Iraq is struggling years after war
BY TOM HEINEN Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
BAGHDAD, Iraq - Whipped by hot summer winds, a huge cloud of desert dust
obscures buildings several
blocks away and thinly veils the far side of the Tigris River. On the ground,
Baghdad pulsates with life.
Relentless streams of cars, trucks and buses rush like pieces in a high-speed
video game, forcing pedestrians
to sprint through gaps in traffic. But that vision of vitality in Iraq's
capital is partly a mirage. Reality gets
blurred in a land where gasoline is 10 cents a gallon, bottled water can
cost 37 cents to 75 cents for 1.6
quarts, and summer temperatures soar so far above 100 degrees that no one
bothers to find out how hot it
really is. Viewed up close, nearly all of the cars are at least 10 years
old. Most have multiple cracks in their
front windshields. Rattles and squeaky brakes are common. So are inoperative
or ignored traffic lights.
Peering more deeply beneath the social veneer reveals a more detailed scenario.
Many families struggle each
day just to survive. They hold their lives together with minuscule wages,
long work hours, second jobs,
money from relatives abroad, sales of household possessions and junk at
markets and auction houses,
income from working children who have dropped out of school, and any other
resources they can put
together.
Ten years after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait sparked a continuing United Nations
ban on trade, Iraqis have
settled into an economy that may be improving on some levels but still
produces more stress than progress.
"Many women suffer from depression, anxiety, insomnia, weight loss and
other health problems," says a
U.N. Children's Fund report, which also notes evidence of increased family
conflicts and divorce.
From an economic standpoint, a more apt image of Iraq would be the Dust
Bowl on America's Great Plains
in the 1930s, during the Great Depression.
Baghdad is not just experiencing its worst meteorological drought in a
century. Its economy has been largely
bone-dry for much of the past decade. Unemployment is around 50 percent,
and wages of $2 to $3.50 a
month are common, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross
and people on the streets.
Per capita income is below $500, compared with $3,500 10 years ago, according
to a 1999 UNICEF
report.
For most Iraqis the social safety net is the monthly food ration basket
that virtually every family gets. And
even that does not yet meet minimal nutrition requirements or carry most
families through the last 10 days of
the month in the center and south, where most Iraqis live.
However, as is often the case in the Middle East, there are layers of complexity
and exceptions to the rule.
Governmental palaces, new restaurants and other structures have been built.
Mercedes ply the streets of
Baghdad, serving the elite in the Iraqi power structure.
Although they are few, such luxury cars also reflect the growing number
of people profiting - with Iraqi
government approval - from a booming black market in which illegal oil
exports and consumer-product
imports are smuggled back and forth across a water route near Iran and
openly porous borders in Turkey
and Jordan.
Rising oil prices and the lifting of the ceiling on how much oil Iraq can
sell under the U.N.'s oil-for-food
program also have had a big impact, especially in the past year. More than
$7 billion has been approved for
the current six-month period to buy food, medicine, oil field equipment
and other nonmilitary items. And
most of that must be spent abroad.
However few, luxury cars are not the only signs of an economic pulse in
Baghdad. Modern appliances,
electronic equipment, Western designer clothes, children's backpacks, school
supplies, medicine, luxury
toiletries and other products can be found in some specialty stores. Beggars
on street corners, an unusual
sight in the not-so-distant past, are a reminder that upscale shoppers
need not worry about long lines. The
masses cannot afford even a fraction of such costs.
Iraq was different 10 years ago. Some experts dispute how much of the population
had lifestyles that were
close to First World standards, especially in the rural areas.
But Iraq's primary education, university, health care and water-treatment
systems - to name some examples
- were widely admired in the Middle East. "Iraq was the jewel of the Arab
crown," Picco says. "It really
was an incredible country.
"Iraq possessed the know-how that no other Arab country did. Good, intelligent,
hard-working people and
a very good educational system. They produced the technical class of the
Arab world, from chemical to
structural to mechanical engineering. You name it."
The U.N. trade embargo, coupled with tens of billions of dollars in damage
to vital infrastructure in two
wars, dramatically changed how the majority of Iraq's people lived and
worked. There was little work.
Professionals began turning their private cars into taxi cabs. Or they
would sell their cars to try to maintain
their lifestyles. Next, they began selling their possessions. And sometimes
their homes. The pattern continues
to this day.
"The middle class is vanishing," says Picco, who sat across from Iraqi
leaders in Baghdad in the 1980s and
early 1990s with then-U.N. Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar.
Several million people do not have access to safe drinking water, more
than half of the garbage in some
areas is not collected, more than 250 tons of raw sewage is discharged
directly into rivers each day, and
daily power blackouts that last for hours disrupt services and lives, according
to a
1999 UNICEF report.
In Baghdad, power is cut for two hours in the morning and two hours at
night every day, but at different
times in different areas. Sometimes the blackouts are unexpected and longer.
In Basra, the country's
second-largest city, power goes out for 11 hours many days, residents say.
"This water, electricity and everything, is difficult," said the Rev. Joseph
Habbi, a priest in the Chaldean
Church, an Eastern Rite church in communion with the Roman Catholic Church.
He is the philosophy and
theology dean of Babel College and serves the Chaldean patriarch in Baghdad
as cultural affairs vicar. "But
the real problem is the embargo. And you know, everybody knows that the
embargo is against the people
only. If you speak about the regime or political, I think the embargo generally
fortified the authority and the
power of the regime, not the contrary."