite of the depression, the
marginality, the poverty and the foreign exchange restrictions, 4300
million dollars. But the expirations were of 11 thousand million
dollars. The savings among it certified (OR$S 4300 million) and what
to should have certified (OR$S 11000 million ) explains, among
others things, the financing of
the asistencialismo to the idle and also, that despite the important
national public emission of bonds and provincial (cuasimonedas), the
inflation was not greater.
The
government of Duhalde combined, to control the social protest, the
Plans of employment referred with the open repression. In such sense
, they multiplied them processed politicians showing an official
strategy of judicializar the social conflict.
On
the other hand , the repressive mechanisms of the state were
greased, extending such assignment to the forces of gendarmería and
prefectura. On the 26 of June of 2002, from time to time of a
protest of the sector piquetero more combative (Coordinating Aníbal
Verón, were murdered for the Police of the Province of buenos aires
two demonstrators. In a first moment , the official communiqué
maintained that the deaths had been the product of a clash among the
own piqueteros. Before the evidences in opponent, the government
should assume the responsibilities of the security forces revealing
to its greater plan. Finally, in September, the president of the
Plaza Grandmothers Association of May Being it Carlotto , suffered an
attack in its residence few days later if there is supported
a serious accusation against the Police Bonaerense.
In
May of the 2002 they were abrogated, to asked of the imperialism,
the economic laws of subversion and of bankruptcy. The first one,
directed to free of penal every responsibility to the boards of
directors of the banks. And the second , aiming at to facilitate the
process of concentration (and extranjerización ) of the economy.
Argentina
at present is a country devastated economic and socially. Since it
was put in practices in open form the neoliberal model (1976) to May
of 2002, the external debt passed from 8.000 million dollars to
140.000 million, to what one must add that they
entered 40.000 millions by the state privatization of
businesses. Meanwhile, the unemployment passed from the 3% to the
21,5%; the extreme poverty of 200.000 persons to 5 million; the
poverty of 1 million to 14 million; the illiteracy from the 2% to
the 12%.
According
to the last report of the National Institute of Statistics and
Census (INDEC ), in October from 2002 the unemployment had fallen to
the 17,8%. Such decrease obeyed almost completely, to the incident
of the Chief plans and Jefas of home destined to the idle to the
ones that reference was done but up. This it happens because for the
official agency the idle that
receive the above-mentioned subsidy are you considered occupied if
comply with some against labor installment (In the origin of the
plan the idea was that each beneficiary to correspond with work to
that state aid. Nevertheless, according to the own one INDEC if
itself was not counted of the plan referred the index of
unemployment have climbed to the 23,6%. The quantity of people
occupied rose from 4.170.000 to 4.543.000 persons. But of these
373.000 new jobs, 272.947 cases are explained for the ¨ occupation
¨ of the beneficiaries of the social plans; as for the remainder
(approximately 100.000 new jobs), they swelled the army of
Industrious done not they register of jobs of very low incomes,
while the index of employment registered continued falling.
In
spite of the ¨ fall ¨ of the unemployment, among May and October
of 2002 they continued being increased the indices of poverty and
poverty: of 49,7 % to 54,3% the first one, and from 22,7% to 24,7%
the second. In the most it populated zone of the country (Capital
Federal and Great buenos aires), on almost 12, 3 million inhabitants
I am reached a new record 6.672.000 poor, of which 3.035.000 are
indigent, always according to the official data of the INDEC. With
regard to May of 2002, there are 600.000 new poor, of which 245.000
are new indigent. And in comparison with October of 2001, the
poverty enlarges in 2,3 million persons, of which the half are new
indigent, to poor new reason of 200.000
for month. The data separated mark that in the Capital the poverty
rose from the 13,4% to the 14,6%, while in the Great one
buenos aires I climb from the 59,2% to the 64,4%. On the other hand,
the poverty under of the 6,3% to the 5,7% in the city of buenos
aires and increase in the conurbano from the 27,9% to the 30,5%.
The
family type turns out to be indigent (marriage and two children)
that earns less than for month, equivalent 324,70 pesos to the cost
of the basic food. On the other hand turns out to be poor, the
family type that earns less than 717,60 pesos for month , that is
the cost of a basic basket of food and services. The INDEC did not
bring to light the indices of poverty and poverty in the remainder
of the country. But if the percentages in the average zones to every
argentina are projected, the poverty that in May of 2002 was of the
53% would patrol now the 60% of
the 36 million Argentines with almost the half in the poverty. Thus
there would be 21.600.000 poor, of which a little but of 10.000.000
serian indigent.
The
growth of the poverty is explained because, in spite of the
asistencialismo official, the subsidy is absolutely insufficient to
cover the basic basket of food. In the meantime, the growth of the
poverty obeys, basically, to that the incomes of the workers
occupied enlarged a great deal less than the inflation. Thus, the
prices of the basic food rose the 28,2%, while the salaries of the
workers, by the improvement of the 100 pesos for the employees
registered barely they rose the 7,2%, while the
retirements and pensions remained frozen. It is estimated
that the 75% of the workers
earns less than 717 pesos that is the limit of poverty of a family
type.
All
in all the increase of the poverty and poverty owes to that
continuous falling the acquisitive power of the retirements,
salaries and incomes of the account propistas. Neither the new they
occupied neither the beneficiaries of the Chief plans / jefas of
Home could revert this tendency, in the First case due to the the
low salaries, and in the second, to the destitute social aid.
The
deep crisis that affects to the capitalism one everywhere continues
being reflected with absolute clarity in Argentina. Less in the
exporting sector (less than the 10% of the Internal Rough Product),
the sales and the profits have descended in all the commerce and the
industry. This it will continue being intensified unless the system
believes the conditions so that aumente the consumption; for it do
not there would be but remedy that to generate the conditions so
that the ones that have money they recover the confidence, the ones
that have lost permanently to be able acquisitive they see to
enlarge its salaries and the ones that do not have
work they obtain one. To reach such
conditions appears as utopian as the flags that agitated
during 2002, so much the small bourgeoisie
(with its order of ¨ that go all), as the idle and the
parties of ¨ left ¨ (by a ¨ Argentinazo, by a Constituent
Assembly, etc.) To the extent that advances the crisis is done more
notorious the need to build a truly revolutionary organization; this
alone one can originate of the most conscious elements of the
industrious class in activity. The wage-earning assets continue
representing, numerical the immense majority of the company. Up to
now in Argentina (as in good part of the world) have resigned
political prominence. Nevertheless it can be predicted that from
2003, they will begin despabilarse
what will permit to present the only discussion that up to now
themselves has not been presented: that of the need of the open
fight against the bourgeoisie after the construction of the
socialism.
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