TEMPO No. 35/IV/May 04 - May 10, 2004
National
A Bloody Flag-raising
Commemorations for the RMS movement re-ignited conflict in Ambon. If not handled
in timely fashion, further conflagrations could erupt.
ON Sunday two weeks ago, a hotair balloon rose in the Ambon skies, carrying with it
the flag of the Republic of South Maluku (RMS) movement. This was the start of
observances commemorating the 54th year of the movement to separate the south of
Maluku from the Republic of Indonesia (RI). Hosting the celebrations was the Maluku
Sovereignty Front (FKM)-which has been dubbed a reincarnation of the RMS.
Festivities were held in the yard of Alex Manuputty's home, located in the Kudamati
region. The host, who holds the position of FKM Chairman, fled to the United States a
year ago. About 400 loyal followers showed up at Alex's home, which also doubles as
the front's headquarters. Local residents gathered in the densely populated
neighborhood, overflowing into the street and crowding into small alleyways. Two
flagpoles stand in front of the headquarters, one bearing the Benang Raja, the official
flag of the RMS, while on the other, a United Nations flag flutters.
Things went well at first. Front activists, who had sent a letter addressed to President
Megawati on March 8, believed that the authorities would authorize the holding of the
event. The letter was a sort of notice about the plan to hold the momentous event. A
copy was even sent to the UN. Up until the day the event was to be held, FKM
activists said that they had not received any response. "But for us, that's the same as
authorization," said Simon Haya, an FKM figure.
Simon's assumption was off the mark. Nearing midday, a police unit arrived in search
of FKM Secretary-General Moses Tuwanakotta. Officers denounced the event as an
attack against the government. Moses was arrested and taken to the police station,
about 3 kilometers from Kudamati. Police were able to haul him off without any
resistance. His supporters only requested that they be allowed to join in escorting
Moses to Maluku Regional Police Headquarters.
The police had no objections. About 1,000 residents walked to the Police HQ. It
looked more like a parade of sorts. Along the way, the procession passed through a
Muslim neighborhood, but no clashes had taken place. Upon arriving at headquarters,
the police had something else in store: 24 FKM members were taken into custody,
while the remainder were allowed to go.
The fanatic followers of the FKM did not use public transportation for the return trip
home. Rather they went on foot, this time making rallying cries in support of the
separatist movement. Witnesses said they were passing out "subversive" stickers
asking residents to support the RMS. Disaster had appeared on the horizon.
Earlier that morning, news spread in Muslim neighborhoods that the police were being
too lenient with the FKM. Muslim residents felt that allowing the FKM to have a
parade indicated police sympathy towards the group. Locals believed that all activities
which accommodated these separatists should be banned. Ambon was brimming with
anger. Near Tugu Trikora, a crowd under the banner of supporters of the "Unitary
Indonesian State" appeared. The two camps met at the Kudamati intersection.
A stone-throwing battle ensued for the next two hours. At this point, there was still no
sign of residents using sharp weapons or firearms. The stone- and wood-hurling took
place along Jalan A.Y. Patti until Jalan Lattu Mahina.
An hour later, the hostilities had intensified. Snipers went into action. While
casualties began to fall on both sides, many of them were from the pro-Indonesian
camp. As a result, the latter ran riot. The Silo Church, often a target for arson, was
once again set ablaze. The FKM group, which happened to be in a Christian
neighborhood, started to retaliate. Explosions were heard in a number of locations.
The burnings went on late into the night, and even spread to Tanah Lapang Kecil
(Talake), a new housing area for those who had fled on a previous occasion. The
Maluku campus of the Christian University of Indonesia and the SMA Muhammadiyah
building were also torched. Muslim and Christian neighborhoods were immediately set
against each other.
Until Friday night of last week, a total of 36 people were reported dead from the two
sides, including two members of the Police Mobile Brigade (Brimob), who were shot
by snipers. An additional 255 people were injured. Of the fatalities, the largest
number, 26, was at the Al-Fatah Hospital. As for the other fatalities, 12 died at the
GPM Hospital, four at the Bakti Rahayu Hospital, and three at the Dr. Haulussy
General Hospital. The five other fatalities were scattered about various locations.
Ambon was gripped with fear.
Last Wednesday in Jakarta, the entourage of Hari Sabarno, the interim Coordinating
Minister for Politics & Security, flew to Ambon. Unfortunately, these high-level
government officials only stayed at the Pattimura Airport in Ambon. It seems that
local military officials did not want to gamble with the safety of their political leaders.
Whereas, three important generals had come along: TNI Commander in Chief,
General Endriartono Sutarto, National Police Chief, General Da'i Bachtiar, and State
Intelligence Agency chief, Hendropriyono.
According to Ichsan Malik, a peace activist in Ambon, the area between the airport
and the location of the rioting was actually quite safe. This route is far from any
serious points of conflict. Therefore, while under heavy guard, those officials should
have been able to go there. At that time, Ichsan and his friends were at the scene of
the incident. "Residents discovered many anomalies," said Ichsan, who is Director of
the Path to Peace Institute.
These strange happenings were mainly connected with the actions of some of the
military, who should have remained neutral. One resident, Y. Lopulalan, said they
witnessed security forces from one unit join a pro-RI crowd that was carrying out
torchings in Talake. "There were five officers who took part in ordering the crowd," said
Lopulalan, while meeting with members of the City of Ambon Regional Legislative
Council (DPRD) last Thursday.
The same account was given by Father Leo Hitijahubessy, who reported to Maluku
Regional Police Chief, Brig. Gen. Bambang Sutrisno that he witnessed the Nasaret
Church being burned by soldiers from a unit which has been on duty in Ambon for a
long time. Those soldiers should have been on guard around the church, but they
were the ones who burnt and plundered. "We saw it all very clearly," he said.
M. Husni Putuhena, Chairman of the Maluku Islam Defenders Front, does not concur
with the consideration that outside parties have re-ignited the trouble in Ambon. In his
opinion, it was the government that should take responsibility. This is because rioting
easily resurfaced in Ambon after the government failed to resolve the conflict. As
evidence, he cited the appearance of the RMS, a movement which should have been
stopped from the beginning. "The tragedy which took place on April 25 is an effort on
the part of the separatists to trigger conflict," he said.
The unavoidable impression was that security forces were not on full alert. The RMS
anniversary and the hoisting of the Benang Raja had been the main topic of local
conversation for weeks. It was even headlined in all the local papers. Voices of
opposition were heard from the outset. Major rallies were held in mosques, calling for
the need to be wary of the RMS. "Many pro-RI banners had already been put up a
week earlier," said Ichsan Malik. Although police and military officials always claim
that they are ready to deal with separatist movements, the action taken by the
security forces was clearly insufficient.
This has also raised the issue of a return of paramilitary forces to Ambon. There was
some news that a night after the riots broke out, Ja'far Umar Thalib, the Commander
of the Laskar Jihad, spoke at the Al-Fatah Mosque in Ambon. But, this news was
denied by Brig. Gen. Bambang Sutrisno. "It is not true that Ja'far was in Maluku," the
regional police chief stated.
Sutrisno certainly does not want to be bothered with a return of volunteer militias
coming to the defense of the Muslims. This would be matched by the Christians, and
the conflict could turn into an issue of a religious battle. General Endriartono Sutarto
reacted strongly, saying that the TNI will prevent any such forces from setting out for
Ambon. "There will be no talk of sending people there," he said.
Previously, the Laskar Jihad had indeed dispatched its "white warriors" to Ambon.
Ending the inter-religious conflict there had seemed hopeless. Based on the records
of the Commission for Missing Persons & Victims of Violence (Kontras), the four-year
conflict resulted in 3,000 deaths. This does not take into account the social and
economic havoc inflicted on residents. Ambon has slowly been recovering since the
signing of the Malino II Agreement in February 2002. Nearly two years later, the
government has still not lifted the state of civil emergency.
Ever since the formation of the FKM in Ambon, a new conflict between pro and anti-RI
groups has arisen. Word has it that the momentum to form the FKM was on account
of dissatisfaction with how the government went about resolving the Ambon problem.
This is what alarms Ichsan Malik, the Ambon peace activist. He is worried that the
original conflict will start all over again, under the guise of this latest confrontation.
Ichsan is afraid that pro-RI groups personify Muslims, while the other side is the
embodiment of the Christians. "It's so dangerous, how religious issues are overlapping
with nationalism," said Ichsan.
This is why Bishop Amboina Mgr. Mandagi has asked the military to deal sternly with
the RMS. "Don't equate the RMS with Christians," said the influential clergyman. This
is how it should be. Any religious group should be dealt with swiftly and severely
punished if they commit arson and murder.
Nezar Patria, Tomi Aryanto, Mochtar Touwe (Ambon)
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