PRE-EMPTIVE SELF-DEFENCE

 

        When in 1915 the first German War was two years old and seemed to go

   well for the aggressors the U.S. government headed by President Woodrow

   Wilson had reason to become apprehensive for the country's security.

   Though he had proclaimed after the outbreak of the war that the U.S. would

   stay neutral, Wilson was enough of a realist to understand that in 1916 the

   bellicose Germans would respect American neutrality no more than that of

   Belgium in 1914.  In 1915, a German submarine sank the British liner

   Lusitania despite the fact, well known to the German government, that she

   carried mainly passengers of neutral countries, Americans among them. The

   then Secretary of State William J.Bryan resigned because he thought

   Wilson's protest note to Berlin too strong.

 

        In the same year the U.S. government feared that the Germans might

   seek to gain a foothold in Haiti, beset by domestic unrest,  and there pose

   a direct military threat to U.S. shipping through the Panama Canal. They

   could achieve this by setting up a naval base in the Western hemisphere,

   perhaps in Haiti itself, for their dangerously successful U-boat warfare

   against Allied shipping in the Atlantic. Though he had promised in his

   inaugural address in 1913 that "the U.S. will never again seek one

   additional foot of territory by conquest", Wilson ordered the Marines to

   occupy sovereign Haiti in 1915 as a defensive measure to pre-empt possible

   German aggression in the Caribbean region. Haiti became occupied territory

   and a de facto protectorate against the will of its government and people.

 

        The American occupation of Haiti went on for 19 years, well beyond

   the immediate needs of self-defence in l916-18, and long after the German

   threat had ceased.  The people of Haiti who had never been a threat to the

   U.S. resented the continued occupation. They staged on and off an "intifada"

   (an Arabic term borrowed from the present Palestine–Israel conflict) against

   the American occupiers. It was "ruthlessly suppressed" (according to an

   American encyclopedia) by the U.S. Marine Corps. There were also hostile

   reactions throughout Latin America, especially after the defeat of Germany.

   The U.S. occupation of Haiti ended only in 1934, at the insistence of

   Congress.

 

        Conflict regrets it has not enough space to dwell on the political

   and legal background of the American occupation of Haiti, unprovoked by

   that country and serving no other purpose than the security interests of

   Uncle Sam during the first German war. This episode of American military

   history is cited here for the principle and practice involved: is such

   pre-emptive action or even occupation justified to prevent the calamity of

   war against an aggressor as dangerous as the Germans? Must it be condemned

   regardless of specific circumstances in which such self-defensive action

   is taken?

 

        When Israel occupied Arab territories on the Golan Height, on the

   West Bank of the Jordan and the Gaza Strip in 1967, it acted at the time in

   self-defense against the unprovoked aggression of three of her neighbours.

   Had Israel occupied, say in 1966, the territories on the same grounds which

   the U.S. used to invade peaceful Haiti, she could have justified it on the

   much stronger grounds of a threat to her security and of the urgent need for

   self-defense. Holding on to these territories proved justified by the next

   Egyptian-Syrian war against Israel in 1973. The plea of an ongoing need for

   self-defence is strengthened by the fact that Israel's neighbours, excepting

   only Egypt, have maintained a formal state of war for nearly 43 years.

 

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