Last Updated: Aug. 19, 2000
              August marks the 10th anniversary of U.N. sanctions against Iraq - the
              longest and most severe economic boycott in modern history.

              Despite a massive oil-for-food relief program, U.N. agencies acknowledge
              that sanctions, which went into effect on Aug. 6, 1990, have contributed to
              a humanitarian disaster in Iraq. Hundreds of thousands of Iraqi children
              have died prematurely.

              The recalcitrance of the Iraqi regime regarding arms inspection and the
              absence of compromise within the U.N. Security Council - especially by the
              United States - have produced a political stalemate. The result is a brutal
              ordeal for innocent Iraqis with no end in sight.

              The U.S. now finds itself isolated in its policy toward Iraq. Even Great
              Britain, which stood with the United States throughout the decade, has
              recently urged Washington to ease sanctions. There is growing support in the
              Security Council for suspending the general trade sanctions while
              maintaining a strict embargo on weapons and military technology.

              There are two compelling arguments that should motivate U.S. support for
              this approach.

              First, by lifting the civilian trade sanctions, the United Nations could
              concentrate on the arms embargo that has been instrumental in degrading
              Iraq's war making capacity. Prior to their ejection from Iraq in December
              1998, U.N. weapons inspectors were successful in locating and dismantling
              most of Iraq's nuclear, ballistic missile and chemical-weapons capabilities.

              The U.N. Special Commission on Iraq, UNSCOM, certified in 1997 that "there
              are no indications that any weapon-usable nuclear materials remain in Iraq"
              and "no evidence in Iraq of prohibited materials, equipment or activities."
              The arms embargo part of U.N. sanctions has blocked imports of military
              equipment.

              As a result, the Iraqi armed forces suffer from "decaying, obsolete or
              obsolescent major weapons," according to a report from the Center for
              Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

              These gains could be preserved through a policy that focuses on blocking
              military-related shipments while permitting the controlled recovery of
              Iraq's civilian economy. But these inspections can't be carried out as long
              as economic sanctions remain in place, since Saddam Hussein has no incentive
              to cooperate.

              Second, a policy that leads to the death of hundreds of thousands of
              children is morally unacceptable. The human costs of the general trade
              sanctions have far exceeded any political gains. From Patrick Buchanan to
              Rosie O' Donnell, Americans have expressed outrage about the Iraq sanctions.

              Lifting civilian sanctions while maintaining a vigorous arms embargo is a
              humanitarian imperative, but it also makes sense politically and
              diplomatically. Such a policy would recognize the progress that the United
              Nations achieved in Iraq, and it could be offered as an incentive to
              encourage less hostile relations between Iraq and the rest of the world.

              The stakes in the Iraq crisis are huge, not only for the people of Iraq, but
              for the U.S. leadership position within the United Nations. Sanctions
              against Iraq have eroded international support for the United Nations and
              the United States.

              If we act now to lift civilian trade sanctions while maintaining an arms
              embargo, it would relieve the U.N. of responsibility for the humanitarian
              crisis in Iraq.

              It would also bolster the legitimate commitment of the United Nations to
              peace and security in the Gulf region and beyond.

              Economic sanctions have taken a terrible toll. They must be lifted now.

              -
              David Cortright and George A. Lopez are co-authors of "The Sanctions Decade:
              Assessing U.N. Strategies in the 1990s," the first case-by-case report on
              the effectiveness of U.N. sanctions in the 1990s. This article was written
              for The Progressive Media Project in Madison.