For the second time in succession, a United Nations
humanitarian aid co-ordinator in Iraq has resigned
because he can no longer stand by and watch the
suffering of Iraqis affected by sanctions imposed since
the Gulf War.
German official Hans von Sponeck will leave his post
next month, after only 17 months. His predecessor,
Irishman Dennis Halliday, was another critic of the UN
policy. He left saying he did not want to be associated
with the adverse impact of UN sanctions on the hapless
people of the country.
If sanctions were achieving the principal aim of forcing
the rogue regime to destroy its weapons of mass
destruction and allowing the return of disarmament
inspectors, there might be a strong case for continuing
them. However, nine years after the end of the Gulf War
nothing looks remotely like unseating the despotic
Saddam Hussein, who is still hanging on to his weapons.
He told his people last month: "The embargo will not be
lifted but will erode itself. We have no choice but to
adhere to our path, and the spirit of jihad."
True to type, a tyrant depicts the suffering he inflicts on
his nation as some kind of holy war. Iraq's economy is
destroyed and its children are dying from malnutrition
and lack of medicines. But there is no group in the
country capable of loosening his iron grip on power.
The World Health Organisation puts the number of
sanctions-related deaths of children aged under five at
between 5,000 and 6,000. At that rate, sanctions begin
to look like a war waged against babies for which both
sides are responsible.
The US blames the Iraqi people's plight on Saddam's
callous disregard for their welfare. It says the regime is
using less than seven per cent of the US$25 million set
aside for nutritional supplements and has medical
supplies worth US$287 million sitting in warehouses.
Iraq claims it does not have the trucks to move them, to
which the US counters that Saddam does not lack
trucks to move his troops.
Regardless of the dictator's actions, the situation is
incompatible with the UN Convention on the Rights of
the Child. This should concern the US, which claims
moral leadership in human rights, and Britain, which
claims to have an ethical foreign policy. The UN is split
over the latest weapons inspection programme. Instead
of wasting time to produce yet another ambiguous
agreement, these two countries should now try to design
a programme that cripples Saddam's regime without
killing its people.
Washington's only comment on the von Sponeck
departure is to say it looks forward to "an able
manager" who will boost the benefits of the oil-for-food
programme. Perhaps it should also reflect upon why it
has so far failed to find one