Issue No.6/2003                        June 30,2003


Arial View of Moulmein Prison, in where about 100 political prisoners are imprisoned


Nai Ngwe Thein, Vice-Chairman of MNDF and Advisor of CRPP


Dr. Min Soe Lin, elected MP and the General Secretary of MNDF
(photo: AAPP)


A Group of Mon Buddhist Monks who are participating in many aspects of community development and are also leaders of the community
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News:

IDPs in Yebyu Township, Tenasserim division

SPDC’s Political Oppression and Plan to Grip in Power

It has been more clearer that the regime in Burma, State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has no political will for democracy transformation in the country after their crackdown and killing many NLD members in Sagaing Division, which is currently known as May 30 “Depayin Incident” or “Black Friday”.

For a long period, the SPDC and the military commanders just made a ‘pretending’ of political talks (not really negotiation or political settlement) with main opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD), especially with its charismatic leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Normally, the talks always happened after the intensive international pressure to the regime.

The regime also claimed that it has its own way of ‘democratization’ to guarantee the Burmese Army’s top commanders to be in the future government cabinet without competing in the general elections. This SPDC’s idea to maintain in the future political power is directly contradicting the democratic process. The regime had held the sham ‘’National Convention’ for several years since 1992 and tried to have input for the leading role of military leaders in Burma’s politics in the future. It is unacceptable for the pro-democracy political parties and NLD withdrew its participation from the Convention.

In 1998, after the NLD and ethnic political parties called to ‘convene’ the people parliament with their mandate of 1990 general elections. This was against the regime’s sham National Convention and therefore, hundreds of political leaders and their supporters were arrested and put in notorious jails in various parts of Burma. Currently there are over 1300 ‘political prisoners’ in various parts of Burma.

Because of the consistent pressure from the international community, the regime had to release the political prisoners to ease tensions with many democratic countries around the world. In every release, only the small number of the political prisoners are released but many key leaders are still remaining in the prisons. Some died in jails and many of them suffered from serious diseases because of insufficient health care by the prison authorities.

Recently, the SPDC does not recognize the prisoners who were arrested as political reasons as political prisoners, and treatments to them was not so different from many criminals. In many cases, the political prisoners are cruelly and inhumanely treated by the intelligent officers during their investigation these political prisoners.

The inadequate food, medicines and other assistance are offered in these prisons and the dirty surrounding and environment also make the prisoners in their health to be in worst situation even some of them are in young age.

When the SPDC released the prisoners and meeting with NLD leaders, they had one aim whether to ease the international pressure or to get the international assistance. Therefore, many talks between SPDC and NLD leaders did not really move to the political transition or democratization in Burma. During 2000 and 2001, SPDC also restricted the movement of ‘Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’ and NLD members. He was also put in house arrest for over one year.

After her release in May 2002, NLD have more activities to re-open their offices in various townships, to re-operate their political works. However, the SPDC authorities did not like the political activities of NLD much. NLD still did not have freedom for their all activities, but they have to ask permission from the government authorities to set the party signboard, to re-open the offices and all travels.

When the activities of the NLD have gradually grown and getting momentum and get more supports from the civilians in various parts of Burma, especially in the middle part of Burma, SPDC has great concern. Their concern is there is more support to NLD by the people, there will be earlier that they may have to abandon their political power. By the way, the SPDC leaders have to stop the activities of NLD and therefore, May 30 ‘Black Friday’ killing and crackdown against NLD members was designated by SPDC.

This was one clear evidence that how the SPDC real will to grip in power as long as possible. There are various types of political oppression and cruel treatments against the political in southern part of Burma. In conducting the political oppression against the civilians the SPDC mainly used its military intelligence, administrative officers, members of Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). USDA is hand-picked organization of SPDC and it has been enlarged with new members. SPDC always gives special favour and opportunity to this group.

In the western of part of Mon State’s capital, Moulmein, the SPDC has a notorious and large prison which detained nearly 1000 prisoners in there with various crimes. As the number of the prisoners is also large, the prison keeps ‘crowd’ of the prisoners in there. Among roughly estimated 1000 prisoners, nearly 100 prisoners are the political prisoners from various backgrounds.

Many other of them from the opposition armed groups such as All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF); Karen National Union (KNU) and People Patriotic Party (PPP); and on-ground political parties such as from Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF); National League for Democracy (NLD). Many other political prisoners are not from the background of political parties, but they are activists for democracy in Burma. Most of them are High School and University students.

The native places of the political prisoners are also varied. They are from various townships of Mon State; some are from Karen State; and many of them are from Rangoon Division while a few number of them from Mandalay Division. Most of them are imprisoned with allegation of ‘threat to National Security’, which means those activists and politicians against the regime.

In Burma, whenever someone has activity against the government or is talking about the democratic change, it means he/she is threatening National Security and therefore he must be put on trail with charge of 1950 Emergency Provision Act’s Article 5 (J), which is also known as 5 (J) Act in Burma. The imprisonment term would be at least 7 years. Besides this law, the regime also has many other oppressive laws such as 1962 Printer and Publisher Registration Act, and Unlawful Association Act.

The politicians and the democratic activists are detained at least by one of the Act. Depending on the case the imprisonment time also varied. For the 1950 Emergency Provision Act, someone could be imprisoned from 5-7 years, while the SPDC can imprison someone at least 3 years with Printer and Publisher Registration Act. With ‘Unlawful Association Act’, someone could be imprisoned from 5 to 10 years imprisonment. Some politicians and activists are imprisoned with the combined Acts. They were detained about 20 years imprisonment term.

Among about 91 political prisoners in Moulmein prison, the minimum term of imprisonment is about 3 years and the maximum term of the imprisonment is about 31 years. A few of them are imprisoned life sentence. One political prisoner is waiting for death sentence. There are only 4 political prisoners have 3 years short imprisonment term, while many of them have 7 years and over long imprisonment term.

Most the political prisoners were arrested by the Military Intelligence Battalion No. 5 bases in every Township of Mon State and Karen State. For those the members of parliament (MPs) and other aged leaders, although they did not face torture and other cruel mistreatment, but many students and other unknown were also tortured by military intelligence officers before they were brought to the court. Types of tortures in the cells of the MI during their interrogation are varied. The MI officers normally tortured them to get until they lose their tolerance and tell them about their underground networks and details of their activities. After the MI officers get enough information, then they brought those activists and their controlled courts and judges decided for how many years imprisonment terms to them.

Accordingly to the rules set by Moulmein prison, the family members have opportunity the prisoners in every two weeks but they have pay an expensive bribe to the prison authorities and prisoner helper. The prisoner helpers are the persons who wish to get jobs in the compound of the prison to make money from the prisoners.

Without bribes (money or foods or other household used materials), the members of family members are not allowed to meet with their fathers, brothers, sisters. However they could not get much time for the meeting, only about 15 minutes to half an hour. For many families of those political prisoners, they are already poor because mostly the main person in their families are in prison and normally the family businesses are collapsed. Or, the MI Unit concerned also restricted their family businesses in many ways.

Many prisoners, including some political prisoners, are forced to work in the constructions and other works for the government departments. The authorities set the labour camps in various parts of Burma and forced the prisoners to do works without payment. This conscription of labour is also related to the bribes. If some prisoners can pay some bribes, they could be free from the conscription or their pieces of works would be less if compared with other prisoners.

Recently, the Rangoon based International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the international organization that has monitored the prisons in various parts of Burma said, the prison conditions have improved. Because of ICRC regular visit, the prison authorities have to keep the prisons cleaned and provided some foods. However, ICRC personnel could not make any visit to labour camps and the places where the prisoners are used as forced labour.

 The situation of Mon political prisoners

In Moulmein prison, three Mon leaders from Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) have been imprisoned since 1998 with the 1950’s Emergency Provision Act Section 5 (J) for 7 years imprisonment terms. They are:

(1) Nai Ngwe Thein, is Vice-Chairman of Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) and Advisor to Committee for Representing the People Parliament (CRPP). He is also close to NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He is also a veteran revolutionary during 1948-1958 in Mon People Front (MPF). He is now about 80 years old.

(2) Dr. Min Soe Lin, elected MP from Ye Township Constituency (Northern) in 1990 elections; and the General Secretary of Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF); and he is about 40 years old. His main occupation was medical doctor and operated a community clinic in Moulmein.

(3) Dr. Min Kyi Win, elected MP from Mudon Township Constituency (Southern) in 1990 elections; and Joint-Secretary of Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF); and he is about 45 years. His main occupation was medical doctor and operated a community clinic in his native village, Nyaung-gone in Mudon Township in Mon State.

All three of them are arrested in August 1998 with accusation that they were interfering in stable situation of ceasefire between the New Mon State Party and the regime and supporting the CRPP plan to convene the People’s Parliament.

In 1998, there has been a political tension between CRPP and the regime. CRPP is normally against the regime’s sham National Convention and planned to convent the people’s parliament. The democratic force rejected the role of Burmese Army in the future politics and so that many hundreds of politicians and activists were arrested at that time.

MNDF were just writing to NMSP leaders and analyzed the political situation and ceasefire deal with the regime and advice to anticipate in creating the better life of the Mon people. However, to imprison those MNDF leaders with 1950’s Emergency Provision Act Section 5 (J), the MI found the letter to NMSP and put on trial with accusation they were trying to break the ceasefire. Although NMSP leaders appealed to the regime that MNDF was not trying to break ceasefire, but they did not listen to NMSP leaders. Then, they just imprisoned three leaders with 7 years imprisonment term with hard labour for each.

Although two young Mon political prisoners, Dr. Min Soe Lin and Min Kyi Win, do not have much difficulties in detention, but for an old leader Nai Ngwe Thein, he has suffered from sickness and other diseases. In the unhealthy sorrounding and insufficient foods in the prison cells, almost of the prisoners suffer from at lease one type of disease or sickness.

Among three Mon political prisoners, Nai Ngwe Thein, because of his old age, his health situation has been gradually worst. However, he was not allowed for the better treatment. If the regime has the humanitarian consideration, he should be released him. In early April, Nai Ngwe Thein seriously suffered from stroke and after shortly treatment in the hospital, they have put into prison again.

On April 5, 2003, an 80 years old Nai Ngwe Thein suffered a severe stroke during his fourth year of sever year imprisonment. Then the officers from the SPDC’s Military Intelligence from Battalion No. 5 brought him to the Moulmein public hospital in the capital of Mon State. He suffered from serious stroke, it affected the whole part his right side body. He right hands and right legs could not move.

Most well known political prisoners (or dangerous politicians to the regimes) are always put in small cell of the dark room by the prison authorities. This is one type of punishment even during detention. An old aged Nai Tun Thein was also put in the small cell in the dark room. He was allowed only one hour to be outside of his cell. He can take show and walk in the surrounding of the prison, in the afternoon for one hour from 2:00 p.m. to 3:00 p.m., and then he has to return his cell. Normally, the cells are cool, as the prison was make with bricks and no system of warming. He could not move in his small rooms for years, therefore, the old man can suffer stroke easily.

Additionally, he has also suffered from other health problems such as toothaches and urinary problem. Although he suffered from these types of problem, but prison authorities did not provide him with sufficient treatments.

After he was brought to the hospital, he received two weeks treatment and then he was brought back to the prison again. During he was in the hospital, only some members from his party were permitted to visit him briefly. They could not meet him privately but in the presence of prison guards and intelligence officers.

After two weeks treatment in the hospital, he was sent back to his small cell again. Even though he could not move, he was detained in there and the other prisoners need to help him when he move, take shower and eating.

Before Nai Ngwe Thein suffered from stroke, he also had toothaches and urinary tract problems. Although the prison doctor suggested to bring him and treat in the outside hospital, but the suggestion was turned down by the prison authorities.

The health condition of other Mon political prisoners is also not good. In early of this year, the General Secretary of MNDF, Dr. Min Soe Lin, also suffered from tuberculosis and an information came out that he was not provided with sufficient medicines by prison doctor. Although the prison doctor treated him regularly and provided medicines, he felt his health condition was not improve as he is also a medical doctor. He also ordered better medicines from his wife but she could not bring the medicines anytime. Because the prison authorities allowed only twice a month to allow the family members to meet him.

He felt his health condition has been worst and worst since last year and tried to get the medicines. Although he asked permission to have treatment, but he was not permitted. The worst prison condition also made his health condition to be serious. Most prisoners did not receive mosquito nets, good beds and pure water for them.

Another the political prisoner, MNDF MP, Dr. Min Kyi Win has suffered from gastric problems. However, he also could not receive the regular and available foods in the prison. He is also a medical doctor and he also could not get the medicines that he liked.

In 2002, although the regime released about 300 political prisoners from various parts of Burma, but they excluded the Mon political prisoners. In a humanitarian consideration, they should release Nai Ngwe Thein, who is over 80 years old and suffer a serious stroke.

 The role of USDA in the oppression

Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) is an organization which is formed and operated under the instruction of the regime, SPDC. SPDC always find the oppositions to against the democratic force in various part of Burma and therefore, they formed this organization.

After the current military regime, SLORC/SPDC, ruled the country, it has formed this organizations as their main supporters. The regime has given great favour to the members of USDA. Thus, more and more opportunists have joined to USDA and the members have increased. Later, the USDA members also forced the young men and women in the villages, towns and cities to join the organization. They also provided training and taught the politics that the Burmese Army must have role in future politics.

As the SPDC has used USDA as their supporters or collaborators to use them as oppositions to against the pro-democratic force and ethnic nationalities’ social organizations. As the SPDC uses the USDA as ‘political tool’, the key members of USDA has to manage public meeting, seminar, training and political campaign that aims for lengthening the political life of Burmese Army. The commanders of the Burmese Army are also the patrons or chairperson of USDA in every Township and therefore, all USDA members are under firm control of SPDC.

Sometimes, the regime instructed to USDA members to bar the activities of NLD members. They also used DKBA members to propagandize the bad of NLD members and even allowed them to ‘operate dirty politics’.

As an instance,

SPDC also instructed to USDA members in Kyaikmayaw Township (in Mon State) in February 2003 meeting to force the local farmers in Township to sell the set amount of paddy at low price to complete the regime’s yearly crop tax.

Kyaikmayaw Township’s farmers lost a lot of their paddy in 2002 rainy season flood. As a result, most farmers did not complete their duty of selling the set amount of paddy, 10-12 baskets per acre. However the authorities in Township demanded the full amount of paddy from and at the end they pressured the farmers to find paddy and sell to them. The SPDC authorities also used the SPDC in town wards and village levels to pressure the farmers in their own communities to sell their remaining set paddy as quick as possible.

SPDC also formed the USDA in the structure of a political party after 3 years of 1990 General Elections. SPDC also expects there will be an election in the future since they did not recognize 1990 election results. Once there is elections in Burma, SPDC will bring the USDA in the elections and can win the elections as they have some millions members in the whole country.

USDA also poses as the oppositions to NLD and currently when most of NLD and ethnic political parties’ key leaders are in prisons, the USDA has also conducted many campaigns in the rural areas to work for the development to the community. General Maung Bo from Ministry of Defense also clearly praises to USDA in his speech as “When the government has faced enormous crisis in the country, we have solved it with the strength of USDA. Therefore, you must work hard for winning to other parties in the political march.”

In some meeting and training, the SPDC top military leaders or USDA leaders officially delivered their speeches that to block the activities of opposition parties. Accordingly to the speech by Maj. Gen. Ohn Myint in June 2002 in the regular USDA general meeting, he spoke, “do public campaigns in wider community with a mapping system. Watch out activities of NLD. Don’t say anything. If possible, do your campaign quietly. Block the NLD activities”.

This is the clear instruction that SPDC is trying to block all political activities of NLD by collaborating with USDA members.

Because of the international pressure, although SPDC leaders allowed NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to operate their party’s activities, but SPDC authorities and military commanders do not like the activities of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In the speech of Maj. Gen. Ohn Myint gave a speech in the regular meeting of USDA in July 2002 in Kyaikmayaw Township in Mon State, he said “on July 21, 2002, Daw Suu came to Kyaikmayaw (town). She traveled with 10 vehicles and 10 motorcycles, and they acted as traffic police. Actually, it cannot come like this. She held a public gathering in front of the pagoda with over (400) people. The law only allowed less than (50) people for gathering”.

SPDC totally opposes the activities of NLD and they have a concern that more and more people would support NLD. Because of the past experience and the speech delivered by the Burmese Army’s commanders, the May 30 incident of “Depayin Massacre” was anyhow related to USDA activities to block the NLD activities.

 More Oppression after May 30 Incident

After the killing of NLD members on May 30 and the detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the SPDC has a concern that there would be a demonstration or strike in some parts of the country. They also have concern that the students or the monks could lead demonstration.

Actually, June 1 was opening day of all schools, colleges and universities in the whole country of Burma. However, the SPDC ordered to all education authorities and teachers to continuously close the schools, colleges and universities. Therefore, when the students arrived to their schools, the school authorities told them just to return homes. In Moulmein University, the students were even not allowed to enter into their campus. Schools, colleges and universities have been closed for two weeks and were reopened on June 16 when the regime thought the situation was calm down.

In Mon State, Moulmein University is a main university which has about 8000 students in there and most students are Mon ethnic came from various parts of Mon State. University provides education in majors of Arts and Science subjects including a Marine. Marine study is only one major subject, which could be learned only in Moulmein University.

Similarly, SPDC authorities also approached the senior Buddhist monks to inform the monks in the monasteries to not involve in the politics.

As an instances,

On June 24, Mon State SPD authorities issued an order to all Buddhist monks that to not interfere in politics and also forced them to sign a document to give their promise.

SPDC authorities informed about the orders to all communities and ‘Sangha’ (or monks) Association. Therefore, the Township authorities, village headmen approached the monks to sign for promise.

Similarly to the Mon State’s issued order, State Sangha Association bases in Kaba-aye of Rangoon also urged all monks in Rangoon Division to not involve in politics.

In Mon State, there are many monks or Sangha associations and they have actively involved in the activities of community development by collaborating with the local people. Many Mon monks actively involved in dry season Mon literacy training and teach Mon language to the Mon children.

The monks are very close to the people and therefore, the SPDC has serious concerns that if the monks involve in the politics or lead the pro-democracy demonstration, they may have many followers or supporters.

On the other hand, the officers of No. 5 Military Intelligence Battalion in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State, also threatened NLD members to not separate the news related to the recent May 30 Depayin incident and the arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. They also warned the NLD members even to not separate the news that broadcasts from foreign radio stations such as Radio Free Asia; Democratic Voice of Burma (Norway); British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC); and Voice of American (VOA).

At the same time, MI officers closed down all NLD offices countrywide on May 31 or June 1 and ordered to the NLD members to not open their office. The MI officers also closely watched the activities of NLD members while they are in tea-shops and other public places, and so that the NLD members have to be careful in their daily works and activities.

In July 2002, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD leaders conducted a trip to Mon State to open NLD Township branch offices. During three days trip in Mon State, they could open their branch offices in Pound Township, Moulmein Township, Mudon Township, Kyaikmayaw Township, Thanbyuzayat Township and Chaung-zone Township in Mon State. However, on May 31 2003, these offices are totally closed down by MI officers in the area.

Moreover, as a preparation for the crackdown of the possible political unrest, the regime also provides basic military or arm-equipping training to the members of USDA, town and village administration authorities countrywide. They also explain them how to oppress the possible demonstration and strike.

Starting on June 4, 2003, Township authorities in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State, provided basic military training including small arm-equipping technique to their supporters including USDA members, town ward SPDC authorities, firemen from fire brigades and village leaders. The duration of the training is for two weeks and the trainers from southeast command (bases near Moulmein) provided training to them.

20 to 50 members from each town ward were instructed to attend the training. There are about 20 town wards in Moulmein city and a few hundreds of people attended training. According to a trainee, he said that the aim of training was to break up the protectors if there was a protest or demonstration in the city. He added, accordingly to the instruction by commanders from Southeast Command, if there is a demonstration, those trainees and police force in city needed to break the protesters first and if they could not, then the army will come and break the people up.

In the first and second week of June, the authorities from every Township of Mon State provided this type of training to all USDA members, Township and Village PDC authorities and firemen.

After training, the authorities formed various groups such as ‘Anti-foreign Invasion Force’, ‘State Defense Force’, ‘People Vigorous Association’, and others. The SPDC authorities also blamed to NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for creating instability in the country to get the international attention. Accordingly to the propaganda among the authorities, American and other foreign force could occupy Burma and therefore, they said that the people have main duty to protect these invasions.

After two weeks of training to their supporters, then the authorities organized the civilians and villagers in towns and villages to attend the similar training for another two weeks. As mentioned-above, accordingly to the propaganda of SPDC, all people especially men in the country need to know how to defense the country.

In third week of June 2003, members of Township authorities in Mon State, went to many villages in their own township and called the meeting with villagers and registered all men between 18 and 40 years to attend the basic military training.

On June 18, Mudon Township authorities went to every village in Township and registered all men between 18 and 40 years old. They ordered to the villagers that the male villagers in age range must have to attend the basic military training. But the authorities did not explain while they need the villagers to attend the training.

Accordingly to the villagers in the southern part of Mudon Township, the authorities required about 1000 people from one village tract to attend the training in that Township. One village tract has 2 to 7 villages and depending on the household numbers, the number of the recruits also varied.

These are the preparations of SPDC and their supporters to crackdown if there is the demonstration or strike for democracy in the country. By learning these cases, the regime did not want any political change and they also planned to keep in power as long as possible.

The regime always in their controlled newspaper that they needed for smooth transition to Democracy. This also means they would not like to abandon their power easily and urgently. They also accused NLD and other opposition as who wanted to destroy the democracy path.

At the same time, by informing misinformation to the people about the foreign invasion, anarchy and disobedience created by the oppositions, the Burmese Army and SPDC propagandizes that how important they are to defense the country. This also lengthen their political life in power.

Date: 11 April 2003

I would like to bring an attention that Nai Mr Ngwe Thein of 80 has suffered a severe stroke while detaining in Moulmein jail, the capital city of Mon State, after over four years being kept in a small cell without proper medical check in jail.. He is now under a medical treatment at Moulmein General Hospital under the hand of prisoner’s guard while his family has yet allowed for take care of him.

He has suffered a severe stroke on the right side of his body. He is only allowed only one hour to leave from his small cell in a darkness room in an old brick building in Moulmein jail while he was detained. It is to be believed that he may have suffered a stroke as he is banned to do frequent walking exercise in prison. Mr Thein only receives one hour a day between 2-3 pm for shower and he is disciplined to return his small room at 3.00 every day.

Mr Thein, Vice-President of Mon National Democratic Front, an official political party in Mon State that entered in 1990 General Elections, was transferred to local public hospital in Moulmein last Saturday on (5 April ) under a strict control by prisoner guard.

Member of Mon political party gains only short visit to the hospital on last Sunday with a presence of prisoner guards and intelligence officers. Until now, only member of Mon National Democratic Front is allowed to visit him with a permission of the Burmese authority in public hospital.

As he has yet received a care from his family, I have so much concerns for his personal emotion while he is indeed moral and emotional support under this critical circumstance. I would like to request you and your office to contribute your moral and legal support for him to gain a proper medical treatment in a special clinic or a private medical clinic. I also wish his family to take care of him with a medical nurse unconditionally.

As he is a genuine leader and a clean-hand politician, I also have learned that his family does not have medical insurance. It is my great concern for his old age if he could not receive proper medical care in good clinic, his suffering may take longer than I have expected for a short time recovery.

As he is respected in a wider aspect in the community in Mon State, his former colleagues and fellow party members would do their best if they gain permission from the Burmese authority to take care of him.

I was a former discipline of him while I was at University in Rangoon and he lectured about historical and social politics every Sunday in Mon Hall. He has a very kind heart and good wills to others. His commitment to transform Burma for peace and democracy is much remarked by the Burmese democratic forces including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of National League for Democracy.

The Mon veteran politician and chairperson of United Nationalities League for Democracy was kept in a small room since August last year with his two colleagues; Dr Min Soe Lin and Dr Min Kyi Win both were elected as member of parliamentary (MP) in 1990.

Mr Thein is a prominent leader who founded Mon People’s Front in 1948, Mon National Democratic Front in 1988, United Nationalities League for Democracy in 1988. He has served as a key advisor to Burmese politics in democratic force.

I wish you could pay more attention for his critical time. If you have questions in regards his health and other information, please feel free to contact me. I am quite delighted to provide you extra information about his current situation.

Yours sincerely
Director
Human Rights Foundation of Monland, Burma