Urban Community Service.

I was introduced early in my stay in Nanjing to Dr. Wang Shi Jun, a friend of one of my teaching colleagues, who taught sociology at Nanjing Normal University. Wang Shi Jun

Wang and I resonated to common interest. Wang quizzed me over several visits through an interpreter about how social service and social work was being done in the United States. His recent doctorate had been based on a study of single parents through interviews made in one of the districts of Nanjing. He was also doing studies on the floating population (migrant workers from the countryside), on elderly living separate from their parents, and on urban crime. He had recently written papers on the history of social work in China, tracing its origins to the work of Christian missionaries.

In his teaching Wang regularly takes students out to do field observations. We two made a series of visits during the year to let me see for myself the organization of social service in the city. His spoken English was developing during the year. So when he translated during a visit it would usually be only a sentence in English that summed up paragraphs of animated Chinese.

Missing in what follows about social service in Nanjing is a context-- demographic data about Nanjing, such as how many poor there are and where they are located and much else that Wang knows and I could not ask him. There is a developing literature in English both about Nanjing and about social service in China that I have not had a chance to read. Here you get what I have made out of my observation and the insights from my limited conversations with Wang.

Suo Jin Cun Community Service Center
Two residents Child on play structure


Triple room The home for elderly seemed an even more a pleasant environment than the place my mother had lived in until her death. Both were small, newly built facilities. Eighty seniors would eventually live here. The rooms were bright and the staff attentive. But here were four meals a day, not the three my mother was served. And across a small lawn with children’s play equipment in it was a preschool where 100 children came everyday. In a way that I have not usually felt in the US about facilities for the old, this seemed like a place where elderly were as treasured as the children. This seems something special about China's culture .



Suo Jin Cun Community Service Center This facility for the elderly and for children is part of the Community Service Center for Suo Jin Cun, whose main building houses upstairs a public library, a smoky room full of small tables where older men were playing cards, along with offices for staff and small meeting rooms. Downstairs there is an auditorium and a large, marble-floored lobby lined on both sides with counters above which are signs for various services, including pension, employment, and housing, Both afternoons when I was in the lobby it was nearly empty.




The "Community"

“Cun” means village. This area of Nanjing is just outside the old walls of the city, a wedge of flat land between XunWu Lake on the west and Purple Mountain on the east, two of three major features of Nanjing, the other being the Yangtze River that forms its northwestern border.

6-floor apartment blocks Walking with Wang Shijun the first time into the community from the major boulevard that skirts the base of Purple Mountain, we followed a small canal bordered by tiny, one-story, tile-roofed houses that may have been there when this was a separate village and there were fields across the canal. Behind and surrounding them and forming the majority of housing in the area are 6-story apartment complexes of grey cement built by work units in the 1980s for their workers. The acting dean of the English department, Zhang Leifang, China Pharmaceutical University lives in one of these, with her daughter and husband. They were given this apartment by his work unit, a publishing company of ancient Chinese texts where he is a senior editor. They have now bought the apartment for a very reasonable amout. In their building have lived other workers from the same company, professionals along with clerks and maintenance workers. This housing pattern has given the community its present mixture of ages and social class.



Typical 6-floor blocks built in 1980s

pastel highrises Scattered among the grey blocks of flats are growing new highrise apartment buildings, painted in pastels. Zhang’s family hopes to buy into one of these, their move presaging the evolving social stratification of the area, which close to major parks and good public transportation is making Suo Jin Cun into a community of the upwardly mobile.




New High Rise Apartments, going up everywhere today



Function and Funding of Community Services


In another community service near the center of Nanjing we saw elegant rooms for a
child development pre-school. Parents, grandparents, or the ama, bring and pick up the child for a few hours of pre-school several times a week. Parents are expected as well to participate in parenting classes. We saw lots of creative play devices including a large display of Leggo blocks. This program is getting funded by a national grant as a demonstration project, and may also be getting funding from Leggo. This center had a health clinic where we saw a pregnant woman receiving a consultation. In the lobby a group of men were crowded around one of the counters, seeking help with jobs I was told.

Both of these community service centers remind me of one-stop social service centers I have seen at home in Oakland, California. A difference is the grandness of the buildings, and the relative emptiness of the lobbies. Where were the people, the community and the staff to serve them? It is as if a concept has been developed but the ways of implementing it not. Different from California also is that these services, including the housing for the elderly and daycare for pre-schoolers, are not something one buys into, but are what one is, or should be, entitled to as a resident of the particular community. Particularly striking is that the services for those early and late in life seem to have the sense of entitlement we attach to neighborhood schools.

How are such nice facilities and elegant programs funded?


My question triggered a lively conversation between Wang and the director of Suo Jin Cun’s programs for the elderly. The Suo Jin Cun sub-district has a budget for buildings and for operations, coming from some source of funds that are its own—from taxes, I pressume. The city also channels some money for buildings, and there are some national funds for buildings. But the community had to get a bank loan to complete the building for this elderly housing. How would the community pay this back? Helping to fund the operating budget are fees from parents using the preschool and the elderly residents, but the director shrugged and then finally laughed over how to answer the question. She said she really did not know how they would find money to pay back the loan, nor how she would keep getting enough money to operate her programs. This sounded familiar.


"Neighborhood Committees"

The Community Service Center at Suo Jin Cun serves a sub-district of over 50,000 people that includes 10 neighborhood committees. What do these “neighborhood committees” do?


Going to a different section of the city we visited the offices of a committee for a housing complex, Pei Jia Qiao, built for families with special needs. These persons included the floating population (people who came to the cities from the countryside without residence permits), single parents, and returned criminals. Entering through a gate from Hunan Lu, one of Nanjing’s major shopping streets (about which I wrote in an earlier story), we walked into a small play space full of children. Small alleys led off in three directions, with 6 story apartment blocks on either side. Vegetable and fruit venders and trades people were squatting around the square, and there were people walking and talking. A pleasant seeming place, without the ominous feel of the “projects” at home.


We visited the neighborhood committee office, and talked with its three staff, all men. Two seemed to have had middle school education, and had then while on this job taken classes in community service. Wang already knew the third, who was the head of the committee. He had had two years of college, was active in district level meetings about community service, and was to go soon to Beijing to a conference on community service. He talked non-stop to Wang. His role in the neighborhood seemed to be to help preserve community harmony and mobilize community volunteers for projects that needed to be done. Many of these seemed to be clean-up projects. .

In place is a system of volunteers, often retired folk, who monitored different buildings. These persons are chiefly the ones who would come to these meetings. I think this is a long-time pattern for social organization in Chinese cities, established early on by the Party. Our conversation partner’s chief concern was how more effectively to mobilize these volunteers, rather than to "empower" them to take more initiative in building community. The staff would identify problems from their own inspection of the area or from complaints from residents, and then convene a meeting to discuss what they would do about it .  There did not seem to be the concept of a neighborhood association made up of residents who at least in principle would set directions which staff would help implement, the model for empowering people through neighborhood organization that I know.

Aims of Community Service

"Building democracy from the grass roots," however, does seem to be one aim of the government's program of community service.  We visited Mr. Ma in the offices of Nanjing's Department of Civil Affairs.  Ma is trained in social work and he and Wang knew each other from meetings and conferences.  Ma spoke of this policy with a note of conviction.  "This is President Jiang ZeMin's aim."

Central to this goal is building up “community” as an experienced social reality that claims loyalty and is facilitated by civic skills exercised through widespread voluntary participation with others in mutually beneficial activities.

Shaping the need for developing community participation, at least in part, is the intent behind the other slogan I heard many times, “moving from big government and small society, to small government and big society."  If, for example, jobs are to be determined by mutual choice and not governmental assignment, then many needs of people have to be met through other ways. Some needs can be met through the market, but others only through their participation in activities in their communities of residence.

What are the issues for these workers in social service ?

For Ma it is making the concept of the community and its implications for government clear to a variety of government agencies.  He must clarify roles within the city departments, he said, and clarifying tasks for the district level offices of civil affairs. In a sense, Ma's work is to draft regulations for the work of government offices so that community involvement is encouraged.

The China Daily regularly publishes articles about the need for laws—on worker safety, or judicial process, or protection of intellectual property—and often reports someone urging the responsible body to work harder to create these laws. In the US it seems we have too many laws. But Ma needs more detailed laws, it seems. China needs guidelines on how to make intentions work so that concepts become facts. One can get a new appreciation of the “work” of lawmaking as providing not just a way some ideology scores over opponents, but as the way society is able to function with some intentionality.

Redevelopment

A whole community lived here a month ago by a canal. This will be a prime site to develop with pastel highrise buildings, as has already been done on the other side of the canal. Where did these families go?


The front of the offices of the Gu Lou District government


What are the issues in a district office? I did not get a clear an answer about issues. Neither the district's director for civil affairs nor his associate were trained professionally in social service. They were professionals in the bureaucracy of the district. The director was new at this job and had not sought the assignment.

I asked what the implication was for their work that the city itself was displacing so many persons through its redevelopment of urban boulevards. This triggered one of those waves of conversation with Wang that I got just bits and pieces of.

The District Government headquarters is located on a broad thoroughfare. Five years ago it was a busy, smaller street, full of shops, like those above right.

My question evoked no identification with those being displaced nor even concern that the demands on the community service centers they supervised might be unduly increased. Some other department deals with this, I gather. There is some help  in relocation. But many live in those places illegally, they said. They identified with the purpose of the destruction of neighborhoods, to attract new investment in big businesses that eventually would benefit the people through more jobs. Just as was done by the apologists for massive urban renewal in the past in the US.

Social work.

two staff                       Wang with pictures

The director and assistant for elderly programs of activities at the Suo Jin Cun center.  Wang has visited with them often as he did field studies in this community for his research and teaching.

Social work is a new calling in modern China. There are people like Wang and Ma for whom the planning and strategizing is a stimulating challenge. There are people like the head of the neighborhood committee and the staff at the elderly center who seem captured by the opportunities of their jobs to make a difference in people’s lives.

I do not know what giving social service in urban China is really like. The context is different, in ways I do not yet appreciate. But there certainly were aspects that felt familiar.

The challenge faced by the neighborhood level staff in social service is to get participation. Sounded to me like the puzzle of the pastor of a small congregation that wants to grow.

The staff working with the elderly felt like people who enjoy people. They seemed to welcome the break in their day by our visit and urged me to come again, but they also enjoyed their contacts with their people. Like others I know who work at the grass roots they were mildly, at least, in doubt that the folks higher up in their hierarchy were as clear as might be about the importance of seeing their work thrive.

It seemed to me that each of these are at the doorway to doing advocacy, within the limits of their own situation, for change that will benefit the people who need it, that calling I have always seen as central to social service.

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