
Split-Screen
Dictators: Bombs For One, Champagne For The Other
Filed April 12, 1999
The consensus on Chinese
Premier Zhu Rongji, who has been on a week-long visit here, is that he
is charming, shrewd and, in the president's words, "humorous and clever."
So forgive me if I did not see the humor in Zhu's quip to the assembled
press that "today is my first time to experience such a press conference
so my heart is now beating." All I could think of was some poor dissident
in a Chinese prison camp whose heart was racing as he experienced for the
first time torture with an electric baton.
To get the full picture
of the Chinese premier's visit, you had to be watching two split-screens
at once. The first was the juxtaposition between the president eagerly
toasting one of the Butchers of Beijing while mercilessly bombing the Butcher
of the Balkans. Please, can someone explain to me why the Chinese atrocities
in Tibet -- where more than a million people have died from torture, starvation
or execution -- are more acceptable than Milosevic's atrocities in Kosovo?
Could it be that if Milosevic had 1.3 billion potential consumers and a
self-deprecating sense of humor we might now be sending him laser printers
instead of laser-guided missiles?
Ten years later the Chinese
dictators still justify their bloody crackdown in Tiananmen Square as necessary
to suppress an anti-government rebellion by "thugs" pretty much the way
Milosevic has justified his crackdown on Kosovo. Like Milosevic, the Chinese
have also refused to release official figures on how many have been killed,
imprisoned or tortured to protect the existing order.
"All the internal matters
should be left for the country itself to resolve," Zhu has said. In keeping
with this view, he has vigorously opposed NATO's air campaign against Serbia
and consistently deflected questions about China's human rights record.
"In China," he said last month, "we have 1.25 billion people. Every day
criminal offenses are committed. Every day we arrest criminals."
At the press conference
he took his doublespeak even further, asserting that "the Chinese people
today enjoy unprecedentedly extensive democratic and political rights."
This was perhaps the funniest thing Zhu said, but no one laughed. On the
other hand, the Chinese press roared at every one of Zhu's jokes as if
their lives depended on it, which, come to think of it, maybe they did.
But what excuse do the American media have for their embarrassingly softball
coverage? The worst thing Time Magazine could pin on Zhu was that he "is
obsessed with micromanaging everything that comes across his desk." On
the plus side, Time credited the "sharp," "no-nonsense" premier with possessing
"charm, shrewdness and a disarming sense of humor," and praised him for
such reforms as downsizing official banquets from 12 dishes to four.
Reinventing dictatorship,
anyone? The president and members of the media seem to believe that that
nice Mr. Zhu can actually turn China into a kinder, gentler dictatorship.
So they go on swallowing whole the Chinese rulers' official line and asking
for second helpings, which they got at the press conference when Zhu announced
that China's policy on Taiwan would be modeled after Abraham Lincoln: "He
had resorted to the use of force and fought a war for that, for maintaining
the unity of the United States." So China's stepping up the number of missiles
targeted at Taiwan is really Zhu's way of ensuring that its house divided
becomes all slave rather than all free. More Jefferson Davis than Lincoln.
The hypnotized acquiescence
to such nonsense was just as pronounced during the second split-screen
juxtaposition. This one was between the official celebration of our "strategic
partnership" with China on one screen and the revelation on the other that
our partner had stolen secret neutron bomb technology from the United States
as recently as 1995. This was, of course, on top of stealing nuclear secrets
from Los Alamos National Laboratory, and on top of the revelation that
China's chief military intelligence officer had funneled through Johnny
Chung $300,000 to influence American elections.
When Zhu was asked about
the spying charges, he reassured us that "it is not the policy of China
to steal so-called military secrets." He went further: "I think it's entirely
impossible for China to steal any nuclear technology or military secrets
from the United States." We expect Zhu to lie. What was more surprising
was the president's willingness to join in this slow dance of deception:
"You know, China is a big country with a big government. And I can only
say that America is a big country with a big government, and occasionally,
things happen in this government that I don't know about."
It is this corruption of
the language that makes it possible for Zhu to warn that if pro-democracy
activists "return to China, then there would be no legal system, no democracy,
no rule of law in China." But the dark side of the Chinese leader was kept
under wraps during his visit. Meanwhile, as the champagne glasses clinked
and the flashbulbs popped, the bombs kept falling on another dictator whose
dark side leads the news every night.
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