A multiplicity of histories teaches us to think historically
17 Aug 1996
Mr Koo Tsai Kees letter demonstrates the selective nature of historical
accounts (ST, Aug 17).
He cited two examples of historical falsification to support his
prescription that wrong interpretations of history should be rejected:
the denial of the Holocaust and Japans aggression during the Second World
War. However, historical falsification is entirely different from
alternative interpretations of facts. And how can a person reject
something unless she is fully informed of what it is she is rejecting?
His examples also show the danger of manipulation if only one version of
history is available. Neo-Nazis or Japanese right-wingers argue as
fervently as Mr Koo that all versions of history contrary to theirs are
wrong and should be rejected to prevent young Germans or Japanese from
being misled. This shows that we should never allow others to suppress
alternative historical interpretations for our own good.
Mr Koo then ran afoul of the twin problems of fact-selection and
interpretation in presenting his version of our history.
Firstly, Mr Koos factually correct account of the Separation of Singapore
from Malaysia is incomplete. He seemed unaware of the fierce resentment
aroused by the oppositional politics of the PAP in the Federal
Parliament. As Tunku Abdul Rahman saw it, merger failed because the PAP
Government was a 'State Government that has ceased to give even a measure
of loyalty to the Central Government' (Separation Announcement, 9 August
1965). The Tunkus perception of the PAPs responsibility for the
Separation is unflattering, but many Malaysians share his sentiments
nonetheless.
This is not the place to debate whether the Tunku or Mr Koo is more
right. The example simply highlights the folly of complacency in the face
of incomplete knowledge. Unless we are sensitive to alternative
interpretations of the Separation, we may inadvertently damage relations
with our neighbour by our depiction of the events of that period.
Secondly, Mr Koos interpretation of the PAP Governments policies as
necessary begs the questions: which policies; and what degree of
necessity? Reasonable persons may assess complex issues differently.
Mr Koo claimed that a single history based on historical facts is the
very basis for national solidarity. He erred in ignoring the crucial
questions: what set of facts; and whose interpretation? It is instructive
that South Africa has courageously chosen to teach its children how to
think historically by presenting different historical accounts rather
than indoctrinating them in an official black history (ST, Aug 14).
Mr Koo rightly said that a society with no sense of history will not
endure. But a society unable to think historically can have no sense of
history. Lacking Mr Koos confidence in the sufficiency of one single
history, I contend that the development of historical thinking requires
us to confront different historical interpretations and learn to sieve
important facts from trivia and fiction. The propagation of only one
historical account dulls the intellect and increases our susceptibility
to political manipulation. It is not in our national interest.
[Ed: Mr Koo's letter is included here for reference.]
AUG 17 1996
Let's teach our shared history based on facts
I AGREE with Francis Chong Fu Shin (ST, Aug 10) that history
is not just about the past, but more important, about the
interpretation of the past. But that does not make all
versions of the past equally valid.
Some revisionist historians have claimed that the Holocaust,
in which millions of Jews were killed, never took place.
Others say Japanese aggression in Asia during the Pacific
War was a legitimate attempt to liberate East Asia from the
clutches of European colonialism. Surely these
"interpretations" of history should be rejected not just now
-- but for all time.
Modern Singapore's history is short. The Japanese occupied
Singapore for 3-1/2 years during World War II. Many
civilians were massacred and many more perished. After the
war, communist agitation and strikes wracked Singapore.
After Singapore gained internal self-rule under a PAP
government in 1959, the communists broke with the PAP,
leaving the non-communists in the PAP government to fight a
life-and-death struggle against them for the hearts and
minds of the people.
In September 1963, Singapore gained independence as a state
in Malaysia. But there was basic disagreement with the
central government in Kuala Lumpur over the fundamental
issue of equal citizenship rights for all races in Malaysia,
including Singapore. This led to conflicts.
Externally-instigated race riots broke out twice in
Singapore in 1964.
Many Chinese and Malays were killed. Race relations in
Malaysia became polarised between Malays and non-Malays.
Finally, on Aug 9, 1965, Singapore was ejected from the
Federation.
After separation from Malaysia, the leaders and people of
Singapore had to fight many dire threats to the island's
security, economy and social cohesion. The people rallied
behind the Government in implementing necessary but tough
policies. Eventually, these policies made Singapore the most
competitive economy in the world and one of the fastest
growing. In one generation, Singaporeans have transformed
our country into a safe, orderly and prosperous country --
one in which every citizen has a stake and which every
citizen is proud to defend. These are documented historical
facts. What "alternative historical account" of these facts
does Mr Chong propose? Why should we be unable to teach this
history to Singaporeans?
Mr Chong criticises "the reduction of history into an
instrument to build solidarity". A shared history based on
historical facts is the very basis for national solidarity
in every nation. A society with no sense of history will not
endure. KOO TSAI KEE (The writer is an MP for Tanjong Pagar
GRC)
Updated on 17 Aug 1996 by Tan Chong Kee.
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