In
the Name of History
Examples
from Hindutva-inspired school textbooks in India
Communal
historiography is quite old in India but the new additions reflect
greater contemporary use in dividing society along communal lines.
They are also stronger in the language and expressions used. Communal
bias is woven into school textbooks with preposterous ‘facts’ in a
way that can only have dangerous consequences for the educational
standards in this country.
In the name of curriculum reform there is an attempt to rewrite
textbooks along communal lines on a scale that will submerge all
secular interpretations in school level teaching. A whole generation
would grow up with their collective memory of a shared heritage
destroyed and with ideas and information that have no basis in
reality. A successful implementation of these texts on a widespread
scale will mean the triumph of unreason as well as a tremendous and
sudden deterioration in the quality of education, where the minimum
criteria of correct empirical data and a scientific temper and reason
are thrown to the winds. Our children will be little suited to face
the real world or the world of scholarship
These
books already form an integral portion of the curriculum in the 20,000
or more Vidya Bharati schools and also the Shishu Mandirs. The
introduction of these texts into the Government schools in the BJP
ruled states has massively increased the number of children who are
being being made victims of this second rate and poisonous
‘knowledge’ The take over of educational bodies from the highest
levels to those determining the syllabi in schools, will carry this
wave of fascist propaganda into the entire educational process.
Coupled with other forms of popular education they could change our
entire ways of looking at ourselves, and also propel our political
visions along fascist rather than democratic lines.
We
give below a sampling of these texts:
SOME
GEMS FROM THE SANSKRIT GYAN TEXTS
Sanskrit
Gyan texts are taught in Vidya Bharati schools and Shishu Mandirs. The
recent RSS sponsored agenda paper on education that the Central
Government tried to present before the Conference of the State
Education Ministers suggested that these and similar texts be made
compulsory for all schools.
The students are tested on dubious ‘facts’ such as:
 | Ram
Janmabhoomi is the birthplace of Ram.
 | Iran
was first settled by Indians (Aryans).
 | Homer
adapted Valmiki’s Ramayana into an epic called Iliad.
 | Greek
philosophers like Herodotus and Aristophanes were influenced by
the Vedas.
 | The
Egyptian faith was based on Indian traditions according to Plato
and Pythagorus.
 | The
language of the Native American Indians evolved from ancient
Indian languages.
 | The
cow is the mother of us all, in whose body Gods are believed to
reside.
 | The
Ayurveda is the finest medical system of the world, and it
naturally evolved in India
 | Jesus
Christ roamed the Himalayas and drew his ideas from Hinduism.
 | In
the text books distributed in Vidya Bharti schools the map of
India is shown as including not only Pakistan and Bangladesh but
also the entire region of Bhutan, Nepal, Tibet and even parts of
Myanmar ( "punnya bhoomi Bharat" )
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A
SAMPLE FROM THE HISTORY TEXTS
These texts are being used in Shishu Mandirs and Government
Schools in BJP controlled states.
Ancient
history:
 | Rama
and Krishna took birth here to destroy evil and defend justice,
religion and Sarasvati, and god took birth here many times to make
this land pure. India is referred to as Sone ki chiriya and
jagadguru( p 4 ,Gaurav Gatha (henceforth GG), the textbook
for Class 4, Sarasvati Shishu Mandir, written in an extremely
emotional and provocative style.)
 | Our
land has always been seen with greedy eyes by the marauders,
barbarous invaders and oppressive rulers. This story of invasion
and resistance is our 3000 year long Gaurav Gatha . When this
proud tradition actually began is difficult to say because no
books were written at that time…but we believe that the first
man was born in this land(p. 8 GG)
 | To
our ancestors these marauders were like mosquitoes and flies who
were crushed (p. 8 GG)
 | Bacchus
and Dionysis, among the earliest invaders, suffered such a defeat
that feelings of terror ran in Greece(p. 9, GG) Darius had to face
such a defeat that never could Iran raise its eyes towards India
(p. 10 GG)
 | About
2200 years ago India’s trade was spread far and wide; foreign
markets were filled with goods made in India. Heaps of gems and
jewels and gold and silver filled the treasures People of the
entire world used to look to India rith greedy eyes(p. 12 GG)
 | Mahapadma
Nanda had so much wealth that if divided among the population,
every person would get Rs. 50 lakhs each (p. 13 GG)
 | Alexander’s
army was defeated at the hands of Puru and Alexander himself had
to seek forgiveness(p., 15 GG)
 | Then
came Demetrius …the preaching of ahimsa had weakened North
India. The Kshatriyas--followers of the Vedic religion
were-feeling frustrated….the ruler of Magadha was a Buddhist. So
he did not come forward to fight. But then was the country
enslaved/ Did the enemy become victorious in the birthplace of
Bhagwan Rama? No, no (p. 31, GG)
 | Pushyamitra
destroyed the Greeks. After this the people of Greece could not
attack Bharat Later they came only as refugees. As beggars they
begged for their lives but never dared to look with proud
eyes…the great man who destroyed the Greek power from its very
roots was emperor Pushyamitra. India is proud of him even today.
Every day we remember his name.(p. 35-37, GG)
 | Asoka
advocated ahimsa. Every kind of violence came to be considered a
crime. Even hunting, sacrifices in yajnas and use of arms began to
be considered bad. It had a bad effect on the army. Cowardice
slowly spread throughout the kingdom. The state bore the burden of
providing food to the Buddhist monks. Therefore people began to
become monks. Victory through arms began to be viewed as bad,
Soldiers guarding the borders became demoralised. (p. 30, GG)
 | With
the finds of bones of horses, their toys and yajna altars,
scholars are beginning to believe that the people of the Harappa
and Vedic civilisation were the same. (High School Itihaas Bhaag (henceforth
HSIB)1, p. 43, history textbook for secondary schools, Government
of U. P. revised in 1992 to suit the communal interpretations of
Indian history. This book seals with the history of India from
pre- historic times to 1526.)
 | Aryan
culture is the nucleus of Indian culture, and the Aryans were an
indigenous race. " But about the Aryans who were the builders
of Bharatiya Sanskriti in Bharat and creators of the Vedas, this
view is gaining strength among the scholars in the country that
India itself was the original home of the Aryans."(P. 48,
HSIB 1.) Archaeological and literary evidence does not support
this theory.
 | Chanakya
desired to "see the entire Bharat united into one nation."(P.
77, HSIB 1) empire building is deliberately confused with
nationhood.
 | In a
revised textbook three lines have been interpolated which reflect
an utter disregard for facts. These lines are"It is worth
mentioning that inspite of such a large empire, Asoka had got his
edicts engraved only in one script (Brahmi) and one language Pakti-Sanskrit).
This symbolises the national unity of the times".
 | The
entire period of Indian history from the death of Harsha till the
12th century has been described as the Rajput kaal (p.
168).
 | The
qualities of ancient traditional self-pride, love of freedom, the
feeling of pride towards Indian culture among Rajputs confirm the
view that the Rajput race is the descendent of ancient Kshatriya
families (p. 170 HSIB 1). That they had their ancestry in certain
invaders is dismissed as a conspiracy of western historians.
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 | The
religious factor was the predominant factor in policies and
conflicts throughout the medieval period |
 | Muslim
rule in India was a foreign rule ( the reference is to the
medieval period of Indian history when the rulers were Muslims,
although factually even this is incorrect if one takes the entire
country into account) |
 | Lakhs
of foreigners came during these thousands of years…but they all
suffered humiliating defeat….There were some whom we
digested…when we were disunited , we failed to recognise who
were our own and who were foreigners, then we were not able to
digest them. We were not able even those who for some compulsion
had separated from us. Mughals, Pathans and Christians are today
some of these people." ( Itihaas Ga Raha Hai for Class5 in
Shishu Mandir schools) |
 | Islam
spread in India solely by way of the sword. The Muslims came to
India "with the sword in one hand and the Qoran in the
other"…"Numberless Hindus were forcibly converted to
Islam on the point of the sword. This struggle for freedom became
a religious war, Numerous sacrifices were made in the name of
religion. We went on winning one battle after another. We did not
let the foreign rulers settle down to rule, but we were not able
to reconvert the separated brothers to Hinduism."( Itihaas
Gaa Raha Hai) |
 | Arabs
(barbarians) came to convert people to their religion. Wherever
they went, they had a sword in their hand. Their army went like a
storm in all the four directions. Any country that came in their
way was destroyed, Houses of prayers and universities were
destroyed. Libraries were burnt.. religious books were destroyed.
Mothers and sisters were humiliated. Mercy and justice were
unknown to them. (p.s.52-53 GG) |
 | The
second phase of the freedom struggle began with the invasion of
India by Mahmud of Ghazni (Gaurav Gatha Class 4) |
 | Mohammad
Ghori killed lakhs of people, Visvanath Temple and Bhagwan
Krishna’s birth place were converted into mosques. In turn he
was killed by Prithviraj Chauhan( p.s. 67-68, GG ) |
 | Qutb
Minar was constructed by Samundragupta, and its original name was
Vushnu Sthambha ( p. 73, GG)). |
 | The
‘foreign’ ruler Muhammad bin Tughlak transferred his capital
from Delhi to Deogiri in South India out of fear of the Hindu
kings (p. 73, GG ). |
 | When
Peshava Madhav Rao came to the throne no one could raise his eyes.
The English, the French and the Portuguese shivered; they
presented gifts in homage in his court with their heads bowed.
Delhi’s emperor was his puppet. Moghul power had ended. Nizam
and other Muslim states with bowed heads sought his (Peshava’s )
refuge. The entire country was in a sense independent (p. 111 GG) |
 | Due
to the circumstances, it ( Islam )gradually assumed the form of a
military religion ( sainik dharma) and with the force of arms,
with a lightening speed it advanced and became an international
religion.( p. 184, HSIB 1)
 | Now
the sword of Islam was transferred from the Caliphs to the Turks
(p. 189, HSIB 1)
 | The
aim of Mahmud of Ghazni and Mohammed Ghori in coming to India ,
apart from plunder was the spread of Islam in India(p.s. 190, 195,
HSIB1).
 | Allauddin
imposed 50% land revenue on the Hindus. ( p. 228 HSIB 1).
 | Hindus
acceptd turkish political supremacy only under compulsion. They
retained their identity even while leading the life of insult and
humiliation. (p. 260 HSIB 1).
 | Most
of the Sultans adopted a policy of religious intolerance. They
commited atrocities against hindus, demolished idols and
temples.because of this the Hindus had surrendered to the
Sultanate but they were always making efforts to destroy the
Sultanate ( p.278 HSIB 1 )
 | The
followers of Islam in this country whether they came as traders or
as invaders-but with this country they could never establish full
cultural harmony. One basic reason for their seperateness was the
basic principle of their religion which is monotheism…there was
continuous mutual struggle between the two cultures (p. 280, HSIB
1)
 | The
indian society during the Sultanate period was divided into two
main classes-ruling or muslim classes and ruled or non-Muslims of
whom the Hindus were the majority) the majority of the population
of the state was hindu but the Muslim class was patronised by
rulers. Hindu was merely the payer of taxes . Inspite of being
conquered in the political field, Hindus did not lose courage. To
regain their lost independence, they went on raising their voices
from time to time. Because of this historians have called it the
"period of resistance". (p. 281, p. 283, HSIB 1)
 | In
India the nature of the mussalman state was a religious state
(p.282, HSIB 1)
 | By
adopting jauhar vrat, women defended their religion and
chastity.(p. 183 HSIB1)
 | Child
marriage, jauhar, sati, purdah, jadu-tona and superstition were
all due to the fear of the muslims (p.,. 284 HSIB 1) |
| | | | | | | | | |
 | The
Babri Mosque was constructed after destroying a temple, which in
turn stood on the exact spot where Rama was born.( High School
Itihaas Bhaag 2, p. 146. This book covers the period from invasion
of Babur to recent events)
 | The
epithet intolerant is constantly used for Jahangir, Shah Jahan and
Aurangzeb
 | The
Qoran was the basis for the state policy of Aurangzeb, and
whatever policy was adopted for running the Government was
basically for promoting Islam9 HSIB 2, p. 119)
 | Destruction
of temples and schools attached to them and the building of
mosques in their place was a general policy with Aurangzeb .(HSIB
2 p. 120)
 | Shivaji
and Rana Pratap were fighters for national liberation. All the
‘Hindu’ kings who fought for their kingdoms against the
Moghuls are presented as such.
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 | In
the text books from Maharashtra, the medieval history of
Maharashtra begins and ends with Shivaji. All other historical
figures exist only in reference to him.
|
 | About
190 pages of the book deal with the history of modern India, of
which only 20 pages are devoted to the nationalist movement (HSIB
2), of which 3 pages are devoted to Dr. Hedgewar. Important
nationalist leaders are mentioned incidentally in comparison. Quit
India movement has ½ page, Jinnah is the villian.
 | Although
there are 60 pages on the entry of the British and establishment
of british rule, there is nothing that would promote an
understanding of colonialism (HSIB 2)
 | Peoples
movements find no place.
 | The
book is full of factual errors, inconsistencies, and chronological
lapses.
 | The
Muslims are solely blamed for the partition of India.
 | The
RSS as an organisation is presented as central to the
Freedom Movement. Dr. Keshavrao B. Hegdewar is one of the tallest
leaders of the freedom struggle. Statements of a large number of
national leaders have been quoted in praise of the RSS.
 | In
the section dealing with the movement against the partition of
Bengal the name of Hegdewar has been added as a leader of the
movement, the other names mentioned being those of Tilak,
Aurobindo Ghose, Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal.
 | In
the context of the civil disobedience movement there is no mention
of the Lahore Congress or Purna Swaraj.
 | The
shishu mandir text book is worse on all these counts, and the RSS
and its leaders are said to have removed the evils which hundreds
of years of slavery had given…this Sangathan became an object of
pride for the country ( p. 86 )
 | SUBSTANTIAL
amendments and additions that suit the RSS ideology have also been
made in grammar, literature and political science books for
Classes IX, X, XI and XII in Rajasthan. |
| | | | | | | | |
 | In
one of the texts, "A New Collection of Poems and Literary
Writings" (Nutan Gadya Padya Sangrah--the original title
in Hindi), prescribed for Class IX, there are, among others, four
articles, one each by Prof. Rajendra Singh (Rajju Bhaiya), RSS
chief; Tarun Vijay, editor of the RSS weekly Panchajanya;
K.C. Sudarshan, also an RSS ideologue; and Dr. Jalamsingh Ravlot
of the Swadeshi Jagran Manch. All four articles were added this
year.
 | In a
textbook for Class XI, titled Political Science - An
Introduction and Indian Political Thinkers, a chapter on Deen
Dayal Upadhyay has been added. This 1998-99 edition describes him
as a person who had deep respect for "ancient and highly
sophisticated culture of India", who envisaged an "ideal
Dharmarajya" and who was upset that "while designing the
Indian Constitution, the natural and national values had been
ignored." The 20-page section highlights his belief in
"Akhand Bharat" which was all for dissolving the 1947
Partition and cites the occasion in April 1964 when he along with
Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia conceived of a "Mahasangh" in
which India and the partitioned countries (Pakistan and
Bangladesh) would be included.
 | Rana
Pratap’s heroic deeds are the subject of a poem in the High
school Hindi syllabus. The poem Haldighati, written by Shyam
Narain Pandey was banned in 1975 as it was found to incite
communal feelings. |
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Bred on hatred, ready for the Bomb
Be it India or pakistan, the state, the mainline
media, teachers and text- books, and the family connive to poison young minds
 |
However different the focus and approach of over 28
different peoples’–level peace efforts between Pakistan and India in the
past half century, it is not insignificant that scores of individuals and
organisations involved in these efforts have, while owing allegiance to varied
initiatives thrown up similar conclusions.
A common resolution at the end of every India–Pak peace conference is to
work towards a winding down of the hate/hysteria consciously spawned about
“the other” by the respective states of India and Pakistan, by large
sections of the mainline media of both countries, and, most spuriously, by our
respective text books and oral education in schools. The rather less visible but
more permanent impact of prejudice and stereotype unleashed within the family is
a factor that also needs to be taken into consideration.
The fact that the Pakistan-India rhetoric often gets blurred and confused
into the dialectics of the Muslim–Hindu discourse with its own set of imposed
prejudices is, in a sense, unavoidable given the peculiar circumstances behind
the creation of both countries, a division of two nation states on communal
lines. So, if Pakistan was sought and attained as a “land of the pure” for
Muslims, post–1947, community lore in majority India, spawned consciously and
systematically by Hindu right wing organisations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS) and the Hindu Mahasabha, has created an army of young minds,
prepared to hold and defend the motherland’s honour (from future divisions)
for whom the country carved out was “Paapistan” (land of the sinner) and
remains as such, sinister in design, even today.
Pakistan’s text books manipulated history and even systematically demonised
any evidences of composite cultures or united struggles or shared allegiances of
region or language outside religion. But ours have not been unblemished either.
If the shared history of several thousand years was sought to be overlooked by
the systematic attempt to Islamise history in Pakistan, a process during which
even the word ‘Hindu’ was demonised, our own systematic efforts, at one
level more subtle, at another as crude, have not been unblemished.
Columns on these pages in the past have dealt with the demonisation of
today’s Indian Muslims and the marginalisation of other minorities through,
among other things, the systematic manipulation and distortion of historical
events (“invasions and attacks by Mohammedans” among other things) and
images to suit the Hindu communal design. For today’s argument, however, I
shall restrict myself to the Pakistan-India discourse and attempt to show how
even “superior and magnanimous India’s text-books” have not just been
singularly wanting but served the overall purpose of both nation states
post–1947 — that is, keeping hate sentiments on the boil. A book of national
songs (“Hamare rashtra geet”) used in schools and recommended in the
curriculum in New Delhi and some parts of Uttar Pradesh has two songs that bear
mention. One, called Pakistan ki jhanki (A glimpse of Pakistan) and the other
titled Pakistan ki history (The history of Pakistan.) seek to whip up sustained
contempt and aversion to a neighbour, “a country of the devil carved out of
the motherland.
Hamara Itihas aur Nagrik Jeevan, (Our history and civic life), the part 3
text book for schools in UP has a chapter, number 13, on “Our Neighbouring
Countries.” After lamenting at the outset of this section that poverty,
famine, drought and disease are the outcomes of war, the first para concludes:
“at the time of the 1962 Indo–China and 1965 and 1971 Indo–Pak wars, it is
evident that it was because of the selfishness of the leaders of our
neighbouring countries and their expansionist policies that they declared war on
our great, peace–loving nation and disrupted our progress.”
In the sub–section in the same chapter that deals with Pakistan
particularly, the text book reads: “Pakistan is our closest neighbour. Before
Independence, a part of India...To date, the history of Pakistan is one of
sectarian strife, political assassination, individual aggrandisement and
conflict..... Fundamentalism, fanatical sloganeering and mass hysteria have
marked Pakistan’s governance. Its leaders have used such sloganeering to
divert the attention of their toiling masses from real issues...India has always
believed, and followed a policy that it is only through friendship and
co–operation that India and Pakistan can progress. Even today we carry the
hope our relations with Pakistan improve and both developing nations grow with
speed towards prosperity.”
Do these words display scant honesty to facts and a fair share of
superiority? Has the Indian leadership always been magnanimous in extending a
hand of friendship to the land and people across the border? Was the 1971 war
launched by Pakistan? Did former prime minister Indira Gandhi and now Atal
Behari Vajpayee never use the forever convenient “external threat” to let
loose a fear psychosis, win an election, declare Emergency, test the bomb?
Our hope however is the minds of the young. The great thing about young minds
is their hyper–activeness, their abiding curiosity, their desire to shock and
scandalise and — what may defy any such demonising efforts eventually —
their ability to pursue a strand of thought that challenges them to take a fresh
or new direction. The rider however is that one makes sustained and consistent
efforts to open channels of communication with them.
That has been my experience with Aman, the South Asia studies and Peacepals
programme. Launched on a hunch with the abiding support of Mrs. Gomti
Venkateshwar, former principal of the Bombay International School, Mumbai and
Mr. Sami Mustafa, principal of the Centre for Advanced Studies, Karachi, we have
together ensured that over 75 children between Karachi and Mumbai are in regular
touch with each other. Writing letters, asking questions, having arguments and
disagreements even... but communicating.
How did we begin? It was close to August 1996, the onset of the 50th year of
Independence for both countries. Through my research for Khoj, the secular
education module that is being compiled, and my obsession for different facets
of the struggle for Independence against the British, gross lacunae in our
printed text–books had begun to stare me in the face.
Believe it or not, despite half a million lives lost and over eight hundred
thousand persons displaced during partition, followed by a half century of
reflection on the tragedy, our text books and our teachers had nothing more than
trite phrases laced with the ever-prevalent prejudice to offer to future
generations on Partition.
A period that had caused unimaginable trauma and displacement, scarred lives,
distorted visions, even reassured some with hope in humanity. But we refused to
impart fair and even–handed knowledge to our children. Formation of the Muslim
League, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Lahore Declaration, Direct Action Day — these are
the four sub–heads with three paras each that we deal with the entire period.
The result? Confusions, question marks, ripe condition for manipulation and
prejudice coming from other sources to breed.
We were going into the 50th year of independence of both countries. What
better start to the next 50 years than opening up a channel of communication
between some children of India and Pakistan. Freeing them of “our”, “the
adult” burden that we have been forcing them to carry all these years, and
allowing them, as all genuine learning should, to make their own choices, ask
their own questions, make up their own minds.
I asked one batch of the children at BIS in Mumbai if they would like to
write to children in Pakistan, become penpals with them. On two conditions, was
the startling, but actually predictable, reply: Provided you first do a module
on Partition — why, how, what happened? And Kashmir — why and what is
happening with us? Done. We had a detailed discussion on the two subjects
requested and animated, excited and endless discussions that followed. Only
after that did the Peacepals exchange begin. It is, fortunately, still
continuing.
What is as heartening is that through CC’s Learning pages and Khoj pull-out
(it will resume next month), the message of Aman has spread to a wide network of
readers. And youngsters — who have joined in the Aman exchange, desirous of a
friend across the border, perturbed by the latest round of hate–mongering
which has reached unprecedented proportions with the testing of nuclear bombs by
first India and then Pakistan — write to us every month.
Apart from Syed Hasan Zia Rizvi of Class VII’s touching poem that we
reproduce next month on the Khoj pull–out pages in full, Aahana Nivedhita’s
prompt and short letter is telling (see quote). After outlining her address, her
hobbies etc, she pours her heart out.
We share your concern and sense of disquiet, Syed Hasan and Aahana. And if
the little that we are attempting helps stem your distress and emboldens you to
share your feelings that appear to swim against the tide, our efforts would have
been meaningful. That’s when we may together realise that it is we who speak
for the majority, not they.
Teesta Setalvad
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