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("Emperor's Waltz" plays in the background)

ANCIENT CHEROKEE KINGS

The following is a word-by-word transcript from one of the best sources on early Cherokee life, published by the Bureau of American Ethnology as Anthropological Paper No. 231, Bulletin 133, the article entitled "The Eastern Cherokees", by William Gilbert.

The only editing done here was to change a few words to the words in use at the time being described (as ALL historical writers should do for the sake of accuracy), particularly "tribe" has been changed to "nation", for Cherokees were three ancient nations in one and were always spoken of as a "nation"; and "king" substituted for "chief" in most cases, particularly when the word pertains to the "Uku", "Ookah", Oukah", etc. (this word was spelled phonetically in English).

The word "chief" is an English word, introduced into America only during the last few centuries. It was not officially used in the Cherokee nations until the first constitution of 1827, thus not used by Cherokees during most of the two thousand years of our history.

In some cases, here, the word "chief" has been translated as "ruler", particularly when referring to the rulers of smaller towns, whose exact titles are not known to us today.

Following the article, the editor makes comments and clarifications, realizing that Gilbert had for his sources of information those Cherokees living in the east who had had no contact with royal Cherokee matters, or heredity, for many generations, and thus no reason for remembering things perfectly, if at all.

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CHEROKEE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION

THE WHITE ORGANIZATION

Officials

The essential national officers in the civilian government (White or Peace) organization consisted of the following:

1. The king of the nation or "high priest" who is variously called uku, ookah, and other ceremonial

titles.

2. The king's right-hand man.

3. Seven prime counselors representing the seven clans.

4. The council of elders (beloved men).

5. Chief speaker.

6. Messengers.

7. Under-officers, for particular ceremonies such as 7 hunters, 7 cooks, 7 overseers for each

festival, 7 firemakers for new fire, Jowah hymn singer, 7 cleansers, and the attendants at the

Oukah dance.

The above officials were those occurring in the principal town and served as officials for the whole nation also. In each of the larger towns of the nation the same series of officials were repeated with the exception of those listed under 7 since most of the ceremonies were held nationally. The officials in all of the towns outside of the capital were subject to the will of the king (Oukah) and his seven counselors and were often incorporated with them in a governing group when grave decisions confronted the nation.

The office of white king or uku (spelled phonetically as ukuh, ookah, ouka, oukah, etc.) was the highest in the nation. Although each town had a white ruler of its own, the white ruler of the capital town was regarded as the head of the nation. His office was more generally hereditary than elective, being transmitted from a man to his oldest sister's son. The wife of the uku was of a station near to his own and might take his place until a new successor was elected if he should die suddenly.

When an old uku died he was laid out in state for a period in order to remind his pupils and assistants of his instructions. His right-hand man then consulted with the council of seven clan heads of the metropolis and together with them appointed a time for the selection of a successor. Messengers were at once dispatched to notify the town white rulers throughout the nation to meet and inaugurate a new uku. This messenger carried strings of hemp braided into as many knots as there were nights previous to the meeting. Each town white ruler on being notified sent his own messenger to the candidate of his choice requesting him to accept the appointment. Generally the candidate was a relative of the late uku and had been agreed upon in advance of the death of the latter. At the appointed time the white chiefs of the various towns assembled in the metropolis in front of the dwelling of the candidate. The latter was then inaugurated with elaborate ritual. The candidate must first undergo a 7-day fast.

Certain persons were selected to prepare a platform constructed from a king of strong and tall weed, together with an official white robe and white staff or scepter. Sometimes deerskin painted yellow and a yellow cap ornamented with yellow painted feathers was prepared. These having been made ready and put in the council house, a vast multitude went to the house of the candidate on the seventh day of the latter's fast. The platform was brought near him and he, having been anointed on the forehead with chalk or white clay and deer's tallow and invested with his white robes, leaped onto it holding his scepter in his hand. The platform was then raised high by means of four props and the candidate, preceded by one-half of the company and followed by one-half, all singing as they went, was carried to the council house. They halted three times on the way. The people entered the council house and took their seats quietly. On reaching the council house the group bearing the candidate walked four times around it and then stopped at the door to let the platform to within 3 feet of the ground. An appointed person then book the candidate on his back and carried him to the appointed white seat in the back of the council house, between two other white seats. This white seat was covered with white dressed deerskin, and the ground before the seat was spread with a matting of cane and then covered with a large buckskin dressed white.

The speaker then came before the assemblage and made a lengthy address at the end of which he directed the people to salute the new king. The people then arose and all filed past the candidate repeating a formula to which he replied. Then all returned to their seats and sat in silence for the rest of the night. At daybreak the new uku made an address to the people in which he promised to exercise his authority according to the divine will and to bind the hearts of his subjects by kindness. All of the people pledged obedience to him. The right-hand man handed the new uku an eagle-tail fan and some old tobacco as signal for him to commence smoking with the other white chiefs in token of solidarity and friendship. The calumet pipe was then passed from mouth to mouth to celebrate the cementing of relationships at the occasion. At noon the younger people withdrew. The new uku then arose and put his scepter over his right shoulder. Two men put their hands under his arms and supported him as he walked to the door and from there to his house where his official dress was taken off and the ceremony was ended.

Next to the white king in importance were the seven prime counselors. These were the chief men of each of the seven clans in the metropolis and were white officials. Their consent and advice was necessary for most of the official acts of the uku. Their offices were probably hereditary in much the same manner as his own.

In addition to the uku and his seven counselors there was a council of elders or old men, sometimes called "beloved men", who resided near the council house and who wielded considerable power among the younger people. These were men who had served long and bravely in the wars and who retired to a well-earned position of rest and security.

Regarding the manner of appointment of the king's right-hand man, the chief speaker, the messengers, and the under officers of state there is no definite statement. There were, in each principal town, as has been noted, the same group of white officials and the town rulers were inducted into office in much the same way as the uku of the metropolis.

The functions of the white king and other white officials were rather varied. When an emergency or decision confronted a town, the white king blew his trumpet to assemble the counselors and people at his house. The trumpet used on this occasion was of special make and could be used by no person except the king. When the assembly was completed, the uku, his right-hand man, and the seven white clan counselors constituted the civil and religious tribunal of the town. This court decided on all inferior matters and attended to such religious matters as it was possible for the individual towns to decide. In very small villages where no such court existed, the people called in the nearest town ruler and his counselors to their assistance.

In the capital town of the nation there was a national council consisting of the uku, his town attendants, together with the white rulers of the lesser towns and their attendants. This national council was convened by the newly-elected uku before a Green Corn Feast and, on emergency occasions, through the raising of the uku's standard, which consisted of a long white pole with a bird carved or painted near the top and bearing a pennant at the latter point made of white cloth or deerskin, 4 to 5 yards in length, painted with red spots like stars. In cases of great emergency, such as a sudden attack from without, the national council would select the officials to conduct the war after divination of the extent of the emergency had been made from the movements of tobacco smoke.

In the courts of the towns public criminals were brought before the bar and, after their cases had been stated by the town ruler's right-hand man, the accused defended themselves as best they could. The judgment of the court was then given and immediately executed. Public criminals were stoned, killed with some weapon, or taken to a high precipice with elbows and feet tied behind and then cast headlong to be dashed to pieces on the rocks below. For private offenses the law of retaliation was strictly observed.

Private injuries were mainly settled by means of the law of blood revenge, the brother or nearest male relative of the victim revenging the injury by inflicting a like hurt on the offender or a member of the offender's family or clan. This retaliation might be avoided by the defendant in two ways. First, he might settle with the family and clan of the injured party by payment of goods or other compensation, if there was some doubt as to the purposeful intent of the injury. Secondly, he might flee to one of the four white towns of the nation wherein no blood could be shed and remain safe from revenge there. If the offender was within sight of a white ruler or within his door yard, he would also be safe. He then appealed to the king to save him. The latter would then follow one of two courses depending upon his own judgment of the case. He might send his messenger or blow his trumpet to call the whole town together and in their presence declare the man acquitted, or hold a regular court before which the defendant was brought and tried. If the examination showed that the guilt of the defendant was clear, he was not publicly condemned but was privately exposed to the shafts of death either in battle or in some other way so as generally to be soon taken away.

According to Nuttall (1819, p.189) the brothers of a murder would often dispose of him in order to save one of themselves from blood vengeance. Accidental deaths could be recompensed by a scalp from a prisoner or enemy. "Towns of refuge" were those inhabited by a supreme ruling king. No blood could be shed in these towns and manslaughterers fleeing there could excuse themselves and profess contrition.

From Haywood's account, it would appear that the father of a family could not punish his children since they were of a different clan from his. If he should kill them, he would be subject to clan revenge on the part of his wife's clan. Accidental killings could be punished by death through clan revenge or satisfied by a present. Always the nearest relative was punished if the culprit was unavailable (see Haywood, 1823, section of laws and customs of the Cherokee).

Gregg mentions that the entire clan was responsible for the crime of one of its members and there were no exceptions. Satisfactory communication could almost always be obtained because the relatives themselves would bring the fugitive to justice in order to avoid the punishment falling on one of them. (Gregg in Thwaites, 1904-07, vol. 20, p. 311).

Washburn (1869, p. 206) states specifically that it was the function of the older brother to inflict clan revenge. The older brother together with the mother's brother exercised more authority over the family than did the father since the latter was of a different clan and was afraid of hurting his children for reason of the likelihood of blood revenge on the part of their clan.

Besides their political and judicial functions, the white chiefs and kings were also the solemnizers and presiding agents in marriage. The parents of a couple to be married consulted the local ruler and asked him to divine the fortunes of the proposed union. This latter did through observing the movements of two beads caused by involuntary twitchings of his hand while he held the beads in it. If the beads ultimately moved together the marriage would be a success, but if they moved apart separation was bound to be the outcome of the union. In the event of unfavorable omens the match was called off and new partners were sought by the parties concerned.

The white officials of the nation had, in addition to the numerous secular and private functions, the priestly function of acting as the regulators and chief performers in the periodic ceremonies...

EDITORIAL COMMENTS

1. The statement: "His office was more generally hereditary than elective, being transmitted from a man to his oldest sister's son", is nearly correct. All children belonged to the mother's clan, and the oldest female of her generation held the precedence in the family clan. Thus, the Oukah, himself, was usually the oldest son of such a high-ranking woman. His children had no special status FROM HIM, whatever (see the article on Pocohantas), taking their status from the status of their mother. So, the Oukah's oldest sister's sons were next in line and were usually prepared to rule from their youth.

2. "The wife of the uku was of a station near to his own and might take his place until a new successor was elected if he should suddenly die" is obviously not true. Being the wife of an Oukah (Uku) had no standing of its own, and there is no written account, or word of mouth account, relating that the wife of an Oukah ever ruled, even for a short time. As there were numerous contenders prepared, the successor was usually picked, and decided upon (by the women concerned) long before a reigning Oukah died.

3. ..."appointed a time for the selection of a successor". See the above. The successor was almost always picked ahead of time. This passage should read: "a time for the CONFIRMATION of a successor".

4. "Generally the candidate was a relative of the late uku and had been agreed upon in advance of the death of the latter". Now, the truth is being told. A delegation was sent to beseech the selected candidate to accept the position. There is no known record of any refusals.

5. "a platform". This was a "litter", a "palanquin", etc. Actually, saplings were used to construct the poles on which a woven chair was built. Such sedan-chairs were much in use before the coming of the Europeans.

6. "an official white robe and a white staff or scepter. Sometimes deerskin painted yellow and a yellow cap ornamented with yellow painted feathers was prepared". What is not told here is that white was the color of the civilian capacity (for a secular ruler), and yellow as the color of the religious capacity. Both were sometimes trimmed or edged with a special red. Blood red was the color of the war organization, and the Oukah's special red went towards a bluish-purplish shade of red (magenta, or maroon). The two colors could not be confused.

7. The sedan-chair platform was carried at shoulder level by seven men -- one man leading the way by standing between the two poles at the front, and three men on the outside of the poles on either side.

8. The new Oukah did NOT walk to the door, nor did he walk home. The white shoes he wore were NEVER to touch the ground. He was carried to his sedan chair for the return trip, and from the sedan chair into his home where the sacred ritual clothing were removed.

9. "seven prime counselors. These were the chief men of each of the seven clans of the metropolis and were white officials. ...Their offices were probably hereditary in much the same manner as his own". How true. These were the older sons of the high-ranking women (sacred or royal women) in each clan -- each of whom was prepared to rule, or at least to participate in the government. TO BE ANYBODY IN THE ANCIENT CHEROKEE NATION, ONE HAD TO HAVE A HIGH-RANKING MOTHER. The only other ways were to prove valor in warfare, which many Cherokee men did to raise their status, or to become a noted orator.

10. The Oukah's flag was as written, except that it undoubtedly was NOT 4 or 5 YARDS in length... four or five feet would be more like it, and there were seven red (the Oukah's red) stars on it.

11. "...the white rulers were also the solemnizers and presiding agents in marriage". True only in the latter days. Early on, that is, before the 17th century, this was the function of the priestly class, the shaman-priests, called Kutani. After the demise of the Kutani, these duties did fall on the rulers of the civilian government, which have rather naively been called the "white" organization by generations of historians.

FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS:

1. Is there an Oukah today?

Answer. Indeed there is. He is the 69-year-old g-g-grandson of Dayunita (William Shorey Coodey) who realized that the title and position had never been abolished. So, he has used it daily since his father, Ross Robinson, died at Muskogee, Oklahoma, in 1968, as a reminder to the Cherokee people of the magnificence of their heritage, and as a slap in the face to the forces that have tried to destroy it. Those same forces have tried to destroy him, also, but he has lived through persecution, financial sanctions, attempts to kill him, and insult and injury. He refuses to make money from his status, unlike the two imposters who have tried to emulate him.

One of the copycats (who never seem to have an idea of their own) have been distributing a list of foods discovered in America which nearly doubled the supply of the worlds food stuffs (much more than corn). The real Oukah did that program about 1972 on a farm-ranch oriented early morning TV program on Channel 5, Dallas. This brought about one of the Oukah's famous quotes (others are printed below) "Imitation is the dumbest form of flattery".

2. Do the Cherokees alive today recognize him?

Answer: You probably think that is an intelligent question, but it isn't. Kingships don't usually happen by popular consensus, but by birthright. For instance, when the present Queen of England' s father died did she rush out into the streets of London and ask, "Do you recognize me as your Queen?" Certainly not. Such things are decided on ahead of time, and "the people" have no say in such matters. One might protest, but think: if you are a Catholic, does that give you the right to say who the Pope is? For that reason the present Oukah has never sought "recognition" (you can see elsewhere where He does receive plenty of recognition from high-ranking people all over the world), and, fortunately, those Cherokees who known the present Oukah have the highest regard for Him and what He represents. But the Cherokee people in Oklahoma had never heard of him until a few years ago. He goes about his business on his own, takes no money from anyone, lives on a little bit of social security, very modestly, and is highly respected by all who know Him.

The several Cherokee men imposters who have read about Him in the newspapers, who call themselves an Ugu (saying erroneously that it is from a Cherokee dialect) who solicit members to bow down before them, who sell degree-of-blood cards for money to people who have no provable Cherokee blood whatever, and engage in other questionable practices, shame themselves beyond words. The real Oukah does none of those things. "I'd starve to death first!" the Oukah says. "Come to think of it, nearly have several times!"

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An Amusing Story

In John Brown's book, "Old Frontiers" he tells that Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia wrote a letter to Oconostota, the Great Warrior who had visited him at his capital city, addressing him as "Emperor and King of Chota" "inviting him and other prominent chiefs to visit him at Winchester, promising them presents and arms. The message was sent by Abram Smith, and failing to receive a satisfactory reply, a second request was sent by Richard Pearis. The correspondence was noted by the trader Ludovic Grant, who at once notified Governor Glen of South Carolina. He wrote:

"Old Hop said he was much obliged to the Governor of Virginia for his correspondence, but as he was promised by the first messenger, ammunition and war materials, and these not being sent according to promise, neither he nor his people could make powder and bullets, and paper alone (meaning the letters) would not defend them from their enemies."

A footnote to the page reads thus: An amusing controversy resulted from the visit. Governor Dinwiddie had addressed Oconostota as "Emperor and King of Chote". Old Hop, who rightfully held the title, was offended. Pearis informed the governor, who hastened to repair the damage. He wrote: "I always, until now, understood that Oconostota was their chief man. If Old Hop is greater, I shall hereafter notice him as such." Thereafter, Dinwiddie's letters were punctiliously addressed to "Old Hop, King, Emperor, etc."

Quoted from John Brown's "Old Frontiers", a history of Tennessee.

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