MERIP Press Information Note 32
Running for Cover: The US, World Oil Markets and Iraq
Chris Toensing
September 28, 2000
(Chris Toensing is editor of Middle East Report.)
Last week's panic within the Clinton Administration over a potential winter
spike in heating oil prices has greatly eased, as oil prices have begun
to
fall. The Democrats' political planners feared that Republican candidate
George W. Bush and voters would blame Clinton and Vice President Al Gore
for
failing to forestall the price rise that dominated the news for the last
two
weeks. Hence Clinton's acquiescence in Gore's September 21 call for the
US
to dip into its Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) despite the counsels
of
Administration technocrats, like Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, that
tapping the reserve would not significantly lower oil prices over the long
term.
The SPR release was only one of several Administration strategies behind
the
scenes to find political cover as oil prices rose. One strategy that briefly
surfaced in the media was to blame the turbulent oil markets on planned
"disruptions" in Iraqi oil production. The Iraqi regime obliged last week
by
voicing harsh criticism of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia--accusing those countries
of stealing Iraqi oil--and apparently sending an Iraqi plane into Saudi
airspace. US officials appear to believe that the shrill Iraqi rhetoric
mirrors Iraq's threats against Kuwait in 1990. Iraq, they argue, is looking
for ways to increase its leverage in the ongoing debate over economic
sanctions and how to implement the Oil-for-Food program. Will the
Iraqis--still the sixth-largest supplier of crude oil to Western markets
despite sanctions--cut back production to drive up prices?
THE REAL IRAQI CALCULUS
Iraq's belligerence was about more than Oil-for-Food. Rather, Iraq was
greatly concerned about today's UN Compensation Commission (UNCC) meeting.
At this meeting, the UNCC accepted a huge $15.9 billion Kuwaiti claim for
oil field damage caused by the Iraqis in 1990-1991. Baghdad not only sees
this compensation demand as excessive, but also fears that the claim could
open the floodgates for more large claims against Iraq by various other
countries and companies. The regime can ill afford this danger to its
revenue base.
Faced two weeks ago with this prospect, Baghdad signaled that it was
prepared to take drastic action, maybe even temporarily suspending its
oil
exports under the Oil-for-Food program. On September 20, the five permanent
members of the Security Council concocted a diplomatic face-saving formula.
With Russia, France, China and two temporary members of the committee,
Tunisia and Malaysia, calling for delay on the Kuwaiti compensation
decision, US and UK officials at the UN suddenly began to emphasize the
need
for consensus among all UNCC members before moving ahead with the claim.
September 27, the five permanent Security Council members reduced the amount
of oil export revenue to be used for Iraq's reparations payment from 30
percent to 25 percent effective in December, probably assuaging Iraq's
anger
at the scale of the Kuwaiti claim for now. Given the recent signs that
Iraq's international isolation is lessening--with Venezuelan President
Hugo
Chavez visiting Iraq and French and Russian planes landing in Baghdad--the
UN allies of the Iraqi regime are pressing Iraq to claim a political victory
and rest easy that Iraqi concerns are being taken seriously by the council.
Iraq's deputy foreign minister, Riyad al-Qaisi, scoffed today at the five
percent decrease in the oil sales contribution to reparations. But cooler
heads will likely prevail: Iraq has no immediate cause to suspend exports.
US POLITICKING IN THE G-7 AND OPEC
To magnify the effect of the SPR release on the market, the US is pushing
a
coordinated release of reserves by the entire G-7 group, or a subset
thereof, on September 29. The US wants broad cooperation from the G-7,
both
because world prices would be much more likely to fall and because
coordinated action would insulate the Administration from Republican
charges--voiced last week by Bush--that the SPR release holds long-term
energy security hostage to US electoral politics. The Europeans need the
coordinated release because French and UK Prime Ministers Lionel Jospin
and
Tony Blair, and even German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, are feeling
threatened by deepening fuel protests. US officials are investigating the
impact of a release among large oil companies. France and Spain have long
favored a release of petroleum reserves, and now the last holdout, Germany,
appears to be wavering. It is likely that a coordinated G-7 action for
a
period of three months would cause prices to fall by $3-4 per barrel,
diminishing even further the political pressure on governments on both
sides
of the Atlantic.
Meanwhile, the US called on OPEC to hike production at its September 25
meeting. The OPEC meeting was mostly uneventful, stressing "stability and
cooperation" as usual. Only Saudi Arabia has the spare capacity to cover
the
extra production, and the Saudis would prefer not to tap it. Hence the
Saudis welcomed news of a possible G-7 SPR release. The threatening
statements emanating from Caracas probably only reflected Venezuela's
position, and do not signal that OPEC will cut production.
OIL MARKETS, DECEMBER SURPRISES
Falling oil prices have lightened the tense atmosphere of the last two
weeks, when Iraqi threats to cut production and US saber-rattling fueled
increased speculation about an "October surprise"--intensified US bombing
of
Iraq. But the latest round of UN compromises doesn't alter the fundamental
irritants to Iraqi-Western relations: sanctions remain in place and
Washington will keep them there as long as Saddam Hussein rules Iraq.
Ironically, the cooling of tensions now may presage sharper tensions over
oil in the coming months.
Iraq is not especially eager to wield its oil weapon. Key European
states--France, Germany, the Netherlands--are reeling from the social impact
of high oil prices, and Iraq wants to avoid alienating them so that the
erosion of international consensus on sanctions may continue. The oil weapon
might not be so effective in any case, since the resulting oil output gap
could be partially filled by a Saudi production increase.
But the UN compromise on the Iraq reparations payment issue does not preempt
the possibility that Baghdad will suspend oil supply in the coming months.
At the end of the current eighth phase of Oil-for-Food program in early
December, Iraq may be tempted to halt exports. Baghdad certainly paid
attention when the US and UK quieted their clamoring for the Kuwaiti claim
in the UNCC because they feared the consequences for Iraqi supply. A looming
Iraqi export suspension will keep nagging pressure on the Security Council
to soften the terms of the Oil-for-Food deal, especially the contract
approval process that allows the US and UK to hold up otherwise approved
transfers of goods to Iraq. As early as December, the lame duck Clinton
Administration may once again be running for political cover as Iraqi
threats, rising global consumption and winter weather cause oil prices
to
rise anew.
(When quoting from this PIN, please cite MERIP Press Information Note 32,
"Running for Cover: The US, World Oil Markets and Iraq," by Chris Toensing,
September 28, 2000.)
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For background on US policy toward Iraq, see MERIP PIN 29: "Politics, Not
Policy: Behind US Calls for War Crimes Tribunals for Iraq"
http://www.merip.org/pins/pin29.html
For analysis of US oil policy in the Middle East, see Simon Bromley, "Oil
and the Middle East: The End of US Hegemony?" in Middle East Report 208
(Fall 1998).
The summer 2000 issue of Middle East Report (MER 215), "Iraq: A Decade
of
Devastation," offers critical assessments of both US-led economic sanctions
and the strategies of the Iraqi regime. Phyllis Bennis's introductory
article, "'And They Called It Peace': US Policy on Iraq," is accessible
online at:
http://www.merip.org/mer/mer215/215_bennis.html
To subscribe or order individual copies, call Blackwell Publishers at
1-800-835-6770.
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