Picture: Herschel Grynszpan: Hero or Whore? (p120)

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{See Comment 94-1}
Chapter Five

The Persecution of Homosexuals

*** {start comment 94-1}
     With this chapter we come to what suggests 
itself as a possible motivation for one of the 
authors of this book, namely the "misuse" of the 
"Holocaust." Some Jews object when abortion 
protesters adopt the term "Holocaust of the pre-
born" or when Blacks talk of a "Black Holocaust." 
The talk of a "Gay Holocaust" raises tempers far 
beyond the use of the word in connection with 
abortion or the slave trade, presumably because 
the Jewish holy books speak of homosexual acts as 
an "abomination" (even though they do so in the 
context of idolatrous temple prostitution). Other 
Jews, including some writers, feel that a 
"Holocaust mentality" is counter-productive -- for 
example damaging the future of Israel by hampering 
efforts to reconcile differences with its 
neighbors.

     The Pink Swastika author notes the 
disgraceful anti-gay riot that occurred at Yad 
Vashem, Israel's Holocaust Memorial in May of 
1994, when gay Jews were physically assaulted as 
they attempted to hold a remembrance ceremony for 
gay Jews who had died in the Holocaust (see page 
123 of The Pink Swastika). It seems likely that 
the principal motivation of the Pink Swastika 
author is anger over the attempt of some gays to 
"share" in the Holocaust. Such anger is not 
exclusive to Jewish "Holocaust defenders." Some 
Blacks have accused gays of "pimping off the Civil 
Rights movement," while they have seldom, if ever, 
demonstrated anger at Latinos, Asians, American 
Indians, or other groups who might have used the 
term "civil rights" in their struggles. This 
demonstrates that their motivation is homophobia.

     It's appropriate to introduce this issue at 
the beginning of a discussion of the persecution 
of gays. Everything the author of The Pink 
Swastika writes should be analyzed while keeping 
in mind the outrage that is aroused in some by 
linking the "abomination" of homosexuality with 
the "Holocaust."

     The reader should be alerted to one valuable 
book that didn't make the reading list of the Pink 
Swastika author. Guenter Grau edited Hidden 
Holocaust? Gay and Lesbian Persecution in Germany 
1933-45, published by Cassell in 1995 (original 
German in 1993). This very interesting book gives 
texts of various German documents relating to the 
persecution. It is similar to a book written to 
refute "Holocaust deniers" which documents the 
extermination of Jews. One can't help noticing 
that, in apparent deference to "Holocaust" 
sensibilities, the title of the book is posed as a 
question "Gay Holocaust?" rather than an 
established fact.

     There is another resource ignored by the Pink 
Swastika author. Robert Proctor's Racial Hygiene: 
Medicine under the Nazis (Harvard U. Press 1988) 
touches on Nazi attitudes toward and measures 
against homosexuals.

     The Nazis usually grouped Jews and 
homosexuals together as menaces to the state, and 
some even tried to paint homosexuality as a Jewish 
disease, holding Jews responsible for it. Grau's 
book notes another interesting coupling, namely 
homosexuality and abortion. The Gestapo's "Reich 
Office for the Combating of Homosexuality and 
Abortion" was headed by Josef Meisinger. In Hidden 
Holocaust? Grau notes that after the start of the 
war Messenger was transferred to Poland, where he 
instituted terrorist measures against Jews and 
Polish intellectuals. He was too brutal even for 
the Nazis, and was transferred to a post in Tokyo, 
where he had no policing duties.

     Whether it is justified for gays, Blacks, or 
abortion protesters to offend certain Jews by 
appropriating the term "Holocaust" is for those 
groups to decide, but they should reflect 
carefully on it. There's actually very little, if 
any, use by gays of the term "Holocaust" -- they 
merely want it recognized that Hitler and his 
henchmen did carry our a very active program to 
eradicate homosexuality.

     Gays should avoid using the term "Holocaust," 
for they have nothing to gain by it and only stir 
up ill feeling without achieving anything. At the 
same time, it has to be pointed out that neither 
abortion protesters nor Blacks have evoked so much 
venom, even though they have repeatedly and 
stridently appropriated the term "Holocaust" for 
their cause. That suggests that much of the 
objection to the "Gay Holocaust" is due to 
homophobia rather than to concern for the 
Holocaust, and that in itself is disrespectful to 
the memory of 6 million Jews. Their memory should 
not be tarnished by perpetuating intolerance of 
any minority.
*** {end comment 94-1}
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{See Comment 94-2}
     Homosexualist revisionists assert that Hitler's ascension to
the Chancellorship marked the beginning of a homosexual Holo-
caust in Germany. For example, Plant writes, "After years of
frustration.. Hitler's storm troopers now had the opportunity to
smash their enemies: the lame, the mute, the feebleminded, the
epileptic, the homosexual, the Jew, the Gypsy, the communist.
These were the scapegoats singled out for persecution. These
were the 'contragenics' who were to be ruthlessly eliminated to
ensure the purity of the 'Aryan race.'" (Plant:51). Rector, an-
other revisionist, makes a similar statement: "Hitler's homophobia
did not surface until 1933-1934, when gays had come to affect
adversely his New Order designs -- out of which grew the simple
solution of murdering them en masse" (Rector:24).

*** {start comment 94-2}
     The term "revisionist" is not at all 
appropriate in reference to Rector and Plant. A 
"revisionist" attempts to rewrite history by 
marshaling evidence to make a case that the 
interpretation of events generally accepted by 
historians is wrong. Neither Plant nor Rector 
tries to revise a generally accepted version of 
history. They both merely shed light on aspects of 
it that have received little attention in the 
past.

     The term "revisionist" was perhaps 
popularized in reference to the history of 
Communism, and before that to "revised" extensions 
of Marxist theory. The Soviets revised existing 
history to bolster their cause, and Communists 
accused each other of "revisionism." More recently 
the pejorative connotation of "revisionist" has 
been intensified as "Holocaust deniers" have re-
evaluated documentation and presented a case for 
denying that the Nazis ever carried out a campaign 
to exterminate Jews using poison gas facilities.

     The Pink Swastika author fits perfectly the 
definition of "revisionist," in that he would set 
history on its head by having the homosexual 
victims of Nazism become responsible for their own 
persecution by allegedly having been responsible 
for the founding of the Nazi party. Indeed, he 
goes further, claiming that homosexuals bore main 
responsibility for the Holocaust and for 
brutalizing Jews in the concentration camps. To 
lend any credibility to these assertions in the 
face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, he 
has invented the "butch/femme" dichotomy 
introduced earlier in this book. The secret 
"butch" (masculine) homosexuals ran the Holocaust 
and the Nazi government, and persecuted only the 
"femme" (effeminate) homosexuals they allegedly 
despised.

     One major difference between the persecution 
of homosexuals and that of Jews, Gypsies, 
Jehovah's Witnesses, and certain other groups, was 
that homosexuality runs through all groups 
everywhere, and that it was difficult to identify 
homosexuals. Jehovah's Witnesses were registered 
on membership rolls or could be rounded up when 
they gathered in their churches (homosexuals were 
rounded up in raids in gay bars and other 
gathering places, of course). Jews also appeared 
on lists, and had in addition been entered into a 
government registry long before anyone dreamt of 
the persecution that might ensue. Those Jews not 
listed but suspected were rigorously examined for 
physical features (circumcision, shape of nose, 
etc.) that allegedly indicated Jewish blood. 
Homosexuals could be found only on police reports 
if they had violated Germany's anti-homosexual 
law, or in roundups at gay bars and other venues 
where they gathered, or on the basis of rumor and 
suspicion. There were Jews who had been lucky 
enough not to appear on any list and whose 
appearance didn't suggest to the Nazis that they 
were Jewish. With appropriate identification 
papers they were able to "pass" and survive. Their 
number was tiny, while the proportion of 
homosexuals who "passed" and survived was large.

     Right after the passage cited in The Pink 
Swastika, Plant adds: "To the rampaging fascist 
gangs, the Jews were money-grubbing subhumans. 
Many Germans knew this stereotype to be untrue. 
But hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, 
wanted to believe it, or at least did not protest 
when the Nuremberg laws of 1935 deprived Germany's 
Jews of their citizenship and turned them into 
targets for persecution. Homosexuals were less 
easy to scapegoat and harass. Unlike the Jews, 
they could not be readily identified and 
registered -- which enabled many homosexuals to 
"pass" undetected during the twelve years of the 
Third Reich.

     "At first Nazi attacks against homosexuals 
were interpreted by many gays solely as prompted 
by anti-Semitism, directed at {Magnus} Hirschfeld 
and {Kurt} Hiller {Hiller was Hirschfeld's 
successor at the Institute of Sex Research}. Just 
as many Jews, even after the Nuremberg laws of 
1935, still hoped that 'things would quite down,' 
that Hitler would not carry out the methodical 
oppression he had threatened since 1925, the year 
Mein Kampf was published, most homosexuals too did 
not read the danger signals correctly. Perhaps 
some found reason for optimism in the widely known 
fact that one of the most influential Nazi 
leaders, Ernst Roehm, was himself a homosexual. 
Perhaps it was thought that Roehm would offer 
protection. If so, it was an exceedingly dangerous 
delusion. For it would not be long before Hitler 
would order Roehm's murder and the massacre of the 
SA's leadership."

     Hitler assumed power on January 30, 1933. On 
February 23, pornography and homosexual rights 
organizations were banned. On March 23, Kurt 
Hiller was arrested and sent to Oranienburg 
concentration camp. Hirschfeld escaped because he 
was out of the country on a lecture tour at the 
time. After nine months Hiller was released and 
escaped to Prague, and from there to London. 
Steakley (page 103, op cit -- see bibliography) 
says that at his release Hiller was "on the verge 
of death from brutal treatment."
*** {end comment 94-2}
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     The fact is that homosexuals were never murdered "en masse
or "ruthlessly eliminated" by the Nazis. Yet many homosexuals
were persecuted and some did die in Nazi work camps. What is
the truth about Nazi persecution of homosexuals?
     There are several incidents in Nazi history which are most
often cited as evidence of their persecution of homosexuals. This
list includes a series of increasingly harsh public pronouncements
and policies against homosexuality by Hitler and Himmler, the
sacking of the Sex Research Institute of Berlin, the Roehm Purge

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(also known as "The night of the Long Knives"), and the intern-
ment of homosexuals in work camps. We will look at each of
these incidents in turn.


{See Comment 95-1}
               Anti-Homosexual Policies

     The law against homosexual conduct had existed in Germany
for many years prior to the Nazi regime as Paragraph 175 of the
Reich Criminal Code, to wit: "A male who indulges in criminally
indecent activity with another male, or who allows himself to par-
ticipate in such activity, will be punished with imprisonment
(Burleigh and Wipperman {sic}: 188). When Hitler came to power he
used this law as a means of tracking down and punishing those
homosexuals who, in the words of one victim, "had defended the
Weimar Republic, and who had tried to forestall the Nazi threat"
(ibid.: 183). Later he expanded the law and used it as a conve-
nient tool to detain other enemies of the regime.
     In February of 1933, Hitler banned pornography, homosexual
bars and bath-houses, and groups which promoted "gay rights"
(Plant:50). Ostensibly, this decree was a blanket condemnation
of all homosexual activity in Germany, but in practice it served as
just another "reason" to find and destroy anti-Nazi groups and
individuals. "Hitler," admits Oosterhuis and Kennedy, "employed
the charge of homosexuality primarily as a means to eliminate
political opponents, both inside his party and out" (Oosterhuis
and Kennedy:248).

*** {start comment 95-1}
     This is simply "revisionism." It's rather 
remarkable that Oosterhuis and Kennedy would make 
such a statement in a book entitled Homosexuality 
and Male-bonding in pre-Nazi Germany, and one 
suspects that clarifying context is being 
suppressed by the Pink Swastika author.

     The Nazis did, in fact, make "sweeps" to try 
to round up homosexuals, carrying out raids of 
taverns where they heard rumors of gays 
congregating after the gay bars had been closed 
down. Grau, on page 132, presents a newspaper 
story  reporting one such raid which is worth 
quoting. He calls it "A 'cleansing operation' 
against homosexuals in Hamburg." The report is 
from the Essen National-Zeitung {National 
Newspaper, city of Essen}, 28 August 1936.

"Berlin, 28 August. A special unit of Secret State 
Police has started work on a large-scale cleansing 
operation against homosexual practices.

     "The rise of this type of offence due to the 
loosening of morals after the world war meant that 
energetic action had to be taken in the summer of 
1934, soon after the National Socialists took 
power. The tougher sanctions which the law of 28 
June 1935 introduced for this type of offence, 
together with vigorous action by the police, led 
to a sharp decline in such abuses. A special unit 
of the Secret State Police {Gestapo} was 
established for cleansing operations in Berlin and 
many other towns. This unit has now also begun 
activity in Hamburg, and in the shortest time a 
large number of so-called 'traffic pubs' 
[Verkehrslokale {local taverns}] have been raided. 
Several hundred people were arrested. And further 
arrests are imminent.

     "Those arrested so far come from nearly every 
occupational group and layer of the population -- 
which proves how wrong is the widespread idea that 
this scourge is mainly an offence committed by so-
called intellectuals. The wide haul from the 
Secret State Police searches demands rapid 
sentencing of the guilty. In Hamburg a special 
department was set up to bring the charges before 
the Express Jury Court. The accused were sentenced 
to terms ranging from one year to a year and eight 
months.

     "According to the judicial press agency in 
Bonn, 69 charges of homosexual offences and crimes 
are pending with the Bonn prosecution office 
against people from Bonn and the surrounding area. 
Here too proceedings are being taken against 
people from all sections of the population. Some 
30 individuals have already been dealt with by the 
Bonn district Court, which passed jail sentences 
of between a year and eighteen months.

{This is a far cry from a "Holocaust," but it must 
be remembered that 1936 is long before the 
systematic roundup and imprisonment of Jews and 
other victims. The infamous Kristallnacht pogrom 
didn't occur until the end of 1938. It must also 
be remembered that even at that early date there 
was severe mistreatment of prisoners at some 
concentration camps, and that even less than a 
year there might have resulted in death.}

     On pages 50-51 Grau quotes from a report by a 
member of the 'Adolf Hitler' SS Bodyguard on a 
raid carried out on 11 March 1935.

     "On 9.3.35 the storm company under my command 
provided a detachment of 20 men which was 
allocated in support of Gestapo agents for the 
round-up of homosexuals. At 21.15 hours the unit 
left barracks in two lorries and reported for duty 
at 22.00 hours to Police Inspector Kanthack. Apart 
from our unit 10-12 police officers had been 
assigned for the planned round-up, some of them 
having already been deployed to ensure that things 
went according to plan. A few of them came back 
ahead of our operation. During this time Inspector 
K. Told me what was planned.

     "At 22.45 hours we left the Gestapo station 
and went with several vans to the 'Weinmeister 
Kaluse' pub in Weinmeisterstrasse, where many 
homosexually inclined people were supposed to be 
hanging around. As previously discussed, two of 
our men occupied each of the two exits from the 
pub with orders to let no one out but to admit 
anyone wishing to enter. Eight previously assigned 
men cordoned off the area in front of the bar past 
the other part of the pub. Two men searched the 
toilets. Inspector K. and his officers took away 
from the tables everyone who seemed suspicious. 
They had to go and stand by the men in front of 
the bar, and from there they were loaded into the 
vans and taken by our men under guard to the 
Gestapo station.

     "Among those arrested was s woman who was 
supposed to have had Soviet Russian rabble-rousing 
leaflets on her. From the Gestapo courtyard the 
detainees were taken, again under guard, to the 
corridor of the fourth-floor apartments used for 
such cases. Here our men sorted them in 
alphabetical order and made them wait under guard 
with their faces to the wall for questioning; this
was begun immediately by most of the previously 
mentioned officers. After questioning and until it 
was decided whether they were guilty, these people 
went to another part of the corridor where they 
were again kept under guard by some of our men.

     "After the questioning of the first detainees 
had begun, Inspector K. continued the round-up 
with some of his people who were not immediately 
needed for the interrogation and with the rest of 
our men. The second place where homosexuals were 
to be arrested was a beer-pub in the Cottbusser 
Damm. The cordoning off and searching followed in 
the way described before. From here nearly two 
van-loads were taken to the Gestapo station and 
dealt with in the same way. Immediately afterwards 
Inspector K. wanted to raid the halls of residence 
on Landsbergerstrasse with six of our men and four 
detectives. Nothing came out of this, however, 
because -- as he said later -- the action against 
people in there had been delayed by eight days. On 
the basis of a telephone call, we were supposed to 
search another pub en route, where mainly SS and 
SA men with homosexual inclinations hung out. This 
action also failed to produce results. After we 
had returned to the Gestapo station, the 
questioning began with vigour and one of the 
detectives had to go to police headquarters with 
details of all those arrested so far in order to 
check whether any of the criminal offences were 
involved.

"[....}

     "Following this the next action began, again 
with four detectives and roughly eight of our men, 
who raided the 'Milch Bar' on Augsburgerstrasse 
and another bar on the corner of Kantstrasse and 
Fasanenstrasse. Here the haul was one van-load. 
When we had again taken the people under arrest to 
the Gestapo station, Inspector K. would have liked 
to arrest a certain figure whose full name he did 
not actually know. So he took to the road with two 
detectives and three of our men plus myself. First 
we searched a big beer-pub on the Schiffbauerdamm, 
and after this had proved fruitless we went to 
Schoeneberg and drew up in front of the pub 'Die 
Insel'. Inspector K. and his officers went in 
there alone, while we men in uniform occupied the 
entrance. After this search again proved 
fruitless, the round-up was brought to an end and 
the sorting out of the people under arrest began 
at the Gestapo station. On 10.3.35 I conducted the 
first transport of the guilty to the Columbiahaus, 
with a guard of 8 SS men. After all the 
questioning was over, those without any proof 
against them were released. For this our unit 
formed a line up to the exit and everyone due for 
release had to pass through it. By around 10.00 
hours everyone had been released, except for the 
ones who were immediately guilty. These we took to 
the Columbiahaus on our way back to barracks, 
where we arrived at about 11.15 hours."

{End of text... the ellipsis above, [....] is 
Grau's indication of material he skipped.}

     Note that this "witchhunt" was made on 
ordinary bars, all gay bars having been closed 
down. That is why only "suspicious" men were 
picked up, and why none at all were arrested at 
some locations. There was no intent to arrest 
anti-Nazi groups and individuals using false 
charges of homosexuality as an excuse. The only 
person detained for any reason besides 
homosexuality was a women found accidentally who 
happened to be carrying Russian propaganda 
leaflets. There was only one person specifically 
sought out, and the police didn't even know his 
name. This raid was quite clearly a hunt for 
homosexuals, and a fairly thorough one, since 
people were grilled at Gestapo headquarters and 
many released. It was not the use of homosexuality 
as an excuse to round up political enemies, and 
there was no list of names to be rounded up.

     No evidence has been cited by the Pink 
Swastika author or his cited source to back the 
assertion that the homosexual laws were employed 
by Hitler mainly as a cloak for a round-up of 
political or other opponents.
*** {end comment 95-1}
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{See Comment 96-1}
     The masculine homosexuals in the Nazi leadership selectively
enforced this policy only against their enemies and not against all
homosexuals. Rector lends credence to this notion, citing the
fact that the decree "was not enforced in all cases" (Rector: 66).
Another indication is that the pro-Nazi Society for Human Rights
continued to participate in German society for several years after
the decree. In The Racial State, Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang
Wipperman {sic} remind us that Roehm was a leading member of the
SHR, and we know from Anthony Read and David Fisher that the

***{Below is Page: 96 }***

SHR was still active in Germany as late as 1940 (Read and
Fisher:245). Furthermore, Oosterhuis and Kennedy write that

*** {start comment 96-1}
     Burleigh and Wippermann say that Roehm 
belonged to the League for Human Rights, not that 
he was a "leading" member.

     This is certainly no evidence that the SHR 
was still operating in Germany.

     Read and Fisher talk about the progress in 
the French courts of the Herschel Grynszpan case. 
Grynszpan was the Jewish youth who had killed 
Ernst vom Rath in Paris and given the Nazis an 
excuse for the Kristallnacht pogrom against the 
Jews in 1938.They write of the time he was being 
held in a French prison awaiting trial just after 
the Germans began their invasion of France: "By 
then, Herschel had been in custody for twenty 
months, longer than any juvenile in French legal 
history, in spite of continuous efforts by Moro 
{his lawyer} and others to get him freed. The last 
attempt had been in April 1940, when Victor Basch, 
president of the League of Human Rights, had 
pleaded for 'liberty or judgment....'" Read and 
Fisher don't elaborate on the League, but if it 
were a German organization they would likely have 
identified it by its German name, just as they use 
French for names of French organizations -- and it 
hardly seems that a group inside Germany would 
dare to or would be allowed to agitate in behalf 
of a Jew who had killed a German diplomat in a 
country with which Germany was at war. The League 
may have been French, or English or American. It 
may have had nothing to do with homosexuality at 
all, but may have been concerned with the rights 
of Herschel as a juvenile, or it may have been one 
of a number of groups set up to champion his 
cause. And if it were the homosexual group, it's 
quite possible it was being run by Germans living 
in exile in France. Unfortunately Read and Fischer 
don't give adequate detail to allow a positive 
identification.
*** {end comment 96-1}
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{See Comment 96-2}
"Although he was well known as a gay-activist, [Adolf] Brand
was not arrested by the Nazis" (Ooosterhuis {sic} and Kennedy: 7).
Some of Brand's files were confiscated by the Nazis in their at-
tempt to gather all potentially incriminating evidence.

*** {start comment 96-2}
     Steakley gives Brand's birth date as 1874, 
but lists only a question mark for the date of his 
death. The truth is that all of Brand's material, 
not only files but also the stock-in-trade of his 
magazine, was confiscated in five separate raids 
from early May to late November of 1933. Brand was 
effectively bankrupted, and a letter of his, in 
which he despairs being able to earn a living and 
support his family, is quoted in Grau, op cit 
pages 34-6. As stated above Hiller was surprised 
to be released from the concentration camp after 
that and escaped from Germany. Brand may well have 
done the same, and disappeared from history.

     These events happened very early in the Nazi 
period, during their first year in power. They 
were still in a shaky position in the world and 
had to show moderation in many areas where they 
became increasingly extreme as their military 
power grew. Steakley notes that 853 men were 
convicted of homosexual charges under p175 in 1933 
and 948 in 1934, but that in 1935 the number rose 
to almost 4000, to 5321 in 1936, and to almost 
9000 in 1937.

     An illustration of Nazi concern for world 
opinion dates even as late as the 1936 Olympics. 
During the games they forbade outward displays of 
anti-Semitism. Grau relates that police were 
instructed not to enforce the homosexual laws 
against foreigners in any way, no matter what they 
did. Himmler issued a decree on July 20, 1936 "For 
the coming weeks I forbid the taking of action, 
including interrogation or summons, against any 
foreigners under 175 without my personal 
approval."
*** {end comment 96-2}
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{See Comment 96-3}
     In 1935, Paragraph 175 was amended with Paragraph 175a
which criminalized any type of behavior that could be construed
as indicating a homosexual inclination or desire (Burleigh and
Wipperman {sic}: 190). (Interestingly, the new criminal code address-
ing homosexuality deleted the word "unnatural" from the defini-
tion) -- (Reisman, 1994:3). This new law provided the Nazis
with an especially potent legal weapon against their enemies {sic} It
will never be known how many non-homosexuals were charged
under this law but it is indisputable that the Nazis used false accu-
sations of homosexuality to justify the detainment and imprison-
ment of many of their opponents. "The law was so loosely for-
mulated," writes Steakley, "that it could be, and was, applied
against heterosexuals that the Nazis wanted to eliminate...the law
was also used repeatedly against Catholic clergymen"
(Steakley: 111). Kogon writes that "The Gestapo readily had re-
course to the charge of homosexuality if it was unable to find any
pretext for proceeding against Catholic priests or irksome critics"
(Kogon:44).

*** {start comment 96-3}
     The Pink Swastika author distorts what 
Steakley says by leaving out context. Steakley 
adds "But the law was undoubtedly used primarily 
against homosexuals, and the court system was 
aided in the witchhunt by the entire German 
populace, which was encouraged to scrutinize the 
behavior of neighbors and to denounce suspects to 
the Gestapo. As the numbers in comment 96-2 show, 
the number of prosecutions increased tenfold after 
the change in the law.

     Grau gives the texts of the various versions 
of p175 and an explanation. "p" before "175" 
indicates the paragraph sign in the following.

Former p175 (Reich Penal Code of 1871):
p175
"An unnatural sex act committed between persons of 
male sex or by humans with animals is punishable 
by imprisonment; the loss of civil rights may also 
be imposed."

New 175 enacted 28 June 1935 and effective from 1 
September 1935:
An amendment to the Penal Code, Article 6:
"Sex offence between males
"(1) p175 of the Penal Code is given the following 
wording:
"p175
"A male who commits a sex offence with another 
male or allows himself to be used by another male 
for a sex offence shall be punished with 
imprisonment.
"Where a party was not yet twenty-one years of age 
at the time of the act, the court may in 
especially minor cases refrain from punishment.
"(2) The following rule shall be inserted after 
p175 of the Penal Code as p175a:
"p175a
"Penal servitude up to ten years or, where there 
are mitigating circumstances, imprisonment of not 
less than three months shall apply to:
"1 a male who, with violence or the threat of 
present violence to body and soul or life, compels 
another male to commit a sex offence with him or 
to allow himself to be abused for a sex offence;
"2 a male who, by abusing a relation of dependence 
based upon service, employment or subordination, 
induces another male to commit a sex offence with 
him or to allow himself to be abused for a sex 
offence;
"3 a male over 21 years of age who seduces a male 
person under twenty-one years to commit a sex 
offence with him or to allow himself to be abused 
for a sex offence;
"4 a male who publicly commits a sex offence with 
males or allows himself to be abused by males for 
a sex offence or offers himself for the same.
"(3) The former p175 of the Penal Code shall be 
inserted as p175b after deletion of the words 
'between persons of male sex or'."

     Grau makes the following comments:

"1. The amendment to the old version of p175.

     "The concept of 'unnatural sex act' was 
replaced with the considerably broader one of 'sex 
offence'. The former had applied only to 
intercourse-like acts, defined by a ruling of the 
supreme court [the Reichsgericht] as anal, oral 
and thigh intercourse; self-gratification in the 
presence of, against or with another man did not 
count. Evidence could seldom be produced (since 
the men were usually dealt with together and they 
knew the scope for interpretation), so that before 
1935 criminal proceedings were initiated in 
relatively few cases.

     "In the new version, the existence of an 
intercourse-like act was no longer required. Nor 
was it necessary, therefore, to prove that a 
criminal act had taken place -- it became 
impossible to stop proceedings by means of the 
law. A 'sex offence' between men now designated 
not only intercourse-like acts but any kind of 
self-gratification in the presence of another man. 
An offence was committed when the member of one 
male touched the body of another 'with sexual 
intent', so that even the snuggling together of 
two naked male bodies came under this definition. 
Ejaculation was not required to complete a 
criminal offence.

"2. The introduction of a new p175a.

     "Abuse of a relation of dependence based upon 
service or employment, sex acts with young people 
under 21 years of age, and homosexual prostitution 
were considered 'serious sex offences' and 
punished with up to ten years' penal servitude or 
not less that three months' imprisonment. 
According to Clause 2, the person subjected to 
compulsion or dependence was also liable to 
punishment -- a rule previously unknown in 
criminal law. In minor cases, according to 
Paragraph 2, the court might refrain from 
punishing people who were not yet 21 years of age 
at the time of the act, but this did not apply to 
'intercourse-like acts' committed with other 
juveniles or persons under age.

     "In addition to the extension of criminal 
categories and the raising of sentences, the 
amendment of 28 June 1935 introduced the 
fundamental novelty of a so-called analogy 
section, p2. This read: 'Whoever commits an act 
which the law defines as an offence, or which 
deserves punishment according to the basic 
principle of a criminal law or healthy public 
feeling, shall be punished. If no definite 
criminal law is directly applicable to the act, it 
shall be punished in accordance with the law whose 
basic principles are most appropriate to it.'

     "The legal sources which judges now had to 
use in reaching a verdict were no longer just the 
written law but equally the 'unwritten source of 
law', the 'basic principle of a criminal law' and 
'healthy public feeling'. The legal maxim 'no 
punishment without a law' was thereby abandoned 
and new room created for judges' discretionary 
decision.

     "After 1935 there was a huge rise in the 
number of legal judgements under p175, 175a. The 
court practice of judges followed an extreme 
interpretation and extension of the new 
categories."
{end}

     Actually the 1935 Nazi penalties were not 
especially severe when compared with laws in the 
United States, even as could be found in 1996. 
When puritan fundamentalists object to being 
compared with the Nazis they have somewhat of a 
point: they're not "as bad as" the Nazis, they're 
worse.

     The penalties did not remain so relatively 
light (by American standards)for long. They were 
successively strengthened. As Plant notes on page 
117, In 1940 Himmler added a "Two Strikes and 
you're Out" or "Habitual Sex Offender" directive. 
Anyone convicted of having seduced more than one 
homosexual partner had to be transferred to a 
concentration camp after serving his prison 
sentence. Only now is the United States catching 
up with that.

     The fact that the official legal penalties 
were rather light says nothing. The brutality and 
extermination were carried out clandestinely in 
the concentration camps. There were no laws 
setting death or torture penalties for Jews or 
Gypsies either, yet everyone knows how they were 
treated in the camps.
*** {end comment 96-3}
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{See Comment 96-4}
     The charge of homosexuality was convenient for the Nazis to
use against their political enemies because it was so difficult to
defend against and so easy to justify to the populace. Since long
before the Nazis, homosexuals generally lived clandestine lives,
so it was not unusual for revelations of their conduct to come as a
surprise to their communities when it became a police matter.
This is not to say that actual homosexuals were not prosecuted
under the law. Many were. But the law was used selectively
against the "Femmes." And even in this case, many effeminate
homosexuals, especially those in the arts Community, were given
protection by certain Nazi leaders (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:248).
Plant writes,

*** {start comment 96-4}
     The Pink Swastika author has no basis for his 
revisionist remarks about the Nazis using charges 
of criminal homosexuality mainly against political 
opponents, or that it was used only "selectively" 
against certain types of homosexuals. The most 
celebrated cases of using false accusations of 
homosexuality against political opponents didn't 
involve any legal charges. Before the Nazis 
attained power Goebbels used homosexuality to 
incite the Berlin SA to mutiny so that Stennes 
would be removed as its leader. Hitler used false 
charges against General Fritsch (later exonerated) 
as an excuse to remove him from Army leadership so 
Hitler could install a general more willing to 
follow his instructions. But he also used 
heterosexual sex charges in the same way: General 
Blomberg was disposed at the same time as Fritsch 
because of the true charge that his wife had once 
been a prostitute.

     Shortly after attaining power the Nazis 
outlawed all opposition parties and didn't have to 
resort to subterfuge to act against their 
political enemies. They could act quite directly 
against opponents and didn't have to trump up 
charges of homosexuality or of anything else. The 
effectiveness of false charges of homosexuality is 
dubious in any case, given the fact that the vast 
majority of the mature male population would be, 
as in every country, married with children, making 
charges of homosexuality strain public 
credibility, and raising fears that any family man 
might be the next victim. Their political 
opponents in concentration camps were identified 
by their own triangular patches, and they were 
quite different from the pink triangles given to 
homosexuals.
*** {end comment 96-4}
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***{Below is Page: 97 }***

{See Comment 97-1}
     The most famous example is that of the actor
     Gustaf Grundgens... Despite the fact that his ho-
     mosexuaI affairs were as notorious as those of
     Roehm's, Goering appointed him director of the
     State  Theater... [And] On October 29,
     1937...Himmler advised that actors and other art-
     ists could be arrested for offenses against para-
     graph 175 only with his personal consent, unless
     the police caught them in flagrante (Plant: 116).

*** {start comment 97-1}
     Grau reproduces a request for permission to 
arrest an actor.

     The allegation that p175 was used selectively 
against "femmes" is absurd -- as absurd as the 
term "femmes" itself, which is actually a lesbian 
term denoting a woman, not one very often used by 
gay men.

     It's not unusual that exceptions would be 
made. One need think only of the famous 
"Schindler's list" in the famous 1990s movie of 
that name. Even Jews could be exempted from the 
rules if they were useful enough. That's hardly 
proof that anti-Semitism was a ruse for public 
show, or that the Holocaust was an act committed 
by "butch" Jews only against "femme" Jews.
*** {end comment 97-1}
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{See Comment 98-1}
     The Hitler Youth offers more examples which expose the
meaninglessness of the Nazis harsh rhetoric against homosexual s.
We have already noted Koehl's observation that Himmler "miti-
gated his penalties privately" and tried to keep every incident of
homosexual molestation of the Hitler Youth boys by the SS as
secret as possible" (Koehl:51f.). But Koehl goes on to cite the
records of the RJF, the security division of the Hitler Youth ad-
ministration. "[During the first six months of 1940," writes Koehl.
"[there were] 10,958 crimes committed by Hitler Youths, the most
common were theft (5,985), [and] homosexuality (901)" (ibid.:84).
When he compared the number of homosexual offences to the list
of expulsions from the organization (an absurdly mild punishment
for a supposed capital crime), however, Koehl found a low rate of
expulsions for homosexuality:

     Since the RJF Report listed 900 cases of homo-
     sexual crimes during a six month period alone, and
     only a third of that number were expelled during a
     twenty-five month period by court action, it sug-
     gests that the RJF was more hesitant to uphold
     Article 175 of the Criminal Code than its official
     propaganda would have the public believe... [One]
     young delinquent with a record of minor thefts,
     for which he had spent eight weeks in jail, was not
     expelled from the HJ [Hitler Youth]. In Septem-

***{Below is Page: 98 }***

     ber 1940... [officials] surprised him and several
     prison workers in a wild homosexual orgy in broad
     daylight on a roadside. With sensational evidence
     like this in hand, the... leader then sought to have
     the culprit expelled from the HJ. But it took some
     time before this occurred, suggesting that the en-
     forcement of Article 175 was lax (Koehl:85ff).

*** {start comment 98-1}
     These statements indicate an ignorance of 
paragraph 175 (see comment 96-3 above). Paragraph 
175 didn't make homosexual acts capital crimes. It 
wasn't until 1941 that some types of offenses by 
some classes of people were made capital. 
Paragraph 175 offenses were punished by jail 
sentences and, in some cases, as with multiple 
offenses, confinement in concentration camps, 
which is where the real brutality occurred.

     The Hitler Youth were between the ages of 14 
and 18, and the harshest penalties of paragraph 
were reserved for men over the age of 21. 
Depending on the nature of the activity, paragraph 
175 allowed the court to let offenders under the 
age of 21 off without punishment. Without details, 
the "orgy in broad daylight on a roadside" 
suggests nothing more than group masturbation, a 
common enough occurrence in youth groups such as 
the Boy Scouts. That wouldn't be an "intercourse-
like" activity as Grau says the German court had 
defined it, and according to Grau the law didn't 
require punishment for youthful culprits. That 
being the case, there's no question of paragraph 
175 being ignored. It was simply enforced 
according to the letter of the law.

     The 900 HJ cases would need clarification to 
evaluate whether the 33% expulsion rate is 
lenient. The Nazis often gave figures of 
accusations and charges to show how many offenders 
they were catching and how effective they were, 
but conviction rates were quite low. For example, 
Grau, on page 172, reproduces a report on arrests 
and convictions. In 1937, of 32,360 adults 
arrested, only 8271, or 26% were convicted, while 
in 1938 the conviction rate for 8562 arrests rose 
to 30%. If the HJ figure were actually 900 
accusations, then the expulsion rate would be 
normal.
*** {end comment 98-1}
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{See Comment 98-2}
     The increasing indifference of Hitler Youth officials toward
homosexuality was an attitude reflected in the larger society as
well. In 1937 the Reich Minister of the Interior issued a change
of policy regarding Paragraph 175. Under the new ruling only
four-time repeat offenders could be jailed or sent to camps for
homosexual offenses. This was reaffirmed in 1940 by Himmler
(S Katz:146).

*** {start comment 98-2}
     There's no evidence of "increasing 
indifference." Certainly neither the Pink Swastika 
author nor his sources have presented any.

     Without further details it is impossible to 
evaluate the statement about four-time repeat 
offenders. Grau quotes an official report which 
says "...from 1940 any homosexual who seduced more 
than one partner was handed over to a 
concentration camp." Depending on details and 
definitions, this would indicate a very severe 
worsening of penalties. Concentration camps were 
frequently places of severe physical abuse, and 
many died there. This raises grave questions on 
the assertion that Himmler lightened the 
penalties. The writer of the report suggested that 
the concentration camp policy was partly 
responsible for a drop in the numbers of men 
arrested for these offenses. Plant also mentions 
this harsh penalty -- see comment 96-3 above.

     Grau reproduces two directives from early 
1937 re-enforcing the application of p175 and 
saying nothing about exemption for those who are 
not repeat offenders. On the contrary, the concept 
of preventive detention is introduced. These 
directives transmitted a secret directive issued 
by Himmler, so there is no question of publishing 
harsh measures for public consumption while being 
lenient in private. Grau reproduces a preventive 
detention directive issued in December of 1937 
which mentions offenders sentenced at least three 
times to either imprisonment or penal servitude as 
candidates for preventive detention. Perhaps the 
Pink Swastika author has confused preventive 
detention with the implementation of paragraph 
175.

     Grau mentions on page 132 that after the 
Nazis took power there was a downward trend "in 
the fines handed down by courts. In comparison 
with which there was a marked increase in 
sentences of imprisonment or penal servitude. Men 
with previous convictions were treated with 
particular severity...." It may well be that 
qualifications in the law allowed for punishment 
less than mandatory imprisonment. Furthermore, 
what was written in law never mattered to the 
Nazis, who often ruled by whim. Himmler might well 
have issued some sort of directive, but the author 
of The Pink Swastika has proved so unreliable in 
so many instances that his assertion, even of 
something appearing in a reference, cannot be 
taken at face value.
*** {end comment 98-2}
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     There is one additional reason why the Nazis arrested homo-
sexuals and raided even the homes of their supporters. They were
looking for incriminating evidence against themselves (the Nazi
leaders). Blackmail of homosexuals by estranged partners and
prostitutes was a simple fact of life in Germany. "[H]omosexuals
were particularly vulnerable to blackmailers, known as Chanteure
on the homosexual scene," write Burleigh and Wippermann.
"Blackmail, and the threat of public exposure, resulted in frequent
suicides or suicide attempts" (Burleigh and Wipperman {sic}: 184). The
Nazi leaders were quite familiar with this phenomenon. Igra re-
ports that Heinrich Hoffman {sic}, the official Nazi photographer, gained
his position by using information about Hitler's perverse abuse of
his (Hoffman's {sic}) daughter, Henny, to blackmail the future Fuehrer
(Igra:74). (Henny Hoffman {sic} was later married to reputed homo-
sexual Baldur von Schirach, probably to quell rumors about his
exploits with Hitler Youth boys). Heiden relates another story in
which Hitler bought an entire collection of rare political writings
to regain possession of a letter to his niece in which he openly
revealed his "masochistic-coprophil inclinations" (Heiden:385).
Once he was in power he had other ways to solve these kinds of
problems.

***{Below is Page: 99 }***

     {Picture}
     {Officials watching a parade.}

     Hitler Youth Chief Baldur von Schirach (saluting)
and Julius Streicher (bald man in center) review a parade
of Hitler Youth in Nuremberg, 1933 YAD VASHEM
{Picture caption}


               The Sacking of the Sex Research Institute
     The Nazis' hunt for incriminating evidence, as well as the se-
lectivity of the Nazi violence, was obvious in the attack on Magnus
Hirschfeld's Sex Research Institute on May 6th, 1933. As noted
previously, the Sex Research Institute of Berlin had been founded
by Hirschfeld in 1919 as a center for the "study" of homosexual-
ity and other sexual dysfunctions. For all intents and purposes, it
served as the headquarters for the effeminate branch of the Ger-
man "gay rights" movement. For this reason alone, the "Butch"
homosexuals of the Nazi Party might have destroyed the insti-
tute. Indeed, throughout the preceding years the Nazis had

***{Below is Page: 100 }***

{See Comment 100-1}
increasingly harassed Hirschfeld personally. Victor Robinson,
Hirschfeld's biographer, wrote in 1936,

     Although the Nazis themselves derived great profit
     from Hirschfeld's theories (and called on him per-
     sonally for help) they continued his persecution
     relentlessly; they terrorized his meetings and closed
     his lecture halls, so that for the safety of his audi-
     ences and himself, Hirschfeld was no longer able
     to make public appearances (Haeberle:368).

     Homosexualist James Steakley acknowledges the "Butch/
Femme" aspect of the incident, saying that some German homo-
sexuals "could conceivably have approved of the measure, par-
ticularly if they were Nazi sympathizers or male supremacists"
(Steakley: 105).

*** {start comment 100-1}
     The attentive reader expecting a quotation 
from Victor Robinson will have been surprised find 
a citation from Haeberle. The quotation is 
slightly distorted, but not in a material way (the 
original says "to make a public appearance"). What 
is puzzling is the mysterious appearance of 
"Victor Robinson." Haeberle doesn't mention 
Robinson as Hirschfeld's "biographer." Haeberle 
says the quotation was written by Hirschfeld 
himself in his "Autobiographical Sketch." Robinson 
was, in fact, not a biographer, but the editor of 
Encyclopedia Sexualis, in which Hirschfeld's 
autobiographical sketch was published. Another 
example of the unbelievably sloppy "scholarship" 
of the Pink Swastika authors.

     Steakley in no way acknowledges any 
"Butch/Femme" conflict of the proportions 
fabricated by the Pink Swastika author. The whole 
"Butch/Femme" issue has been blown out of 
proportion in order to rationalize the persecution 
of homosexuals with the Pink Swastika author's 
false premise that homosexuals were the guiding 
light of the Nazi Party. Steakley's merely 
speculating on how Germany's homosexuals reacted 
to the persecution of Hirschfeld: "It may be that 
many German homosexuals viewed the destruction of 
the Berlin Institute as an anti-Semitic act rather 
than as an expression of anti-homosexual 
sentiment. Some could conceivably have approved of 
the measure, particularly if they were Nazi 
sympathizers or male supremacists; Hirschfeld's 
reform efforts had long been disparaged in some 
homosexual circles...."
*** {end comment 100-1}
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     However, the attack against the Institute was not motivated
solely by the Nazi enmity against effeminate homosexuals. It was
an attempt to cover up the truth about rampant homosexuality
and other perversions in the Nazi Party. Sklar writes that "Hitler
attempted to bury all his earlier influences and his origins, and he
spent a great deal of energy hiding them... [In this campaign to
erase his past] Hitler ordered the murder of Reinhold Hanish, a
friend who had shared his down and out days in Vienna [where
Hitler is suspected of having been a homosexual prostitute]"
(Sklar:21). Hitler also knew that Hirschfeld's facility had exten-
sive records that could be damaging to himself and his inner circle.
{See Comment 101-1}
This was the reason for the raid, according to Ludwig L. Lenz,
the assistant director of the Sex Research Institute, who was in
charge on the day of the raid. His description of the situation,
part of which was quoted previously, is given in full here.
     [O]ur Institute was used by all classes of the popu-
     lation and members of every political party.. We
     thus had a great many Nazis under treatment at
     the Institute. Why was it then, since we were com-
***{Below is Page: 101 }***
     pletely non-party, that our purely scientific Insti-
     tute was the first victim which fell to the new re-
     gime? The answer to this is simple...We knew too
     much. It would be against medical principles to
     provide a list of the Nazi leaders and their perver-
     sions [but].. not ten percent of the men who, in
     1933, took the fate of Germany into their hands,
     were sexually normal...Many of these personages
     were known to us directly through consultations;
     we heard about others from their comrades in the
     party...and of others we saw the tragic results: I
     refer here especially to a young girl whose abdo-
     men was covered with pin scratchings through the
     sadism of an eminent Nuremberg Nazi; I refer also
     to a thirteen year old boy who suffered from a se-
     rious lesion of the anal muscle brought about by a
     senior party official in Breslau and to a youth from
     Berlin with severe rectal gonorrhea, etc., etc....Our
     knowledge of such intimate secrets regarding mem-
     bers of the Nazi Party and other documentary
     material -- we possessed about forty thousand con-
     fessions and biographical letters -- was the cause
     of the complete and utter destruction of the Insti-
     tute of Sexology (Haberle {sic}:369).

     Burleigh and Wipperman {sic}  report that the ransackers had "lists"
of materials they were looking for (Burleigh and Wipperman {sic} : 189)
and that they carted away two truckloads of books and files. The
materials taken from the Institute were burned in a public cer-
emony, captured on film, on May 10th. The spectacular and oft
replayed newsreel footage of this event has caused the burning of
books to become synonymous with Nazism. What information
went up in smoke on that day will never be known, but we can be
sure that the pile of burning paper contained many Nazi secrets.
According to homosexual sources who were in Germany at the
time, the Nazis destroyed twelve thousand books and thirty-five

*** {start comment 101-1}
     Despite the claim of the Pink Swastika 
author, the Lenz quote is not given in full. Only 
about two-thirds is given, and even that is 
selectively quoted. The Pink Swastika author has 
deceptively changed it to cover up the omissions 
by not preserving the paragraphs or punctuation. 
He leaves out an incident with a Nazi woman 
patient who wanted to call Hirschfeld "Kirschfeld" 
because it sounded "more Aryan." (It isn't wise, 
when trying to smear homosexuals, to let readers 
know that Hirschfeld's clients were overwhelmingly 
heterosexual and largely female.) Also missing is 
Lenz's statement that not just files, but 
everything "not nailed down," including furniture 
and pictures on the wall, was dragged out and 
burned, and his lament that even "trade union 
buildings of the socialists, the communist clubs 
and the synagogues" weren't treated with such 
passionate hatred when they were later raided and 
closed. Haeberle correctly identifies Lenz's 
comments on the Nazis' motive as "speculation" and 
then raises an interesting point of his own: would 
the Nazis really have burnt such material that 
could have been used to destroy enemies and to 
blackmail fellow Nazis and keep them in line? "Is 
it not rather more likely that they were saved for 
use by the Gestapo?"

     The Pink Swastika author doesn't address an 
obvious conflict of Lenz's "speculation" with 
material from Steakley. It's curious that the 
conflict should have escaped the author's 
attention, for he quotes from the very pages where 
the conflicting information appears. Lenz says 
"everything" was destroyed. The Pink Swastika 
author states that "twelve thousand books and 
thirty-five thousand photographs" were destroyed, 
and cites Steakley as the source of those numbers. 
What he covers up is that Steakley actually says 
"More than 12,000 books were removed from the 
Institute's library of 20,000 volumes, together 
with a large part of its unique collection of 
35,000 pictures." In others words, not everything 
was destroyed, suggesting that Lenz's speculations 
were highly exaggerated.

     This is yet another example of the deceptive 
"scholarship" of the Pink Swastika author.

     Burleigh and Wippermann don't "report" on the 
raid but quote an account of a witness. Nothing is 
said of "secrets" or personal files, only of books 
and manuscripts.

     Finally, it's ironic to see the Pink Swastika 
author characterizing the burning of books as 
"synonymous with Nazism." A phenomenon of the 
early 1990s was fundamentalist Protestant 
ministers -- surely members of the anti-gay 
movement -- staging public burnings of books, 
magazines, and even phonograph records they didn't 
like.
*** {end comment 101-1}
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***{Below is Page: 102 }***

thousand photographs. The building itself was confiscated from
the SHC and turned over to the Nazi Association of Jurists and
Lawyers (Steakley: 105).

               The Roehm Purge

     The event in history most frequently cited as evidence of Nazi
persecution of homosexuals is known variously as the Blood Purge,
the night of the Long Knives, and the Roehm Purge. Steakley
writes that "[t]he indisputable beginning of Nazi terror against
homosexuals was marked by the murder of Ernst Rohm on June
28, 1934, 'the night of the long knives'" (Steakley:l08). It was
on this night (actually over an entire weekend), that Adolf Hitler's
closest aides orchestrated the assassinations of hundreds of his
political enemies in one bloody sweep. Included in this purge
were Roehm and several of the top officers of the SA.
     We have emphasized that the leadership of the SA was mostly,
if not entirely homosexual. The fact that SA leaders were the
primary targets in the massacre could therefore be construed as a
sort of "moral cleansing" of the Nazi ranks, which, in fact, Hitler
claimed it was. But Hitler lied. The Roehm Purge was driven by
political, not moral concerns. Hitler feigned disgust and outrage
about the homosexuality of the murdered SA leaders to justify
himself to the German people; it was a tactic he had used previ-
ously to allay public suspicions about the sexual deviancy of his
inner circle. The importance of this fact is asserted in many lead-
ing works by both mainstream and homosexualist historians. The
following are excerpts from four different historians who have
examined the issue:

     Hitler eliminated his closest friend Roehm and cer-
     tain SA leaders as potential rivals. The strictly
     political motivation of this ruthless power play was
     initially too obvious to be entirely denied, but later
     it was conveniently obscured by charges of homo-

***{Below is Page: 103 }***

     sexual depravity (Haberle {sic}:369f.).

     The formal accusations against Roehm and those
     arrested with him centered on their homosexual
     activities, which Hitler had of course known about
     for fifteen years and shrugged off, it being alleged
     that these activities disgraced the party. For those
     victims without any homosexual background, "the
     Great Blood Purge" continued all over Germany,
     as Nazi leaders got rid of all their most hated en-
     emies, as well as the inevitable "mistakes"
     (Garde:726f.).

     Ernst Roehm wasn't shot because the Nazi Party
     felt outraged by the abrupt discovery that he was
     "having" his storm troopers -- that had been known
     for ages; but because his sway over the SA had
     become a menace to Hitler. In the Hitler Youth
     the "dear love of comrades" was evilly turned into
     a political end. And if the Nazi hierarchy was well
     larded with homosexuals, so was Wilhelm II's court
     and so was the Weimar Republic (Davidson: 152).

{See Comment 103-1}
     Hitler himself, of course, had been well aware of
     Rohm's sexual orientation from the earliest days
     of their long association  So strong was Rohm
     that the Wehrmacht [German Army High Com-
     mand] was concerned that he might seize control
     of the army. In 1934, Hitler became fearful that
     the Wehrmacht was plotting a coup against him to
     prevent such a takeover. To forestall this danger,
     Hitler had Rohm and about one thousand other
     men murdered one weekend in June 1934, the fa-
     mous "night of the Long Knives" (Crompton:79f.).

*** {start comment 103-1}
     Crompton goes on to add, "Hitler gave as an 
ostensible reason for the killings his 'discovery' 
that Rohm and the SA were themselves plotting a 
coup against him, though no one has ever taken 
this excuse seriously. Later, in justifying his 
act, Hitler also used the issue of homosexuality 
against Roehm. Shortly after Roehm's death, he 
issued an order to the effect that, to preserve 
'moral purity,' homosexuals were to be expelled 
from the SA and the Nazi Party. He went out of his 
way to reassure mothers that he was concerned for 
the moral welfare of their sons. Privately, Hitler 
was less moralistic. In conversation with Nazi 
leaders, he took the position that homosexuality 
was undesirable for eugenic reasons, since it was 
a contagion that attacked 'the best and most manly 
of characters, solely eliminating from the 
reproductive process those very men on whose 
offspring a nation depended.'"
*** {end comment 103-1}
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***{Below is Page: 104 }***

     There is some dispute among historians about whether Roehm
had planned a coup against Hitler after Hitler's refusal to replace
the regular army with Roehm's troops. This takeover of the army
had apparently been part of the Nazis' original plan for the maxi-
mization of their political strength. Upon his appointment as Chan-
cellor, Hitler was confronted with new and different challenges
which required new and different alliances. For some time it ap-
peared that Hitler would remain true to his pact with Roehm.
From the time Hitler assumed control of the German government
in January of 1933, until the spring of 1934, he allowed the SA to
grow from 300,000 to over 3 million members (Plant:54). Dur-
ing this period of rapid growth, Roehm's rivals within the Nazi
inner circle grew increasingly alarmed, as did the powerful indus-
trialists and military leaders.
     Tension between the SA and the army increased. General
Walther von Brauchitsch, speaking for the majority of his fellow
officers, said, "[t]hat gang of homosexuals, thugs and drunks
should be allowed no part of [German rearmament]" (Gallo:87).
For their part, the SA taunted the regular army soldiers, singing
"The grey rock will be drowned in a sea of brown" (ibid. :87),
meaning that the grey uniformed army would be swallowed up by
the Brownshirts. Strasser writes,

     At a meeting of the Cabinet, to which he belonged,
     [Roehm] demanded the incorporation of the Brown
     Shirts into the regular army, the Brown Shirt of-
     ficers to retain their ranks. In other words he de-
     manded supreme command of the Reichswehr, the
     S.S., and the S.A.. He confidently believed that
     he had Adolf's support...but Hitler remained
     silent...Blomberg, the Minister of National De-
     fense, suddenly declared that the only course open
     to President Hindenberg {sic} would be to refuse out-
     right. "The discussion is closed," Hitler then said,
     without daring to look his old friend in the face.
     Roehm, speechless with fury, walked quickly from

***{Below is Page: 105 }***

     the room. After June 30, General von Reichenau
     declared in an interview with the Petit Journal that
     Roehm's death sentence was virtually signed that
     day (Strasser, 1940:178).

     As the conflict came to a head, SA conspirators created a "hit
list" of Army officers who were to be killed (ibid.:237) and alleg-
edly selected Standartenfuehrer Julius Uhl to assassinate Hitler
himself ( ibid 237). It may be, however, that these allegations
were invented as part of a fall-back rationale for the purge. It is
well known that Himmler, Goering and Himmler's deputy,
Reinhard Heydrich, worked behind the scenes to limit Roehm's
power; and it has been reported by some sources that they gener-
ated rumors of a Roehm plot to drive a wedge between Roehm
and Hitler. In any case, the Roehm Purge was not motivated by
the homosexuality of its victims. The great majority of victims
were not homosexuals it all. Otto Strasser, whose brother, Gregor,
was murdered that night lists some of the casualties in
Hitler and I:

     Klausener and several other Catholic leaders were
     executed, as well as [Vice Chancellor] von Papen's
     secretaries. At Hirschberg, in Silesia, all the Jews,
     all the members of the Stahlhelm, and a few com-
     munists were arrested...beaten with rifle butts...and
     eight people were murdered...[V] on Kahr, an old
     man of sixty three... was taken from his bed, taken
     to Dachau, and tortured to death... His crime had
     been his failure to support the Munich putsch in
     1923. Ballerstaedt...who had been instrumental
     in Hitler's being sentenced to three months im-
     prisonment, was murdered by a special killer squad.
     [And] death was the penalty paid by Father
     Staempfle for having edited Mein Kampf, and
     therefore being familiar with the author's weak-
     nesses (ibid.:200).

***{Below is Page: 106 }***

     Igra provides us with a long and detailed account of the power
struggle which led to the purge, beginning with a refutation of the
idea that it represented a policy of extermination of homosexuals
by Hitler:

     We shall find that, far from eliminating the sex per-
     verts from his party, Hitler retained most of them,
     and that he moved against those whom he did elimi-
     nate only with the greatest reluctance and after he
     had been relentlessly pushed by outside forces and
     circumstances. On June 14 and 15 Hitler was in
     Venice to see Mussolini It soon became common
     knowledge that the German Dictator and his en-
     tourage had made an unfavorable impression upon
     the Italians...Mussolini was never a stickler for
     puritan morality, to say the least, but there was
     one vice which the Italians particularly loathe; they
     call it il visio tedesco, the German vice. The con-
     duct of some members in Hitler's entourage at
     Venice disgusted the Italians. Mussolini protested
     against the moral character and political
     unreliability of the leading personnel in the Nazi
     Storm Troops and warned Hitler that he would
     have to sacrifice his favorite colleagues if he wished
     to save his own personal prestige and that of his
     regime. Among those colleagues, Roehm, Heines
     and Karl Ernst were mentioned.
          What chagrined [Hitler] the most was that he
     knew Mussolini had been prompted... by... [Ger-
     man] President Hindenberg {sic}... On June 21, Hitler
     went to Neudek, Hindenberg's {sic} country seat... [He]
     was literally dumbfounded when confronted on the
     steps of the Hindenberg {sic} family home by General
     Blomberg and Goering, both in uniform.  They
     informed him that the President would not receive
     the Chancellor, and that if the heads of the SA were

***{Below is Page: 107 }***

     not dismissed martial law would be declared,
     whereupon Goering would take over civilian con-
     trol as Chief of Police, and Blomberg, as Minister
     of War, would take over military control.
          Hitler was still recalcitrant and conceived the
     idea of rallying the Storm Troops around him, as a
     gesture of defiance against those gentlemen of the
     right.. But an event occurred...which led Hitler to
     change his plan. ..He was summoned to Krupp's
     headquarters and there was received by Goering,
     and the heads of the Krupp firm and other
     industrialists... [T]hey delivered their ultimatum:
     Either Hitler should get rid of his companions or
{See Comment 108-1}
     the Goering-Krupp-Blomberg combination would
     withdraw their support for the regime. Hitler ac-
     cepted the alternative, but in his own way. He
     would double-cross Roehm, but he would also
     double-cross his taskmasters to the Right. He
     would eliminate a few of the elements that had
     proved objectionable to the Right, but he would
     maintain the bulk of them. Besides, he would take
     the opportunity of the general massacre to remove
     those against whom he had a grievance -- General
     Streicher, General Bredlow, Gregor Strasser,
     etc.(Igra:77f.).

     The Roehm Purge, then, was not a "moral cleansing" of the
Nazi ranks, but a realignment of power behind the German gov-
ernment which was primarily forced upon Hitler by powerful po-
litical elements whose support he needed to maintain control. Igra
goes on to point out that not only did the majority of the SA
homosexuals survive the purge, but that the massacre was largely
implemented by homosexuals. He cites Strasser that the "Chief
Killers of Munich [were] Wagner, Esser, Maurice, Weber and
Buch." These men "were all known to be sex perverts or sexual
maniacs of one type or another," concludes Igra (ibid. :80). Plant
***{Below is Page: 108 }***
records that the larger campaign of assassinations across Ger-
many was orchestrated by Reinhard Heydrich, also a homosexual
(Plant: 56). Igra addresses Hitler's justification for the purge:

*** {start comment 108-1}
     Plant doesn't say that Heydrich was a 
homosexual. There's absolutely no evidence to 
substantiate such a charge. Heydrich was a 
notorious womanizer, whose naval career was ended 
because of an affair, and who later, even after 
marrying, used to take companions out for nights 
of drinking and sex with women.

     On the very same page (56), Plant says the 
following:

     "In Munich, Hitler ordered the SA regulars to 
the 'Brown House,' screaming that they were all 
'homosexual pigs,' though he well knew that only a 
few in Roehm's immediate entourage were 
homosexual."

     This is an example of the use of selective 
quotation by the Pink Swastika author. Plant is 
deemed valuable for one item, but what he says in 
the very next paragraph, namely that only a few of 
the SA leaders in Roehm's immediate entourage were 
homosexual, is ignored, because it doesn't fit -- 
indeed directly contradicts -- the Pink Swastika 
author's attempt to "prove" that the SA leadership 
was all homosexual.
     
     Igra is thoroughly unreliable. It's difficult 
to find his book, just as it is now and always 
will be difficult to find The Pink Swastika. 
Neither The Pink Swastika nor Igra have even the 
most basic scholarly and ethical qualifications to 
be selected by most libraries.

     Hitler made use of anyone he could in his 
climb to power. Roehm provided valuable services 
in obtaining secret help from the German Army for 
the Nazis in the early days, and in organizing 
street gangs to counteract the similar street 
gangs formed by the Communists and other movements 
in Germany. He was a man of great talent -- a 
talent so great that even after a falling out and 
separation of five years, Hitler felt impelled to 
call him back from South America to reorganize the 
faltering SA. By coincidence, Roehm happened to be 
homosexual, something we're told he didn't realize 
himself until five years after joining the Nazis 
and one year before his break with Hitler.

     Hitler didn't like homosexuals. He never 
liked them. He used those few homosexuals who 
provided needed talent and skills he couldn't get 
from heterosexuals, and tolerated them as long as 
they were useful. He was quick to get rid of 
homosexuals whenever their usefulness was at an 
end. The final break with Roehm had been building 
since Hitler attained power in 1933, but problems 
had developed for several years before that. He 
used Roehm's homosexuality and that of some of his 
companions in the SA as a clever excuse to help 
justify the Blood Purge and gain support for it in 
public opinion.

     As the heterosexual Heinrich Himmler grew in 
stature, and as Himmler's heterosexual SS grew, 
the need for homosexual Roehm and his heterosexual 
SA declined. The atrocities of the heterosexual SS 
and its heterosexual leaders, Himmler and 
Heydrich, don't have to be repeated here. Their 
six million and more victims speak for themselves. 
Roehm may have been homosexual, but he was not 
anti-Semitic, and the world would be much better 
off if he and his small company of homosexuals had 
triumphed over his heterosexual rivals in the SS.

     A historian cited by the Pink Swastika 
author, Charles Bracelen Flood, describes some of 
men in the alleged list of homosexuals in Hitler's 
close company: (page 188-199) "...Hermann Esser, 
the handsome young former left-wing journalist, 
now a party speechmaker, who was said to live off 
one or more women...Christian Weber...fancied 
himself as a lady-killer." These "rumors" are 
hardly consistent with homosexuality.
*** {end comment 108-1}
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{See Comment 108-2}
     In his defense before the Reichstag a week later
     Hitler talked of "traitors." That was his alibi.. In
     his speech to the Reichstag he admitted that one
     of the motives for ordering the massacre was to
     get rid of the moral perverts in his party and that
     they were traitors because they practiced
     homosexualism. But under the dictatorship it was
     not possible for anyone to put Hitler a question.
     Nobody asked him to explain how it was that, if
     his purpose was to get rid of homosexuals, he re-
     ally didn't rid himself of them but used them as the
     instruments of his own murder lust and still re-
     tailed most of them as members of his personal
     entourage, as well as in key positions of the party
     organization and the government. Otto Strasser,
     in his book, The German St. Bartholemew's {sic} Night
     (which has not been published in English), men-
     tions sixteen of these highly placed homosexualist
     officials who survived the massacres of June 30
     and retained their posts (Igra:82).

*** {start comment 108-2}
     It's unfortunate that the alleged "sixteen" 
"highly placed" homosexual officials aren't named 
-- and that they're mentioned in a hard-to-obtain 
book in a foreign language. In Der Fuehrer (page 
753), Konrad Heiden, a source frequently cited by 
the Pink Swastika author, mentions only a single 
member of Roehm's clique, Count Helldorf, who 
survived. His survival was because he collaborated 
with Hitler in plotting against Roehm and acted as 
an internal spy in the SA. (And Heiden doesn't 
speak of Helldorf's sexuality, though some other 
authors say he was homosexual.)

     What homosexuals allegedly "highly placed" 
elsewhere in the German government might have 
survived is not clear. Igra doesn't name names, 
and so his allegations can't be checked.
*** {end comment 108-2}
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{See Comment 108-3}
     Following the purge, Hitler received a telegram from
Hindenberg {sic} "expressing his 'profoundly felt gratitude.'"     "'You
have saved the German people from a grave peril,' the President
wired" (Fest, 1975:470).  Likewise, "Defense Minister von
Blomberg congratulated Hitler for the successful completion of
the "purge.' (ibid.: 470). The army, too, was pleased by Hitler's
move. Only a week after the purge an anti-Nazi Reichswehr of-
ficer told the French military attache in Berlin that the army was
25% pro-Nazi before the purge, but 95% pro-Nazi after the purge
(Gallo:289).

*** {start comment 108-3}
     The Pink Swastika author either fails to see 
the significant point of the homosexual charges in 
the Roehm purge, or wishes to divert attention 
from it.

     No, the Roehm purge wasn't instigated 
primarily to "clean house" and get rid of 
homosexuals, but to get rid of the political 
threats from the Roehm and Strasser factions of 
the party. Strasser's insistence on maintaining 
the original socialist positions of the party and 
Roehm's desire to take over the German Army were 
growing liabilities now that Hitler had attained 
power. These elements of the party upset German 
industrialists, the Army, and the general 
population. In addition, Hitler had more than once 
had to fight for his own survival as party chief, 
and his position was in some jeopardy as long as 
these potential rivals retained power.

     Cleansing the party of homosexuals was a 
secondary function of the purge. As the Pink 
Swastika author has himself noted elsewhere, there 
was discontent among the Nazis, the Army, and the 
general public because of the homosexual activity 
of Roehm and his small clique of friends within 
the SA. As long as Hitler needed Roehm's 
organizing talents, he had to tolerate his 
behavior and that of the friends Roehm protected, 
covering up as best he could the occasional 
scandal that cropped up.

     The purge occurred in 1934, but as long as 
seven years before that, in 1927, Hitler had 
railed against the homosexual elements of the SA, 
as the Pink Swastika author earlier noted. In 
1934, Hitler removed more than one thorn from his 
flesh, just as in 1927 he had expelled from the 
Party Roehm's homosexual friend Heines. (Whose re-
admittance in 1930 at Roehm's insistence was the 
price Hitler had to pay for getting Roehm's talent 
to revitalize the SA.) Roehm was no longer needed 
to attain or maintain power in 1934: indeed, he 
had become a liability and a threat to Hitler. It 
was time to rid the party of the once-tolerated 
vermin who were no longer of use.
*** {end comment 108-3}
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***{Below is Page: 109 }***

     {Picture}
     {Hitler & Mussolini in front of a statue}

No hard feelings. In 1937, three years after the purge, Hitler
hosts Mussolini on a tour of the House of German Art. The
statue behind them is of two muscular naked men holding hands
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 110 }***

               After the Purge

     While it is certainly true that several of the most prominent
homosexuals in the Nazi regime were killed on the "night of the
Long Knives" the fact of history is that Adolf Hitler did not purge
his regime of homosexuals in this incident or at any subsequent
time. On the contrary, a simple review of the historic record re-
veals that Hitler continued not only to surround himself with ho-
mosexuals, but to place them in key positions in the Third Reich.
{See Comment 110-1}
     Judith Reisman notes that "Kaximierz {sic} Mocazarski, a Polish
resistance fighter confirmed that homosexuals "remained party
members... got promotions... were protected by the top [Nazi]
brass' and served on the battlefield and in prisons" (Reisman,
1994:3). Of the thirteen corps commanders of the SA, all homo-
sexuals, only seven were killed in the Roehm Purge (Gallo: 16).
The rest, along with the probable thousands, perhaps tens of thou-
sands of homosexuals remaining in the SA, were quickly reas-
signed by Hitler, who put the entire SA under the authority of
Heinrich Himmler's SS. Many of these sadistic, brutal men had
been useful to Hitler since the beginning, and he made certain that
their talents would remain available to him. It is likely that some
of these SA survivors were among the participants in Geobbels {sic}
dinner-party-turned-orgy in 1936 (Grunberger:70).

*** {start comment 110-1}
     How on earth would a "Polish resistance 
fighter" know about homosexuals in the Nazi party? 
Is there no more credible witness to substantiate 
this assertion of the Pink Swastika author? Those 
familiar with Reisman's "scholarship" will not be 
surprised at this elevation of back-fence gossip 
to "scholarly research." Her "credits" include co-
authoring a book slurring Dr. Alfred Kinsey with 
the same sort of deceptive writing techniques and 
unsubstantiated innuendo that the Pink Swastika 
author and Samuel Igra, his favorite "historian" 
use. She's also worked with Dr. Paul Cameron -- 
very fittingly, as he was thrown out of his 
professional group, the American Psychological 
Association, for just the sort of authorship he 
shares with Reisman, Igra, and Abrams and Lively, 
the Pink Swastika authors (unfortunately only 
Cameron belonged to a respectable organization 
capable of throwing such a person out).

     On page 6 of Gallo's book, a quote from Baron 
Pomoeo Aloisi, Mussolini's private secretary says 
seven of thirteen SA corps commanders were shot. A 
following quote Gallo attributed to Mussolini says 
of the SA "a majority of its leaders were 
pederasts, beginning with Roehm." Thus, Gallo does 
not support the Pink Swastika author's allegation 
that all were homosexuals, though citing Gallo in 
this manner confuses the reader into believing 
that he gave the information written by the Pink 
Swastika author.
*** {end comment 110-1}
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{See Comment 110-2}
     Aside from the SA, Hitler retained all of the sexual deviants
of his inner circle, including Goering, Streicher, Frank, Emile and
Weber. Hess was to remain until 1941, when he left of his own
accord on his ill-fated "peace" mission to England. Hitler later
openly rewarded some of these men with top jobs in the govern-
ment. Rector, for example, writes that "Hitler knew about
[Walther] Funk, a 'notorious' homosexual, when he appointed
him Reich Minister of Economics on February 5, 1938" (Rector:
63). SS Lieutenant-General Albert Foerster, the homosexual who
is mentioned in Langer as a possible sexual partner of Hitler
(Langer: 178), and whose "black record of atrocities against the
Poles" earned him a death sentence in later war trials, was ap-
pointed Reich Regent of the Danzig Free State just prior to World

*** {start comment 110-2}
     One hates to be repetitious, but repeated 
lies require repeated refutations. Note that the 
Pink Swastika author glides smoothly from 
"homosexuals" to "sexual deviants," hoping the 
reader won't notice and trying to paint the above 
list of people as all homosexuals. There's no 
evidence that Goering was either a homosexual or a 
sexual deviant. His two wives and his daughter 
certainly didn't find such qualities in him. He 
was an extraordinarily vain man who, much like a 
modern politician, wore make-up to improve his 
appearance. He wore clothing such as caftans that, 
though the common dress of some Orthodox Jews, 
caused people to make jokes about him as a 
transvestite. Streicher and Emile and the 
unidentified Weber may well have had some 
"deviancy," but it wasn't homosexuality. (In 
addition, they never attained "top jobs in the 
government.") There's no evidence Hess was 
homosexual. He was married and his son worked long 
and hard to try to get him released from Spandau 
Prison where he was sent after World War II. (One 
can't help noting in passing that while 
heterosexual Heinrich Himmler was plotting the 
death of six million Jews, the allegedly 
homosexual Hess flew to England to try to stop the 
Nazi insanity.)

     Rector does say Funk was homosexual, but 
doesn't cite a source. In this passage he's 
commenting on a male prostitute and criminal named 
Schmidt who made charges against Funk and General 
von Fritsch, among many others. The Army didn't 
believe Schmidt's charges, and Himmler later had 
him executed at Sachsenhausen concentration camp 
as an inconvenient embarrassment who knew details 
of Himmler's attempt to purge rivals by smearing 
them with false charges of homosexuality. A point 
Rector makes in his book is that allegations of 
homosexuality were flung about recklessly against 
enemies to try to damage their reputations, and 
that such charges are not to be taken seriously 
absent reliable witness. The Pink Swastika author 
is all too ready to accept slander and innuendo as 
fact, provided only that he can name an author and 
cite a page.

     It's a gross distortion to say that Walter 
Langer mentions Foerster as a possible homosexual 
partner of Hitler. Langer says (page 195 of the 
1972 Basic Books edition) that Hermann Rauschning 
reported that Foerster told him of Hitler's 
alleged "impotence as far as heterosexual 
relations go without actually implying that he 
indulges in homosexuality. It is probably true 
that Hitler calls Foerster 'Bubi,' which is a 
common nickname employed by homosexuals in 
addressing their partners. This alone, however, is 
not adequate proof that he has actually indulged 
in homosexual practices with Foerster...." The 
term "Bubi" is not peculiar to homosexuals, but is 
also used by heterosexual men to express an 
affectionate relationship to each other.

     Wistrich gives a brief biography of Foerster 
on page 77, but says nothing about homosexuality.

     Wistrich also gives a brief biography of Graf 
von Helldorf (see top of page 111 of The Pink 
Swastika, immediately below this comment). He 
mentions absolutely nothing about homosexuality, 
but says Helldorf was a major figure in the 1944 
plot to assassinate Hitler.

     Strasser merely refers to Helldorf as a 
"pervert" without elaboration, leaving his meaning 
unclear and not providing any reference or context 
to substantiate or clarify the remark, and not 
indicating whether homosexuality was involved in 
the alleged perversion.
*** {end comment 110-2}
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***{Below is Page: 111 }***
War II (Wistrich: 178{sic}). And Graf von Helldorf, one of Rossbach's
original homosexual Brownshirts (Strasser, 1940:26), was ap-
pointed by Hitler to the post of police president of Berlin in 1935
(Snyder: 145).

               Heinrich Himmler and the SS

     Heinrich Himmler is an extremely important figure in Nazi
history. He joined the Nazis in the early years of the party and
"participated in the Munich Beer-Hall Putsch of November 1923
as a standard-bearer at the side of Ernst Roehm" (Wistrich: 138).
After holding a number of mid-level positions in the party he was
appointed "head of Hitler's personal bodyguard, the black-shirted
Schulzstaffel {sic} (58), at that time a small body of 200 men
(ibid.: 138). Over the next dozen years Himmler's "astonishing
capacity for work and irrepressible power-lust showed itself in
his accumulation of official posts" (ibid.: 138), eventually winning
him the most powerful position in the Third Reich under Hitler
himself.
     The role of Himmler is also critically important to the asser-
tions of homosexual revisionists. "Heinrich Himmler, Reichsfuhrer
SS and head of the Gestapo," writes Steakley, "richly deserves a
reputation as the most fanatically anti-homosexual member of the
Nazi leadership" (Steakley: 111). Indeed, if one were to accept
Himmler's public pronouncements against homosexuality at face
value, he would certainly deserve this distinction. For example,
in a speech in which he commemorated the Roehm Purge, he said:

     Two years ago...when it became necessary, we did
     not hesitate to strike this plague with death, even
     within our own ranks...in our judgment of homo-
     sexuality -- a symptom of degeneracy which could
     destroy our race -- we must return to the guiding
     Nordic principle: extermination of degenerates"
     (ibid.:111 f.).

***{Below is Page: 112 }***

{See Comment 112-1}
     However, as we have demonstrated, homosexuality was not
the reason for the Roehm Purge. And if we look at other evi-
dence we find that Himmler's practice regarding homosexuals was
far different than his rhetoric would imply. Once again we must
consider the Friedlander distinction between "Butches" and
"Femmes." He, together with the masculine homosexuals of the
Community of the Special, called effeminate homosexuals "de-
generates." Clearly, in this speech, Himmler rhetorically lumped
the masculine Roehm with all homosexuals, but it is probable that
the distinction would have been lost on this particular audience
anyway.

*** {start comment 112-1}
     Whatever the main purpose of the Roehm purge, 
it was also presented at the time as a purge of 
homosexuals -- and indeed it was. The fact is that 
the homosexual leaders of the SA were purged, and 
that power passed from the SA to the indisputably 
heterosexual SS. That is the context of Himmler's 
remarks. Whatever temporary use the Nazis might 
have made of individual homosexuals who had 
talents they needed (Roehm, Funk), the official 
Nazi position and the attitude they fostered in 
all of Germany's educational and other 
institutions was the attitude expressed by 
Himmler. The Pink Swastika author knows that his 
thesis of homosexual responsibility for Nazi 
atrocities falls flat when confronted with 
unquestioned heterosexual villains like Heinrich 
Himmler, Adolf Eichmann, and Josef Mengele, and he 
has to try to defuse this land mine under his feet 
by grasping at even the vaguest gossip and 
innuendo to try to make a case that, deep down, 
these heterosexuals were really either homosexuals 
themselves or sympathizers of homosexuals.
*** {end comment 112-1}
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     Himmler may have been a homosexual. Filmmaker Walter
Frenz, who worked closely with the Nazi elite including a stint as
Hitler's private filmmaker, is reported to have traveled to the East-
ern front with Himmler "whose pederastic proclivities he cap-
tured on film" (Washington City Paper, April 4, 1995). Himmler,
like Hitler, was closely associated with homosexuals during his
entire adult life. His path to Nazi leadership, however, was not,
like that of so many others, through the German "gay rights"
movement. It was, instead, through the occult movement, and
his Nazi career was defined by his passion for the occult. We
have seen how Himmler was profoundly influenced by Guido von
List and Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels, the homosexual gurus of na-
tionalistic and anti-Semitic occultism. It was List's dream of a
hierarchical male supremacist social order which formed the blue-
print for the SS. And it was from List that Himmler appropriated
{See Comment 112-2}
the "SS" symbol. From Lanz, Himmler adopted other occult
themes. Wistrich writes,

     For him, the SS was at one and the same time the
     resurrection of the ancient Order of the Teutonic
     Knights with himself as Grand Master, the breed-
     ing of a new Herrenvolk aristocracy based on tra-
     ditional values of obedience, courage and loyalty,
     and a vast experiment in modern racial engineer-
     ing (Wistrich: 140).
*** {start comment 112-2}
     The quote is slightly inaccurate. It should 
read ...loyalty, and the instrument of a vast 
experiment...."
*** {end comment 112-2}
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***{Below is Page: 113 }***

     Lanz originated both the revival of the Teutonic Knights theme
and the plan for German racial engineering. The latter idea mani-
fested itself in Germany in 1936 as the "State-registered human
stud Farm known as Lebensborn [meaning "fount of life"j, where
young girls selected for their perfect Nordic traits could procre-
ate with SS men" (ibid.: 138). By 1945 over 11,000 births had
resulted from the program (Conway:273), which Himmler was
later to claim as his greatest contribution to the Third Reich. But
the plan, down to some of its details, must be attributed to Lanz.
Goodrick-Clarke writes,

     The similarity between Lanz's proposals and the
     latter practices of Himmler's SS Lebensborn ma-
     ternity organization... indicate the survival of these
     mental reflexes over a generation. Lanz's advo-
     cacy of brood mothers in eugenic convents
     (Zuchtkloster), served by pure-blooded Aryan
     stud-males (Ehehelfer), was revived in the Third
     Reich (Goodrick-Clarke:97).

{See Comment 113-1}
     Himmler's opposition to homosexuality was directly proper-
tannate to the attitudes of homosexuals about procreation. For
him, the individual's highest duty to the state was the improve-
men of the race through proper breeding. Himmler was obsessed
with creating a race of "supermen." But in his view, some of the
most perfect specimens of Aryan manhood were being lost to this
effort due to homosexuality. Himmler felt this "loss" more keenly
in light of the fact that Germany had lost two million men in World
War I. He also believed there were two million homosexuals in
the population. "This meant," write Burleigh and Wippermann,
"that Germany's 'sexual balance sheet' had gone into deficit be-
cause 'four million men capable of sex' had either died or had
renounced their duty to procreate' on account of their sexual
proclivities" (Burleigh and Wipperman {sic} :192).

*** {start comment 113-1}
     It should be pointed out that Burleigh and 
Wippermann are quoting from a speech Himmler 
delivered to a conference of SS officers in 1937. 
In that speech he announced that homosexuals 
uncovered in the SS would be publicly degraded, 
imprisoned, and upon release sent to concentration 
camps where they would be shot "while attempting 
to escape." Himmler added "Thereby, I hope finally 
to have done with persons of this type in the SS."
*** {end comment 113-1}
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{See Comment 114-1}
     Himmler's solution to this problem was, logically enough, not
the extermination of the delinquent males. Instead he placed great

***{Below is Page: 114 }***

hope in the use of medical "treatments" to "reclaim" homosexu-
als for the race. One experiment involved implanting artificial
glands in homosexual subjects to introduce additional male hor-
mones to the body. Other efforts paired homosexual prisoners
with female prostitutes (ibid.: 195f). while the idea of forced
medical experiments is abhorrent, the fact that Himmler invested
time and resources in such projects shows that he had a very dif-
ferent view of homosexuals than of other prisoners, even of those
effeminate homosexuals who were held in such contempt by the
Nazi "Butches." Himmler was determined to rehabilitate rather
than dispose of them.

*** {start comment 114-1}
     The Nazis sought "cures" for all their 
undesirables, not just homosexuals. For example, 
having Jewish blood could be "cured" by having had 
enough exposure to Christianity in one's past. A 
Jewish relative, if far enough in the past, was 
considered not to have any further tainting 
influence. In the general population, the removal 
of "Jewish influences" for two prior generations 
was deemed adequate, while for higher roles, such 
as SS membership, more generations of removal from 
Jewish influence in one's family had to be 
demonstrated.

     The Nazis usually lumped homosexuals together 
with Jews in their pantheon of demons. Both groups 
were considered enemies of the state, but it was 
far more difficult to deal with homosexuals than 
with Jews. The Jews could be isolated rather 
easily, and were largely without ties outside 
their group. Homosexuals, on the other hand, could 
crop up anywhere -- even in the best of Nazi 
families. Just as public opinion had shut down the 
euthanasia program before World War II when 
concerned relatives of some of those killed began 
to raise questions, so the prosecution of 
homosexuals could not be too extreme, as there 
were too many heterosexual family members who 
would object. The euthanasia program resumed more 
quietly after wartime secrecy prevailed, and in 
the same way detention and medical experiments on 
homosexuals could intensify after the onset of 
war. The manpower shortage made treatment 
preferable to extermination. In the same way Jews 
were sometimes preserved in the early days of the 
war if they could provide useful manpower (those 
not of use were killed very quickly).

     Whatever "softness" Himmler might have 
exhibited toward homosexuals, it wasn't because he 
had any sort of "soft spot" for them. Faced with a 
critical shortage of manpower, and having killed 
off Jews who could have provided it, he had to 
look where he could for workers.
*** {end comment 114-1}
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{See Comment 114-2}
     Himmler began his Nazi career as an aide to Ernst Roehm, a
fact which clearly refutes the idea that he was a priggish anti-
homosexual zealot. On the contrary, Himmler's service to Roehm
was not performed grudgingly. Himmler voluntarily wrote his
own oath of loyalty to Roehm and repeated it ceremoniously each
year in Roehm's presence. Gallo records a portion of a letter
written to Roehm by Himmler: "As a soldier and a friend, I wish
you all you could desire in obedience and loyalty. It has been and
always will be my greatest pride to be counted among your most
faithful followers" (Gallo:45). Obviously, Himmler's attitude had
changed considerably by the time he helped to orchestrate the
Roehm Purge, but for many years he had been pleased to serve
the most brazen and outspoken homosexual in the Nazi Party.

*** {start comment 114-2}
     The Pink Swastika author is either being 
disingenuous or is hopelessly naive to attribute 
to Himmler any sincerity. Nobody else would. 
Himmler was an unscrupulous sycophant who would 
say anything to ingratiate himself with his 
superiors. In plotting behind Roehm's back to take 
over his power it was only logical that Himmler 
would do whatever he could to try to make Roehm 
trust him. It should also be noted that Roehm-the-
open-homosexual-of-the-Nazi-movement didn't exist 
before 1924, that he left the party in 1925, and 
then the country, returning only in 1930. The idea 
that Himmler had faithfully served an "outspoken 
homosexual" for "many years" is not supported by 
the facts. (Additionally, Hitler's major method of 
controlling his subordinates was to divide them 
and have them report through multiple, parallel 
chains of command, thus setting up conflicts that 
only he could resolve. That Himmler nominally 
served under Roehm doesn't mean very much when he 
took personal orders directly from Hitler without 
going through Roehm.)
*** {end comment 114-2}
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     As long as a man performed his procreative duties to the state,
Himmler had no problem with his other sexual practices. This
attitude is easily recognized in the case of his second-in-command,
Reinhard Heydrich, whose own contribution to the Third Reich
deserves special attention.

***{Below is Page: 115 }***

               Reinhard Heydrich: "The Blonde Beast"

     In an organization which exemplified evil, Reinhard Heydrich
was considered the quintessential member. "Tall, slim, blonde-
haired, with slanting, deep set blue eyes," writes Wistrich,
"Heydrich with his military bearing and ice-cool hardness seemed
to epitomize the "Nordic-Aryan type' of Nazi mythology"
(Wistrich: 134). Himmler selected Heydrich as his right hand-man
in 1931, and within a few short years he was feared by everyone
but Hitler himself (Rector:61). Wistrich describes him well:

     ...ruthless, cold and calculating, without any com-
     punction to carrying out the most inhuman mea-
     sures, Heydrich made himself indispensable to the
     masters of the Third Reich...His cynicism and con-
     tempt for human beings led him to exploit the bas-
     est instincts...in weaving his gigantic spider's web
     of police surveillance in the Third Reich. He filed
     extensive dossiers, not only on enemies of the Party
     but also his rivals and colleagues. The 'Blonde
     Beast,' who controlled the sole intelligence ser-
     vice after 1935, specialized in devious methods of
     blackmail alongside weapons of open terror and
     persecution. His hand was most probably in the
     Tukhachevsky Affair -- which led to the purge of
     Red Army generals in the Soviet Union - and he
     fabricated the scandalous intrigue which brought
     down the leading German generals von
     Blomberg. . and von Fritsch... [He] masterminded
     the mock attack on the Gleiwitz radio transmitter
     which provided Hitler's excuse for invading
     Poland... [But] The most satanic consequence of
     this accumulation of power was revealed in
     Heydrich's implementation of the order for the
     wholesale extermination of European Jewry
     (Wistrich: 134f.).

***{Below is Page: 116 }***

     Like so many of the Nazis, Heydrich had been a member of
the Freikorps and "was strongly influenced in his early years by
the racial fanaticism of the volkish circles" (ibid.: 134). Heydrich
also shared the sexual vice that marked Hitler's circle of power.
     Heydrich's career was guided and dominated by his relation-
ship with an older homosexual friend, Freidrich {sic} Karl von Eberstein,
son of Count Ernst von Eberstein, Heydrich's godfather. Freidrich {sic}
von Eberstein was Heydrich's senior by ten years and had served
{See Comment 117-1}
in the navy during World War I. More importantly, von Eberstein
was one of the original Nazi leaders in the SA and was a personal
friend of Adolf Hitler (Calic:33). While von Eberstein had been
instrumental in helping Heydrich obtain a commission in the navy,
he was also the reason Heydrich was relieved of his post in 1931
by Admiral Raeder. Raeder had dismissed him for "conduct un-
becoming an officer and a gentleman" (Wistrich: 134) after he
learned of the homosexual relationship between Heydrich and von
Eberstein. Immediately von Eberstein moved to procure Heydrich
a place in the Nazi leadership. Historian Callum MacDonald writes,
     While Heydrich was serving on the Naval staff in
     Kiel, von Eberstein had been leader of the Nazi
     Sturmabteilung or SA, in Munich and upper
     Bavaria...In 1931, however, von Eberstein joined
     another organization, the Schutzstaffel or SS...On
     the recommendation of von Eberstein, now an of-
     ficer on Himmler's staff Heydrich became a mem-
     ber of the Nazi Party, number 544,916, in June
     1931. He joined the SA in Hamburg and was soon
     involved in bloody street battles against the com-
     munists and other opponents of the Nazis. He took
     this step on the understanding that his association
     with the beerhall brawlers was to be purely tem-
     porary and that von Eberstein would use his influ-
     ence to secure a speedy transfer to the SS... [Later,
     Hitler] began to look for someone capable of or-
     ganizing the SS intelligence service on a profes-
***{Below is Page: 117 }***
     sional basis and was handed Heydrich's file by von
     Eberstein (MacDonald: l6f.).

*** {start comment 117-1}
     Allegations about Eberstein's alleged 
homosexuality appear to be pure fabrication. In 
four biographies of Heydrich, there is no mention 
of it. G. S. Graber mentions homosexuality several 
times about other Nazis, such as Ernst Roehm, but 
never in regard to Heydrich or Eberstein. Indeed, 
after discussing the homosexuality of Roehm and 
his inner circle, at whose office Heydrich was to 
report for work, Graber says (page 55) "None of 
this was then known to Heydrich. When he reported 
for duty at the Brown House he must have been 
disagreeably surprised." A homosexual would hardly 
have been "disagreeably" surprised to join others. 
Biographer Guenther Deschner also has no mention 
of homosexuality regarding Heydrich or Eberstein.

     Edouard Calic is not a source for the 
material where he is cited in The Pink Swastika. 
Calic says absolutely nothing about homosexuality 
in regard to Heydrich and Eberstein. (See comment 
118-1.)

     Author Callum MacDonald provides a summary of 
Heydrich's early career in the work cited by the 
Pink Swastika author. Based on what MacDonald 
writes, the Pink Swastika's account of Heydrich's 
alleged homosexual activity appears to be pure 
fabrication.

     Heydrich was only 15 years old when, at the 
end of World War I, he joined the Maeracker 
Freikorps, a notorious one, but not one associated 
with homosexuality. He later claimed to have 
served as a runner (messenger). He was a member 
for only a short time, though he and his father 
joined a local volunteer defense force trained by 
some of the Freikorps troops.

     MacDonald says nothing about Eberstein being 
homosexual. What is clear is that Heydrich in no 
way was "guided or dominated" by him. There was a 
ten year difference in their ages, and they were 
located in different parts of the country, 
Heydrich in Kiel in the far north, Eberstein in 
Munich in the far south. They did correspond by 
mail. MacDonald doesn't state whether Eberstein 
helped Heydrich join the navy, but in any case 
that would certainly have been the older 
Eberstein, Heydrich's godfather, not the allegedly 
homosexual son.

     The influence and guiding light of Heydrich's 
naval career was Admiral Canaris, later an anti-
Hitler conspirator, not Eberstein. MacDonald says 
(page 13) "Moreover, his mentor, Canaris, had a 
long association with naval intelligence and may 
have recommended a posting to some form of secret 
work." MacDonald says absolutely nothing about any 
alleged homosexual relationship between Heydrich 
and Eberstein as a cause for Heydrich's dismissal 
from the Navy. Heydrich was a notorious womanizer 
and had already been brought up before a naval 
court of honor on a charge of mistreating another 
young lady. A second charge, coming after 
Heydrich's engagement was announced, involved a 
woman who claimed Heydrich had promised to marry 
her. The wronged young lady's family were friends 
of Admiral Raeder, head of the German Navy, and 
this time Heydrich did not escape. He was thrown 
out of the Navy by Raeder. Since MacDonald 
supplies this information just a few pages before 
the quote of the Pink Swastika author, it's hard 
to see how the confusion could arise in any honest 
manner.

     After his dismissal from the Navy, a 
continued career using his military training and 
experience was difficult. He, his wife, and her 
family were ardent Nazis, and he had a friend in 
Hitler's headquarters, the younger Eberstein. He 
asked him to look for a job for him. Eberstein did 
help him get a job in the SS and brought him to 
Himmler's attention as a candidate for the 
intelligence job. (It was Himmler, not Hitler, who 
"began to look for someone..." -- another error on 
the part of the Pink Swastika author.)

     It should also be noted that Wistrich 
mentions nothing of homosexuality in regard to 
Heydrich. At publication of his book, Wistrich was 
teaching at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. He 
mentions Funk's alleged homosexuality, and Funk's 
great offense against Jews was to "launder" 
currency and gold taken from concentration camp 
victims. It would seem that in the case of 
Heydrich, architect of the death of millions of 
Jews, Wistrich would surely have mentioned 
homosexuality had he found the slightest hint of 
it.
*** {end comment 117-1}
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     In 1931 , when Ernst Roehm was faced with accusations of
homosexuality under Paragraph 175, it was Heydrich who came
to his defense (Lombardi: 12). Despite this action, or perhaps
because of it, Heydrich very soon discovered he had enemies within
the Party. These men, led by Moulin-Eckart, began looking for
information to use against him. They uncovered the truth of
Heydrich's homosexuality and attempted to blackmail him with
it. His enemies, however, would quickly learn that Heydrich was
{See Comment 118-1}
not a man to cross. According to Calic,
     Moulin-Eckart condemned himself to death... What
     he learned about Heydrich's [Jewish] origins was
     unimportant compared with the evidence he gath-
     ered concerning relations between Heydrich and
     von Eberstein...Heydrich's adversaries underesti-
     mated the danger of what they planned to do.
     Revealing the true reason for Heydrich's dismissal
     from the navy might set off a scandal that would
     jeopardize Hitler's efforts to increase his support
     in the Reichwehr. {sic} Worried about the effects of
     such a revelation, the party leadership finally be-
     gan circulating a story to counteract it: Heydrich
     had been dismissed from the navy because he re-
     fused to marry a woman after having an affair with
     her (Calic:64).
     Heydrich's mentor in the navy, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, was
also alleged to be homosexual -- by Heydrich's successor in the
position of Chief of the SD-SS, Ernst Kaltenbrunner (Rector:62).
Rector questions this allegation because Kaltenbrunner "once said
that 80% of the Abwehr [German Military Intelligence] were sexu-
ally perverted" and believed it "to be a center of every form of
vice" (ibid.:62). This allegation, however, seems quite consistent
***{Below is Page: 118 }***
with what we have come to know of certain segments of the Ger-
man military, though the specific statements are perhaps exagger-
ated. Heydrich and Canaris were very close during Heydrich's
tenure in the navy (MacDonald: 12), but Canaris later came to
fear the man he had trained in intelligence tactics, and kept a dos-
sier on Heydrich's homosexuality as insurance to protect his own
career (Stevenson: 349). Much later Canaris was discovered to
be a leader in the attempt to assassinate Hitler and was executed
at Flossenberg concentration camp on April 9, 1945.

*** {start comment 118-1}
     Once again the Pink Swastika author fails to 
see the irony in the gossip he peddles. One 
alleged homosexual Nazi flew to England to try to 
stop the war. Here another alleged homosexual 
plotted to kill Hitler. Even if these men were 
homosexuals -- something not at all demonstrated -
- they seem all to be opponents of Hitler rather 
than ardent followers.

     The source of the Stevenson citation given 
above is not immediately apparent from the Pink 
Swastika bibliography.

     The alleged material from Calic is an 
astounding fabrication.

     Calic says absolutely nothing about 
homosexuality.

     Calic's "real reason" for Heydrich's 
dismissal from the navy was political reasons, and 
that his "relationship" with Eberstein was one of 
Nazi politics. He says, on pages 55-56:

     "But even if there actually was such a woman 
{whom Heydrich wronged and who caused his 
dismissal}, and even if Heydrich's refusal to 
marry her actually was the basis of charges 
brought against him, we cannot exclude the 
possibility that his dismissal was politically 
motivated. The great confidence shown in him by 
Hitler and Himmler as soon as he arrived at the 
Brown House {offices of the Munich SA/SS}, the 
respectful way he was treated in the headquarters 
of the Nazi party -- all this suggested that the 
Nazi leadership wanted to reward him for services 
rendered to the party.

     "If someday it is established by 
unquestionable documentary evidence that Heydrich 
appeared before a naval court of honor because of 
his misconduct toward a woman, that will not 
disprove the statement he often repeated during 
his years in the Third Reich: that he was 
dismissed from the navy for political reasons."

     The fact is that Heydrich had become an 
admirer of Hitler, and Eberstein served the Nazi 
Party in Munich. Calic suggests that while in the 
navy, Heydrich was working for the Nazis, spying 
on his fellow officers and giving information to 
the Nazis. This is made quite evident if the whole 
passage from Calic is presented, not the mangled 
version in The Pink Swastika. Here is what Calic 
actually says on page 64:

...."In doing this, Moulin-Eckart condemned himself to death.

     "What he learned about Heydrich's origins was 
unimportant compared with the evidence he gathered 
concerning relations between Heydrich and Karl von 
Eberstein. That was forbidden territory because 
Hitler had publicly declared that he would use 
only legal means to achieve power. Spying on 
officers of the armed forces was severely punished 
by the law and regarded as an act incompatible 
with the principles of patriotism. Moulin-Eckart, 
and others who wanted Heydrich out of the way, 
would not have missed a chance to use that 
argument in their struggle against him within the 
party. According to Hans von Kessel, Heydrich's 
adversaries underestimated the danger of what they 
planned to do. Revealing the true reason for 
Heydrich's dismissal from the navy might set off a 
scandal that would jeopardize Hitler's efforts to 
increase his support in the Reichswehr. Worried 
about the effects of such a revelation, the party 
leadership finally began circulating a story to 
counteract it: Heydrich had been dismissed from 
the navy because he refused to marry a woman after 
having an affair with her. That is Kessel's 
thesis. Is there documentary proof of it? No. But 
logic and common sense speak in its favor."

     The Pink Swastika author has deliberately 
falsified what Calic writes. Calic says absolutely 
nothing about homosexuality. His "real reason" is 
that Heydrich may have been spying on naval 
officers and relaying the "dirt" to the Nazis in 
Munich via his friend Eberstein. That is the 
"relationship" with Eberstein. Moreover, Calic 
clearly states that this version is unsupported 
speculation by Hans von Kessel, a German 
journalist whose brother was killed in Heydrich's 
"Night of the Long Knives" purge of the SA in 
1934.

     At this point, it's worthwhile to address 
another of the rumors about Heydrich, namely his 
alleged Jewish origins. That's an allegation 
MacDonald deals with. That rumor had dogged 
Heydrich since he was a young boy, as it had 
dogged his father and hampered his career. 
Heydrich's grandmother had married a man named 
Suess after his grandfather's death. The family 
name of Heydrich's father was sometimes recorded 
as "Heydrich-Suess" combining the names of his 
true father and his stepfather. The man Suess was 
not Jewish, and in any case wasn't a blood 
relative of Heydrich. But the name fostered 
rumors.

     As for Heydrich's alleged work in the charge 
against Roehm, that's something he very obviously 
would be involved in as head of intelligence, and 
nothing about his personal sexual proclivities can 
validly be read into it. Roehm and Himmler both 
stood as godparents when Heydrich's first son was 
baptized in 1933. Heydrich saw Roehm as the head 
of his organization and as a friend of the leader 
of his country -- a good person to be on friendly 
terms with for a young man looking to advance his 
career. As Roehm fell from grace, Heydrich was 
quick to drop him, showing that his loyalty was 
not to Roehm but to his own career.
*** {end comment 118-1}
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     Heydrich's loyalties to Hitler never wavered. Rector writes
that "Hitler considered him the ideal Nazi, and Nazi inner circles
regarded Heydrich as a likely successor to Hitler even though
Hermann Goering was officially slated for the post of Fuehrer"
(Rector:62). Hitler's support gave Heydrich nearly unlimited
power. As Snyder writes, "Heydrich could order immediate ar-
rests and preventative detention, and he could send any persons
to concentration camps at any time. He was the absolute master
of life and liberty in the Third Reich" (Snyder:3 17).

               The Grynszpan Affair -- Kristallnacht

     Perhaps the single most infamous incident orchestrated by
Heydrich was the November 9, 1938 pogrom known as
Kristallnacht ("Crystal night"), in which hundreds of Jews were
killed and synagogues and businesses were destroyed across Ger-
many. "In fifteen hours," writes Snyder, "101 synagogues were
destroyed by fire, and 76 were demolished. Bands of Nazis sys-
tematically destroyed 7,500 Jewish owned stores. The pillage
and looting went on through the night. Streets were covered with
broken glass, hence the name Kristallnacht" (ibid. :201). Michael
Berenbaum, in The World Must Know, adds that ninety-six Jews
were killed and thirty thousand were arrested and sent to the camps.
Jewish cemeteries, schools and homes were destroyed. As a final
insult, the Jews were held responsible for the damage and collec-
tively fined one billion Reichsmarks (Berenbaum:54).

***{Below is Page: 119 }***

     The Nazis characterized this wave of terror as the German
people's spontaneous response to the assassination of German
Embassy Councilor, Ernst vom Rath..{sic: ..} While the "spontaneous"
rioting was actually a calculated act of terrorism, the incident that
{See Comment 119-1}
allegedly sparked it was not planned. Ernst vom Rath's murder
was a legitimately spontaneous occurrence which the Nazis ex-
ploited to justify an attack on the Jews which they had undoubt-
edly been planning for some time. Interestingly, however, the one
common element in the story of the assassination and the story of
Kristallnacht is homosexuality.
     Ernst vom Rath was a high-level SA official who had received
a diplomatic posting to the German embassy in Paris. While serv-
ing there he had taken up with a seventeen-year-old male prosti-
tute by the name of Herschel Grynszpan, a Polish Jew (Read and
Fisher: 33). In partial payment for his services, Grynszpan had
extracted a promise from vom Rath that his parents would be
spared the consequences of a recent law that "revoked the citi-
zenship of Polish Jews who had been living abroad for more than
five years and who still retained Polish citizenship" (Rector:57).
But vom Rath apparently failed to keep his promise; Grynszpan's
family, along with thousands of others "were herded into camps
in a no-man's land along the border region of Zbonszyn in freez-
ing weather" (ibid.:58). In retaliation, Grynszpan shot vom Rath
on the night of November 7, 1938. Two days later the Nazis
staged the "night of Broken Glass."

*** {start comment 119-1}
     The account of the Grynszpan affair is 
astonishing in its inaccuracy and distortion.

     It's astonishing because of how greatly it 
disagrees with what was actually written by the 
sources cited in The Pink Swastika. It's hard to 
understand how the Pink Swastika author imagined 
he could get away with what he has written.

     But more astonishing is what the Pink 
Swastika author, himself proudly Jewish and living 
in Jerusalem (see his introduction), has done to 
tarnish the reputation of Herschel Grynszpan, a 
hero of the Jewish people who stood up to the 
Nazis when nobody else would. There is absolutely 
no evidence that Grynszpan was ever involved in 
homosexuality, or that he even knew Ernst vom Rath 
before he shot him. Grynszpan was considered a 
hero, and Dorothy Thompson of the United States 
led a campaign to raise money for his defense. 
(She specifically insisted that no Jews 
contribute, so that the Nazis could not hold her 
efforts against Germany's Jews.)

     Rector's is a thinly researched book and a 
poor source for anything. He cites no sources in 
his information on Grynszpan. While he does say 
"Here, however, the charge of homosexuality was 
possibly true," he immediately qualifies even that 
tentative statement with "At least, no evidence 
has been brought forward affirming or refuting 
that the Grynszpan case was due to a homosexual 
love affair that had a tragic ending...." The Pink 
Swastika author had available to him the more 
thoroughly researched work of Read and Fisher -- 
he quotes from them -- yet chose to use a dubious 
account from Rector. The reason is simple: Read 
and Fisher, rather homophobic in their comments, 
completely exonerate Grynszpan of any homosexual 
involvement, while Rector, even though something 
of a homosexual apologist at times, suggests there 
may have been some truth in the allegation. The 
obvious thing is for The Pink Swastika to use the 
author whose tentative comment can be passed off 
as proof that yet another Nazi "high-level" member 
of the SA was a homosexual.

     Did Grynszpan know vom Rath? When he went to 
the German Embassy, he didn't ask for vom Rath, 
but for the ambassador, saying he had some 
important information to give him. It was pure 
coincidence that he was led to vom Rath. Here's 
what Read and Fisher say on page 6: "He asked to 
see the German ambassador. As he did so, a 
casually dressed man in his fifties strolled past 
them on his way out of the embassy -- Count 
Johannes von Welczeck, the ambassador himself. 
Although he overheard Herschel's request, Welczeck 
ignored it: There were plenty of staff on duty to 
handle such visitors, and in any case, he was off 
on his morning constitutional. His silence saved 
his life." Another author adds that in addition 
vom Rath was filling in for a colleague who would 
have been the one to see Grynszpan but was not yet 
at work.

     How then did the idea of homosexuality arise? 
The Read and Fisher account begins on page 231 and 
is backed in its main by independent research of 
other authors such as Hannah Arendt. The issue of 
a homosexual relationship was raised by de Moro-
Giafferi, one of Grynszpan's high-priced lawyers 
hired by Dorothy Thompson's defense fund, and 
described as "the best lawyer in France."

     In recounting Moro's defense of Grynszpan, 
Read and Fisher say (page 241f.) "Moro's new 
strategy was ingenious and, to say the least, 
unconventional. It involved nothing less than a 
deliberate defamation of the characters not only 
of Ernst vom Rath but also of Herschel himself. 
Moro proposed that Herschel should now declare to 
the examining magistrate that he and vom Rath had 
been lovers and that he had shot him in a jealous 
rage because the diplomat had found another lover, 
or -- in an alternative scenario -- because vom 
Rath had refused to pay Herschel for his services 
as a male prostitute....There would be two 
immediate and highly desirable consequences of the 
new approach. In the first place, the Nazis could 
hardly seek to vent their rage upon German Jews 
because a Jewish boy prostitute and his Nazi 
client had fallen out. And in the second place, it 
would make the Reich a laughingstock: Even though 
the lawyers acting for the partie civile might be 
able to do something to defend the late vom Rath's 
name in court, the world's press would have a 
field day at Germany's expense....But it was not 
to be. In spite of the fact that Moro made it 
clear to him that this unhallowing of his crime 
would be to his own advantage, Herschel 
indignantly refused to cooperate."

     In any event, Herschel was never brought to 
trial. By July, 1939, when the trial could have 
been ready to begin, international tensions were 
so high (the war started a month later) that the 
French government was in no hurry to rush things.
*** {end comment 119-1}
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{See Comment 120-1}
     The Nazis were unable to find Grynszpan until 1940 when he
was finally hunted down and seized by the Gestapo (ibid:58). When
at last they had him in their possession, however, their planned
high-profile courtroom prosecution went up in smoke. "At the
last moment the trial was canceled on Hitler's orders: Grynszpan
had threatened to reveal a homosexual relationship with Rath"
(ibid. :58). The Nazis were furious. "Vom Rath had been sold to
the world as an official martyr, shot down in the service of the
Fuehrer He had even been given a state funeral at which Hitler
himself had been a mourner. Was he now to be portrayed in the

***{Below is Page: 120 }***

world's press as a queer with a taste for seventeen-year-old boys?"
(Read and Fisher:252).

*** {start comment 120-1}
     The implication that the Nazis were somehow 
searching for Grynszpan, but were unable to find 
him for a long time is laughable. He was in French 
custody until the German invasion in April 1940. 
The Germans began looking for him only after they 
occupied Paris, and they located him within a 
couple weeks. He was in German hands a couple 
weeks after that (Read and Fisher, 248).

     The Nazis don't seem to have plans in 1940 
for a public trial of Grynszpan. Read and Fisher 
say that in their first interrogations of Herschel 
he didn't mention anything about homosexuality, 
claiming instead that he had gone to the German 
Embassy to shoot himself as a protest but had 
instead shot vom Rath because he called him a 
dirty Jew. Grynszpan was transferred to 
Sachsenhausen concentration camp where the Nazis 
kept special prisoners such as Pastor Martin 
Niemoeller, an outspoken opponent of the Nazis. 
Read and Fisher say that the young Grynszpan was 
there referred to as "bubi" by the guards. In view 
of Langer's quote cited above about "bubi" 
allegedly being a term of affection used by 
homosexuals, it's thoroughly amazing that the Pink 
Swastika author failed to concoct a story about 
Grynszpan having homosexual love affairs with his 
jailers at Sachsenhausen. (See comment 110-2 
above.)

     The Nazis could have tried Grynszpan in 1940 
without the "homosexual defense" being raised, but 
they missed their chance. They drew up a case and 
indicted Herschel on October 30, 1941. The German 
court raised objections to the case because the 
murder had been committed in France, not Germany. 
Hitler settled the matter by saying that the 
shooting of vom Rath was not a simple murder but 
an act of treason against the Reich, and plans for 
the trial proceeded. But by that point Herschel, 
now 20 years old, had learned a bit more of the 
art of survival. He took a cue from Moro, his 
French defense lawyer, and raised the "fag 
defense" -- that he had been having a homosexual 
affair with vom Rath -- and gave a remarkably 
detailed account of how vom Rath picked him up off 
the street one day and seduced him. The account 
was extremely detailed, down to the light-colored 
overcoat vom Rath had allegedly worn and the Paris 
location at which the seduction had allegedly 
occurred.

     Of Herschel's claim to have been seduced by 
vom Rath, Read and Fisher say "The whole story 
was, of course, a total fabrication. Investigation 
revealed that Ernst vom Rath was not a homosexual, 
had never owned a light-colored overcoat, and 
could not have picked Herschel up in the Place de 
la Republique when Herschel claimed he had, 
because he was known to have been out of Paris at 
the time." Grynszpan nonetheless stuck to his 
story and told investigating psychologists that 
vom Rath had promised that his parents would not 
be deported to Poland.

     Grynszpan's introduction of the "fag defense" 
put an end to any thought of a public show trial 
for the moment. Read and Fisher say (p 252) 
"Although Herschel's story could easily be 
demolished by the prosecution, its potential as an 
anti-Nazi smear was enormous. Vom Rath had been 
sold to the world as an official martyr, shot down 
in service to the fuehrer. He had been given a 
state funeral at which Hitler himself had been a 
mourner. Was he now to be portrayed in the world's 
press as a queer with a taste for seventeen-year-
old boys?" (It would have been particularly bad 
that he had violated Germany's racial laws by 
having sex with a Jew.)

     That last quote from Read and Fisher will be 
noted as the same used by the Pink Swastika author 
immediately above. With a large measure of tongue 
in cheek, one notes with amazement that the Pink 
Swastika author found this quote while totally 
ignoring the immediately preceding material in 
which Read and Fisher expose Grynszpan's story as 
a fabrication.
*** {end comment 120-1}
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     Of course, the Nazis claimed that the confession was a lie, but
apparently there must have been enough evidence to support the
story, or the prosecutors could have easily refuted it. Instead,
they delayed the trial. Read and Fisher explain:

     The delay gave Goebbels the time to create a new
     myth about the late Ernst vom Rath, and he set
     about it in a highly ingenious manner. He arranged
     for the letters of French prisoners of war to be
     specially vetted by one of his men, who seized the
     more passionate and erotic messages. The letters
     were then doctored to make it appear that they
     had all been written to vom Rath by various mis-
     tresses, with the aim of producing them in court as
     written evidence of his heterosexuality. At one
     stroke, Goebbels would have created a new Don
     Juan, a German womanizer irresistible to
     Frenchwomen (ibid:253).

     Clearly the Nazis could produce no legitimate evidence that
vom Rath was a heterosexual. But even their falsified evidence
went unused because, in the meantime, the Justice Ministry had
obtained additional information that made a public trial impos-
sible. "[A] story had been circulating in public that Herschel had
in fact been vom Rath's male whore and procurer for some time
in 1938, and that vom Rath had been known in Parisian homo-
sexual circles as 'the ambassadress' and 'Notre Dame de Paris'"
(ibid. :253). Additionally, it was learned that vom Rath's brother
"had been dismissed from the service for homosexual offenses"
(ibid. :253). This was too much for even Hitler's propaganda
machine to overcome, so the trial was again postponed.
     Grynszpan's young life began and ended in tragedy associ-
ated with homosexual perversion. His home town of Hanover

***{Below is Page: 121 }***

(perhaps not coincidentally the birthplace of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs)
was a center of homosexuality," according to Read and Fisher:
     There were no fewer than 500 male prostitutes on
     the police books in 1918, and the chief criminal
     inspector put the number of homosexuals in the
     city at about 40,000, out of a total population of
     450,000. The Grynszpan's {sic} neighborhood earned
     particular notoriety during the early year's of
     Herschel's childhood through the activities of one
     Fritz Haarman, known as 'the Butcher of
     Hanover,' who picked up his victims, mostly ado-
     lescent boys, in the railway station, and took them
     home...when he had finished with them, he
     strangled them, butchered their corpses, and sold
     the flesh as meat.  He was executed in 1925
     (ibid.:33).

{See Comment 121-1}
     Grynszpan never did go to trial, though he remained in Nazi
custody. Interestingly, the organization which came to his aid
during this time was the Society for Human Rights, the homo-
sexual "rights" group which had once boasted Ernst Roehm as a
member (and obviously was still operating somewhat openly un-
der the Third Reich --ibid. :245). Victor Basch, then head of the
SHR "had pleaded for liberty or judgment'" in an effort to get
him freed, but to no avail (ibid.:245). After 1942 Grynszpan just
disappeared, probably killed secretly by the Gestapo.

*** {start comment 121-1}
     The above reference to the SHR is too 
astounding to be a simple mistake. It was touched 
on in an earlier comment where the Pink Swastika 
author first mentioned it, but the facts bear 
repeating. There are other misstatements of fact 
in addition to the mention of the SHR. The Pink 
Swastika author clearly intends the reader to 
believe that while Grynszpan was in a Nazi 
concentration camp in 1941 and 1942 a homosexual 
organization was working openly in Germany for his 
release. As a reference he offers Read and Fisher, 
page 245. But what Read and Fisher say is quite 
different. Read and Fisher are actually talking 
about the period in 1940 when Grynszpan was still 
in a French prison, which is to say before July of 
1940. They say: "By then, Herschel had been in 
custody for about twenty months, longer than any 
juvenile in French history, in spite of continuous 
efforts by Moro and other to get him freed. The 
last attempt had been in April 1940, when Victor 
Basch, president of the League of Human Rights, 
had pleaded for 'liberty or judgment' -- but this, 
like all the others, was ignored."

     In his attempt to smear homosexuals the Pink 
Swastika author has changed the time frame and the 
location of the events given in Read and Fisher. 
He also confuses the League for Human Rights with 
the Society for Human Rights. While Read and 
Fisher don't identify the League for Human Rights, 
it was likely was a French organization, not a 
German one, and had nothing to do with 
homosexuality. (See comment 96-1 above.)
*** {end comment 121-1}
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     Kristallnacht, the "spontaneous" incident which Grynszpan's
act had supposedly sparked, has also been described as being de-
fined by homosexuality. As all of Europe struggled to understand
the cause for this horror, an answer was offered by British Con-
sul-General, R.T. Smallbones. Smallbones was a "self-confessed
Germanophile" who had served in Germany, from 1932 to 1939
and "had developed great admiration and respect for the sterling
qualities of the people" (ibid.: 127). "His opinion, therefore," writes

***{Below is Page: 122 }***

Igra, "rests on first-hand experience of the German people for a
long period of years" (Igra:7). He continues:

     [Smallbones authored] a British White Paper,
     'Concerning the treatment of German Nationals
     (including the Jews) in Germany," in which the
     following statement is made: "The explanation of
     this outbreak of sadistic cruelty may be that sexual
     perversion, and, in particular, homosexuality, are
     very prevalent in Germany. It seems to me that
     mass sexual perversion may offer an explanation
     of this otherwise inexplicable outbreak"...I am con-
     vinced that this explanation is the correct one
     [writes Igra]. For, as a matter of fact, the wide-
     spread existence of sexual perversion in
     Germany...at the time the Hitler movement rose
     to power.. is notorious. And authorities on crimi-
     nal sociology are agreed that there is a causal con-
     nection between mass sexual perversion and the
     kind of mass atrocities committed by the Germans
     (ibid:7).

{See Comment 122-1}
     Heydrich, the man most responsible for this atrocity, met his
death in May, 1942, at the hands of two Czechoslovakian resis-
tance fighters. A bomb was tossed into his car, shattering his
spine. He died on June 4, 1942. In retaliation "the Germans took
savage revenge, after the manner of the old Teutonic rites, for the
death of their hero" (Shirer: 1288f).  Over 1,500 people were
immediately executed and thousands more followed, including the
entire population of Lidice (ibid.: 1289). The Lidice massacre was
orchestrated by Heydrich's replacement, Kurt Daluege, formerly
a unit leader in Rossbach's notorious homosexual Freikorps
(Wistrich:43).

*** {start comment 122-1}
     Wistrich mentions absolutely nothing about 
homosexuality in connection with Daluege. The Pink 
Swastika author tries to spread the false rumor 
that Rossbach's Free Corps was made up exclusively 
of homosexuals, and that therefore anyone 
connected with it must have been homosexual.
*** {end comment 122-1}
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