LAKSAMANA, May 1, 2002 04:49 PM
Ambon: Battlefield for Jakarta Players
Laksamana.Net - Ambon is again being used as the scene for a war by proxy among
the Jakarta elite but just who's involved remains less than clear.
Just one week before the celebration of the anniversary of the Republic of South
Maluku (RMS) movement April 25, two important events took place in Jakarta.
A close aide of President Megawati Sukarnoputri announced she would attend the
declaration of an independent East Timor on May 20.
At around the same time, Megawati issued a presidential decree appointing new Air
Force Chief of Staff Chappy Hakim and Navy chief of Staff Bernard Sondakh retaining,
for the time being, Endriartono Sutarto as the incumbent Army Chief of Staff.
Analsysts say the latter decision reflected Megawati’s lack of confidence in the
loyalty of a number of Army generals and is keeping the force in stalemate.
Megawati’s decision to attend the birth of East Timor as an independent nation has
without doubt touched the nerve center of the corps of retired and serving generals,
especially those who took part in the Army’s monopoly of both territory and business
in East Timor during the Suharto era.
The predawn attack against Soya village Sunday (28/4/02) was carried out by a group
of masked men who acted in what was clearly a military-style operation.
Some political observers and activists intensively involved in the search for peaceful
resolution in Maluku told Laksaman.net that the aggression at Soya village reminded
them of the mass killings of suspect "magicians" in Banyuwangi, on the tip of East
Java, in 1998.
Research into the Banyuwangi’ killings suggests a number of military personnel from
the red beret Special Forces (Kopassus) regiment were involved in masterminding the
attacks.
These personnel were members of a Kopassus unit close to former Kopassus
Commander and then Strategic Reserve (Kostrad) Commander Prabowo Subianto.
There is so far no evidence to suggest that the attack on Soya owed anything to
Kopassus operations other than its style.
Eyewitnesses assert, however, that the attackers wore black masks and military
uniforms equipped with military standard M-16 rifles and bayonets, as well as swords,
daggers and homemade bombs.
There were also reports that the Soya church was destroyed by mortar fire.
Both the military observers and activists believe the possible involvement of Kopassus
in the attack needs to be investigated.
The military has dismissed reports that its uniforms were used, saying this did not
necessarily mean the attackers came from the Army.
Djafar Umar Thalib’s Laskar Jihad demonstrated in its campaign in Poso late last
year that it has developed strong ability on the battlefield and has access to modern
weaponry.
More important to many analysts is not who performed the Soya attack, but who
organized the pre-dawn killings.
The first primary suspect is Laskar Jihad itself. Next in line is the Islam Defenders
Front (FPI) widely believed to have close links to former Armed Forces Commander
Wiranto and former Kostrad commander Djaja Suparman.
Laskar Jihad has expressed a clear stance of supporting Islamic resurgence in
Maluku over a period of three years.
The Malino II accords engineered by Coordinating Minister of Social Welfare Yusuf
Kalla has been consistently rejected by Laskar Jihad.
Church leader in Ambon were quick to accuse Laskar Jihad over the massacre in
interviews with Metro TV.
Other analysts believe Laskar Jihad is too simple an answer to the question of who
did the killings. They also doubt the group’s ability to mount such a swift and
sophisticated attack.
These analysts tend towards the theory that the attacking group may have been a
specially trained group of civilians or a group of Army personnel acting outside of the
chain of command. Potential culprits include Kopassus deserters, possibly including
veterans of the Banyuwangi killings.
Chief of information at the Patimura Military command overseeing Maluku, Maj. Herry
Suhardy was quick to dismiss suggestions that the group was acting on official
orders. "People should understand that any rioter could use a TNI uniform. Such an
act is an attempt to discredit the TNI," he said.
Debate continues among the Jakarta elite over the puppet master in the RMS
anniversary and Soya breaches of Malino II. Some point the finger at the head of the
State Intelligence Agency (BIN), Maj. Gen. (ret.) AM Hendropiyono.
Since the detention of deputy treasurer of National Mandate Party (PAN) Tamsil
Linrung in Philippines, Hendropriyono’s position has come under intense pressure.
Several off-the-record interviews with sources close to the Islam-based parties (Center
Axis) have accused Hendropriyono of involvement in covert operations in Papua, the
leaking of disinformation to the Philippines intelligence agency, and finally, of
involvement in the unrest in Ambon.
The allegations also suggest that Megawati’s husband Taufik Kiemas is caught up in
the rivalry to gain more direct access to the President.
Hendropriyono’s track record makes him a relatively simple target to attack. On
December 12, 1998, he told The Jakarta Post on the controversy then raging over civil
militia groups.
"The militia could be armed and given their own uniforms and ranks, but would still fall
under the supervision of Armed Forces headquarters," he said. On another occasion,
he said "security is very important. Security can only be guaranteed if people protect
their own property and uphold democracy." And then again, "the civilian militia would
be multipurpose organizations … used to handle anarchic situations and unrest."
Hendropriyono has long epitomized a strong image of the roving TNI officer with a
background in the elite red beret Special Forces, together with the status of territorial
commander in no lesser place than Jakarta, where he was military commander
1993-1994.
Hendropriyono spent 20 years in Kopassus. He concentrated on anti-terrorist
operations as and in 1989 put his skills into practices as resort military commander in
Lampung (Danrem 043/Garuda Hitam).
He led an attack against a local community of about 550 in the Talangsari district that
continues to be the subject of controversy as a major abuse of human rights. Over
100 are believed to have been killed in the attack on the followers of the Warsidi
Muslim faction, with many more jailed.
The case has led to a high profile for Hendropriyono at agencies such as Human
Rights Watch, Amnesty International and Tapol. Indonesia’s Legal Aid Foundation
(LBHI) and other Indonesian NGOS also remain critical of his role in the Lampung
massacre in 1989.
Despite the vulnerability of his record, Megawati chose him as her head of Intelligence
with cabinet rank not least because of his efforts in allowing her to take the leadership
of the then Democratic Party (PDI) while he was Jakarta Commander. He is
considered an old friend of the women who now sits in the Presidential palace.
At the time of Hendropriyono’s appointment, some analysts speculated that his main
role would be to cut off in their prime moves by the discontented generals. These
include two former Armed Forces Commanders, Wiranto and Feisal Tanjung.
Hendropriyono and Wiranto both played a role under the Habibie government of setting
up militias. Hendropriyono is considered the conceptor of the civilian militia movement
as secretary for operational guidance and development (Sesedalobang) in 1996.
At the time, his task was to observe and monitor likely places of unrest in remote
parts of the country. His concept of arming civilians stems from this period.
At the least, Maluku remains a strong area for profit for the arms smuggling business.
For as long as it suits political interests to use it as the stage for their struggle for
power at the center, there will be no shortage of weapons for killings such as Soya.
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