Steve Chapman
Chicago Tribune
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/commentary/printedition/article/0,2669,SAV-0003020031,FF.html
March 2, 2000
The world has changed a lot since 1990. The Soviet
Union no longer exists, the federal deficit has vanished,
and Jennifer Lopez is all grown up. But two things
remain the same: Iraq is under international economic
sanctions, and the sanctions are a failure.
If they were a success, Saddam Hussein would no
longer be a threat. For that matter, he would be rotting
in jail or exile or the graveyard.
The sanctions were supposed to put such intense
pressure on his beleaguered regime that it would
collapse, liberating Iraq from tyranny and ridding us of a
principal foreign policy nemesis.
Hussein outlasted one U.S. president, George Bush, and
he's a good bet to outlast a second. Anybody want to
try to for three?
Unfortunately, a lot of Iraqis won't be able to mark the
10-year anniversary of the sanctions later this year
because they happen to be dead. UNICEF blames the
embargo for the death of half a million children. Human
Rights Watch says it has contributed to "a pervasive and
protracted public-health emergency" that has spawned
an epidemic of disease and malnutrition. "Lack of access
to sufficient and appropriate food and medicine has been
one element, but also crucial has been the degradation of
the water and sanitation sectors, contributing to chronic
intestinal and acute respiratory infections," reports
Human Rights Watch.
We have devised an ingenious weapon that decimates
the populace of Iraq while miraculously leaving its rulers
safe and sound.
Scholars John Mueller and Karl Mueller wrote last year
in Foreign Affairs magazine that the sanctions may have
contributed to the deaths of more people "than have
been slain by all so-called weapons of mass destruction
throughout history."
Two consecutive UN humanitarian coordinators in Iraq
have quit the job to protest the impact of the sanctions
on helpless non-combatants.
Even in the
U.S. Congress, where the deaths of enemy civilians are
usually borne with equanimity, 70 members have signed
a letter to President Clinton urging an end to the
embargo for non-military goods. House Democratic
Whip David Bonior calls the economic blockade
"infanticide masquerading as policy."
Supporters of the policy insist Hussein deserves sole
credit for the suffering. In an ostensible effort to minimize
harm to civilians, the UN implemented an oil-for-food
program that lets Iraq sell fuel to pay for essentials, and
Iraq now exports as much oil as it did before the Persian
Gulf war. But under UN rules, a third of the revenues go
to pay compensation to Kuwait, UN expenses and the
like.
Many critical necessities of modern life remain off-limits
regardless. Chlorine, used to purify water, isn't allowed
into Iraq for fear that Hussein will use it to make poison
gas. Syringes and plastic blood transfusion bags have
also been blocked--as have many fertilizers and
insecticides that come in handy if you want to, say, grow
food. The embargo also makes it impossible to repair
elements of the country's infrastructure that were
pulverized by our B-52s.
Hussein himself could make life easier for his subjects if
he would divert money from building weapons and
palaces or simply do everything the UN wants him to
do. But he has shown himself to be quite stoic in
enduring the pain of ordinary Iraqis. His guilt in the
matter, however, doesn't relieve us of our own
obligation to avoid actions that needlessly harm
innocents.
It's not as though the embargo is accomplishing a lot on
the positive side.
Iraq was assumed to have biological and chemical
weapons even when it was crawling with UN weapons
inspectors--and they were kicked out of the country in
1998, making it far easier for Hussein to stockpile such
munitions. Back then, Iraq was believed to be close to
building nuclear arms as well and they are presumably
closer still today. If weapons of mass destruction are the
problem, the sanctions have been a poor solution.
Lifting the embargo would not exactly mean inviting
Hussein to attack his neighbors. He had chemical and
biological weapons during the Gulf war but didn't use
them because of the threat of overwhelming
retaliation--a threat that he can't escape today. Military
deterrence is the best defense against his troublemaking,
and it doesn't require punishing the Iraqi people to
succeed.
The Clinton administration is reluctant to abandon a
cherished and longstanding policy merely because it has
shown itself to be futile.
But when a strategy is futile as well as lethal to people
who have done nothing wrong, it deserves to be junked.