Abstract

This region across the northern part of what was Somalia was, in fact, a British colonial possession; the other parts of what was to become Somalia, were under Italian - and, earlier Ethiopian - dominance. Somaliland, therefore, was an independent African state, albeit briefly, before uniting with the other territories on the Horn in 1960 to become Somalia. But this union was also never formally ratified.

Such unions are not unknown in Africa. But the union of Somaliland with greater Somalia, has been the longest lasting. It was in 1991 that Somaliland once again declared its independence but it still remains unrecognised.

This, in many ways, is the ethnic problem of the rest of Africa at large. And it is these divisions that the government of Somaliland has consciously worked to eradicate; to create a sense of Somaliland nationalism. Ultimately, it is widely hoped, in official circles here, that this non-sectarian growth can spread to the rest of the Somali world resulting perhaps, in the future, in a new union.

HARGEISA, There is growing confidence in this capital of Somaliland that the territory will soon be accorded full international recognition as an independent sovereign state. One reason for this is the strong lobby that has emerged within the African Union, to support Somaliland's claim; the other is the historic basis of that claim.

Last year, the AU commission fact finding mission to Somaliland concluded that the AU 'should find a special mediod of dealing with this outstanding case'. South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has also called on the AU to take a lead in the matter.

Ever since the fragmentation of Somalia into rival fiefdoms, ruled by clan-backed warlords, and the emergence of Somaliland and Pundand as proclaimed independent states, this process has been seen, in many parts of the continent, as a direct direat to the colonially-based tenets of African sovereignty and unity.

Europe created the nation states of Africa, without any consideration for linguistic, cultural or historical factors on the ground: that was Africa's inheritance. It was an inheritance that could not be denied and so it was accepted as a step towards an eventual pan Africanism. The national borders inherited from the past should be respected.

But that, in fact, is Somaliland's strongest card. For this territory, stretching from the arid coastal region-the Cuban-of the Horn to the Gollis mountains inland and the pasturelands of the Hawd and into Ethiopia, were not part of colonial Somalia.

This region across the northern part of what was Somalia was, in fact, a British colonial possession; the other parts of what was to become Somalia, were under Italian - and, earlier Ethiopian - dominance. Somaliland, therefore, was an independent African state, albeit briefly, before uniting with the other territories on the Horn in 1960 to become Somalia. But this union was also never formally ratified.

Such unions are not unknown in Africa. But the union of Somaliland with greater Somalia, has been the longest lasting. It was in 1991 that Somaliland once again declared its independence but it still remains unrecognised.

Other unions involving African states have been rather shorter lived. Senegal and Mali, for example, barely made it for a year while Egypt and Syria stayed united for three years until 1961. Gambia and Senegal managed to stay together from 1982 to 1989.

However, no union seemed more appropriate than the one on the Horn of Africa. Although its population is deeply divided by clan and tribal loyalties, the population almost all speak Somali, share in common religious adherence to Sunni Islam and have the same, often largely, nomadic way of life and culture.

Family, sub-clan, clan and tribe are the traditional markers of the Somali-speaking society and it is this that has given rise to the anarchy, most internationally evident in Mogadishu where different districts of the former capital city are controlled by different warlords. The major clans such as the Isaaq, Ciise, Gadabuursi, Warsangeli and Dhulbahante all have numerous subdivisions that are frequently involved in bitter blood feuds.

This, in many ways, is the ethnic problem of the rest of Africa at large. And it is these divisions that the government of Somaliland has consciously worked to eradicate; to create a sense of Somaliland nationalism. Ultimately, it is widely hoped, in official circles here, that this non-sectarian growth can spread to the rest of the Somali world resulting perhaps, in the future, in a new union.

That, in any event, is the expressed wish. And, given the current state of the regions on the Horn, it seems a nonsense to go on pretending that a transitional government of a united Somalia, that cannot even enter the capital, represents much at all, let alone a country.

This is a point made strongly by Somaliland politicians. They point out that while the anarchy that reigns throughout most of what was Somalia will have to be dealt with, it is not being helped by ignoring the claims to recognition of the one region which provides more than a semblance of nationhood and stability.

It is an argument that is gaining much greater currency throughout the continent. And with the prospect of oil and gas perhaps lying offshore - still a long shot at this stage - it might make sense to support an independent Somaliland, especially since it would constitute no precedent for post colonial fragmentation.