Sections 295 B and C, 298, A, B and
C, commonly known as blasphemy laws, were added gradually
to the Pakistan Penal Code, between 1980 and 1986. The first
two prescribe life imprisonment and capital sentence for the
offenses of offering insult to Holy Quran and Prophet Muhammad,
respectively. The remaining sections deal with the offenses
of passing insulting remarks, signs in any form against the
Wives, companions and family of Prophet Muhammad prescribing
punishments from three to ten years of imprisonment and fine.
The last Section 298-C prohibits Ahmadis from
preaching their religion and ‘posing to be a Muslim’.
The penal law which is mainly inherited from the British period
had adequate arrangement to protect the places of worship and
other faith related articles and prescribed punishment for disturbing
interfaith peace and harmony (Sections 295, and 295,
A, 296, 297 and 298 of the Penal Code). However these
laws were not religion specific and the punishment was based
on the legal supposition that such acts caused provocation and
social disturbance.
The dangerous aspect of the approach used in these laws is
the concept of ‘honor’ of the holy persons of one
religion supposedly to be protected by the state and law in
a multi-religious society. Such concepts are prone to vague
interpretations in any given society therefore the damage caused
by any such act would be more dealt within the Tort rather than
criminal law.
Besides the limitation of defining honor, there is inherent
problem with the assumption of the laws that people are inclined
to offer insult to the holy personage which the law has to stop.
Therefore the criterion to ascertain the validity of the allegation
is loose. The ‘intention or the motive’, a universally
accepted standard of establishing a crime was ignored.
| 833 persons have been charged in 375 cases under
blasphemy laws from 1986-2006. NCJP
Report |
Due to the legal lacunas these laws, commonly known as blasphemy
laws have been grossly abused. In the wake of sectarian and
denominational differences the Muslim community became the chief
victim as far as number of persons accused under the blasphemy
charges. 833 persons had been accused in 375 cases under blasphemy
laws from 1986 – 2006. About 50 % of these accused were
Muslims, 36 % Ahmadis, 11 % Christians and 1% Hindus.
During 2006 at least 87 were added to the list of victim in
45 cases registered. A great majority of the blasphemy allegations,
litigation and extra judicial execution took place in Punjab.
71 or the 82% of these individuals belonged to Punjab and rest
17% of the victims to Sindh. In Frontier province only one case
was reported whereas in Baluchistan none. As far Punjab the
data reflects a constant trend. Therefore it can be safely deduced
that Punjab has lead the trend all along in the abuse of concept
of blasphemy. Further in the Punjab, the number of victims and
cases in the Northern districts of Lahore, Sheikhupura, Sialkot,
Gujranwala, and Faisalabad was much greater than other parts
of Punjab.
As far as impact of the laws the minorities suffered more losses
due to the environment created by the existence of blasphemy
laws. In case of non-Muslim accused the trail took several years
of pleading and the whole community was targeted. In several
incidents their places of worships, properties were burnt and
house hold goods looted.
The worst effect of the blasphemy laws was that it instilled
a sense of insecurity among non-Muslims in their daily lives.
While their interaction as neighbourers, colleagues, fellow
passengers, was inevitable a looming ignorance and fanaticism
made religion a convenient tool of religious persecution.
Ultimately justice was the first causality and the legal system
as threatened by extremist forces was discredited. The evidence
became irrelevant in many cases. The Lahore High Court Judge
Arif Iqbal Bhatti was killed in 1996 by a fanatic for passing
an acquittal judgment for two Christian accused. Lives of dozens
of lawyers and activists were threatened as they helped the
cases against the blasphemy accused. Blasphemy laws gave rise
to lawlessness, 24 persons have been extrajudicially killed
since 1990 after they were alleged to have committed blasphemy,
17 of these were Muslims while seven were Christians.
During 2006, 87 persons were
charged in 45 cases under blasphemy laws.
NCJP
Report |
The civil society in Pakistan offered resistance to these laws
right from their inception. In arguments hundreds of articles
have been written by law experts and human rights activists
since 80s.
The government introduced an amendment in the registration
procedure for blasphemy cases in 2004 which stipulated an inquiry
by a Superintendent of Police. The move was doomed to fail as
it did not touch upon the biased and ambiguous text of the blasphemy
laws. In 2006 the abuse of the law continued on even greater
scale, over one hundred persons were accused which was a record
number of accused in any single year.
Though illogically, Pakistan establishment finds a link between
ideology and religion specific laws. This is why state policy
is tailored to keep and defend such laws, in spite the huge
social cost that society at had to bear. Pakistan spearheaded
a resolution on behalf of Organization of Islamic Countries
on the defamation of religions (but insisted on resolution on
Islamophobia) in the Commission for Human Rights in 2005 dwelling
upon the premises of blasphemy laws in Pakistan. After the Cartoon
issue gathered momentum in 2006 Pakistan introduced a resolution
on the same lines in the UN General Assembly and made lengthy
speeches in the Human Rights Council. Pakistan banned screening
of the film Da Vinci Code because it was very much in line with
the thinking of blasphemy.
The common people of Pakistan are silent on the issue of blasphemy
laws, as they are on the many other issues. Despite that manipulations
by the so called religious parties are still possible, today
the common people are more informed about the scale of abuse
and the out come these laws they will not object to repeal of
these laws.
The common sense can prevail like it was possible to stop a
column for religion in the National Identity Card with massive
agitation in 1992, change Friday as a weekly holiday to Sunday
in 1997, oppose Shariat Bill in 1998 and its consequential lapse
and abolish separate electorate in 2002.
A paradigm shift may not be on the agenda for the Pakistan’s
establishment, but it is the need of the common people, who
were deprived their rights. The blasphemy laws in Pakistan would
be a key question in a paradigm shift. It is to be seen whether
it will be a precursor or leaver of the paradigm shift.
The world community is moving in the direction of engaging
with Pakistan on human rights issues rather than abandoning
it. This needs to be intensified. There is no other way but
to understand the nexus between extremism and laws that make
it successful.