THE ANNOTATED PINK SWASTIKA

Citizens Allied for Civic Action (CAFCA)
PO Box 93009
Milwaukee, WI 53203

Copyright 1996 All rights to reproduce the annotations and comments in
this study are reserved by CAFCA except that permission is granted to
circulate this file electronically, in its entirety without changes,
and to quote extensively from it as long as due credit is given to its
origin.
As of 1996-1997, The Pink Swastika has been available on the Internet
World Wide Web site of Schott Lively, one of the authors, without any
form of copyright claim, and so is in the public domain. In addition
the fair use exception of U.S. copyright law allows use of relevant
text for critical review purposes such as this.

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NOTES: This text preserves the pagination and lining of the original.
Figure captions are retained, sometimes with a brief description of
the picture. Errors in the original, spelling, grammar, etc., are
marked {sic}.
Notes added to the original text are in braces {}. Refutations and
other annotations are set off in separate sections throughout the text
as the following example shows:
*** {start comment 180-1}
Annotation text.
*** {end comment 180-1}
where 180 = page number, -1 = first comment on that page.

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IMPORTANT NOTE:

At this time The Pink Swastika has been mostly but not completely
researched, due to the difficulty in obtaining some of the sources,
for example those that are propaganda pamphlets that libraries don't
usually carry. Undoubtedly there are more errors, misstatements, and
outright lies than those listed in these notes. The first release was
issued when one of the authors of The Pink Swastika was touring the
United States and presenting his propaganda to Religious Right groups,
who are using it in their own propaganda. There seemed to be a need to
supply some material that could be used in refuting the book then.
This latest edition has added considerable material, and will probably
be the last. So many errors are already listed that the purpose has
been well served without the great effort that would be needed to
locate the final source books for complete checking of all citations.
Little would be added relative to the list of errors already found
here.
The reader should give the author of The Pink Swastika the
benefit of the doubt, and assume any typographical errors not noted by
"{sic}" were probably not in the original text of the book.
It cannot be emphasized enough that this debunking of The Pink
Swastika is incomplete. Those discussing points in the book that have
not yet been researched should mention that this work is not yet
complete, and the fact that something is not criticized doesn't mean
it is accepted as true. The numerous errors and misstatements in the
parts of the book that have been researched raise suspicions on
everything written in it.

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P R E F A CE

The Pink Swastika belongs to the Crypto History genre. It claims
to reveal connections of people and groups explaining the course of
events that have been neglected by or even covered up by establishment
historians. A modern and related example is The New World Order
written by Pat Robertson, televangelist, Republican Presidential
contender, and founder of the Christian Coalition.
Whereas Robertson's book attempts to show that modern government
institutions such as the Federal Reserve Board arise from a conspiracy
of occult Satanists and "International Bankers," The Pink Swastika
attempts to show that Hitler's Nazism and the Jewish Holocaust are the
work of homosexuals, and that the Nazi work is being continued by
homosexuals in the United States. In both cases it is necessary for
the author to establish linkages.
The linkage process tends to be tortuous, and Robertson tries to
link the Federal Reserve to conspiratorial Satanists by speculating on
a chain involving Cecil Rhodes, the Freemasons, and the Rothschilds.
The Pink Swastika has to include so many different "links" in some of
its "chains" that the reader who does not soon lose interest is sure
to be confused.
While Robertson wants to show that the Federal Reserve's mission
is to weaken America economically so that a one world government will
be accepted in preparation for the rule of the Anti-Christ, The Pink
Swastika wants to show that homosexuals were responsible for Hitler's
rise to power, the slaughter of 6 million Jews, and the modern neo-
Nazi movement in America.
The main technique used is selective quoting from respectable
authors and extensive quoting from disreputable ones. Samuel Igra is
an example of an author whose work cannot be trusted in any part, and
for that reason it can be difficult to locate the book he wrote. Igra
is quoted extensively. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke is a genuine scholar,
and his work is quoted selectively. There are instances where context
in Goodrick-Clarke contradicts what The Pink Swastika wishes to
demonstrate, so that portion of his work is ignored, a quote being
selected from a less reliable author because it fits better the
homophobic thesis. The same may be said of many other sources used for
The Pink Swastika.
The worst feature of this sort of writing, as Goodrick-Clarke
notes at the end of his book, is the manufacture of sources --
"...inaccuracies and wild claims were repeated by each newcomer to the
genre until abundant literature existed...." One author writes a book
that includes mere rumor or even outright fabrication, and the next
author is able to use it as a citation, giving an unmerited cloak of
scholarship to his work.
The Pink Swastika is full of rumors about homosexuality of
various persons. A man's wife and children mean nothing if some
disreputable past author can be cited as a source for an allegation of
homosexuality. That Hermann Goering liked exotic clothes and improved
the appearance of his face with makeup is sufficient to brand him
homosexual, despite his undoubted devotion to both his wives and his
daughter. Rudolph Hess is not saved by his wife and children, nor is
Hans Frank. Herschel Grynszpan, the Jewish youth who shot Ernst vom
Rath in Paris in 1938, giving the Nazis an excuse for the "Crystal
Night" anti-Jewish pogrom, is painted as a homosexual prostitute, even
though nothing about homosexuality was ever uncovered or mentioned
until his defense attorney used it as a successful ploy to postpone
indefinitely his trial for murder.
Nothing in The Pink Swastika can be believed without checking
reliable sources. This study has checked many of the sources,
particularly for the connection with Hitler and the Nazis, but by no
means all. The portions which have not been refuted should not be
assumed to be accurate just because no notes have been attached.

With that word of caution, The Pink Swastika begins on Page Title-
1....

***{Below is Page: Title-1}***

The
Pink Swastika
Homosexuality in the Nazi Party

Scott Lively
Kevin Abrams

Founders Publishing Corporation

***{Below is Page: Title-2}***

Published by Founders Publishing Corporation.
Box 20307, Keizer, Oregon 97307

Published July 1995.
Printed in the United States of America

Information about ordering copies of this
may be found on the last page.

hook

Cover Design by Al Mendenhall

First Edition 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

ISBN 0-9647609-0-8

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Contents

A Note to the Reader iii

Preface: Kevin E. Abrams iv

Introduction: Scott Lively ix

Acknowledgments xv

One: The Homosexual Roots of the Nazi Party 1
The Divided Movement 6
Karl Heinrich Ulrichs 9
Magnus Hirshfeld and the SHC 12
The New Hellenes 15
Adolf Brand and the Community of the Special 19
The Rift Widens 24
The Wandervogel 27
Gerhard Rossbach and the Freikorps Movement 35
Ernst Roehm and the Development of the SA 39

Two: Homo-occultism 46
Madame Blavatsky and the Theosophical Society 51
Guido von List and the Armanen Order 54
Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels and Ariosophy 56
The Thule Society 60

Three: The Homosexual Roots of Fascism 65
Frederich {sic} Nietzsche 68
The Cultural Elites 70

Four: The Founding and Early Years of the Nazi Party 77
Hitler's Pederast Clique 79
Was Adolf Hitler a Homosexual? 82
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The Nazi Rise to Power 86
A Change of Strategy 86

Five: The Persecution of Homosexuals 94
Anti-homosexual Policies 95
The Sacking of the Sex Research Institute 99
The Roehm Purge 102
After the Purge 110
Heinrich Himmler and the SS 111
Reinhard Heydrich: "The Blonde Beast" 115
The Grynszpan Affair -- Kristallnacht 118

Six: Homosexuality in the Concentration Camps 123
The Guards and Kapos 126
The Prisoners 131
The Final Solution 133

Seven: America Nazis 143
The Fascist Roots of American "Gay-Rights" 148
Harry Hay and the Mattachine Society 149
The Stonewall Riot 151
The Pederasts 154
The Boy Scouts 160
Weimar in America 163
The Kinsey Connection 166
The Cauldron Begins to Boil 169
Atrocities 174
The Big Picture 177

Bibliography 200

Ordering Information 205

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A Note to the Reader

Two terms used frequently in this book, 'homosexualist' and "pederast,'
will be unfamiliar to many readers. We use the term homosexualist to refer
to any person, homosexual or not, who actively promotes homosexuality as
morally and socially equivalent to heterosexuality as a basis for social policy.
In our view Harry Hay, founder of the American gay-rights movement, and
President Bill Clinton who attempted to force the military to accept open
homosexuals, are both homosexualists. Each has worked in his own way to
legitimize homosexual behavior in America. Many heterosexual people are
homosexualists. Many self-described homosexual people are not homosexu-
alists. A homosexualist is defined by his actions in a socio-political context.
This definition is different from Samuel Igra's use of the term in Germany's
National Vice, which we have quoted extensively. Igra uses "homosexualist"
to mean homosexuals only.
A pederast is defined as a physically mature man who engages in or
desires to engage in sex with boys around the age of puberty, as opposed to a
pedophile, who targets both male and female prepubescent children and/or
pubertal girls. (Pederast derives from the Greek paed, meaning boy, and
erastis, meaning lover). Self-defined "boy-lovers" who have formed
"children's rights" organizations such as the North American Man/Boy Love
Association (NAMBLA) in this country, and who formed the Gemeinschaft
der Eigenen in Germany, generally seem to focus their sexual attentions on
boys roughly between the ages of 8 and 18 years, with an apparent preference
for boys about 12 years old. Some sources quoted in this study use the terms
"pederast" and "pedophile" interchangeably. We hope to reestablish the dis-
tinction between these terms (dubious as it may be) to facilitate a deeper
understanding of homosexual pathology and the varieties of its expression.
English translation of German words using the umlaut (two dots above
ta {sic} vowel) result in different spellings of words like Fuehrer and Roehm (Fuhrer
and Rohm). In this book we have chosen the form of spelling in which the
vowel is followed by a {sic} "e." Spelling of German words varies among the
authors we quote.

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B' H
{The above stands for a Hebrew invocation. Mr. Abrams is an Orthodox Jew, formerly of Canada, now
living in Jerusalem.}

Preface

Kevin E. Abrams

I call heaven and earth to witness against you this day,
That I have set before you life and death, the blessing and the curse;
Therefore choose life, that you may live, you and your children.

Deuteronomy\Devarim: 30:19

The Pink Swastika is not a work of fiction. Ironically, the authors have
discovered that truth is often stranger than fiction. The Pink Swastika is a
response to the "gay political agenda" and its strategy of portraying homo-
sexuals as victims of societal and Nazi persecution. Although some homo-
sexuals, and many of those who were framed with trumped-up charges of
homosexuality, suffered and died at the hands of the Nazis, for gay apologists
to portray themselves as historical victims of Nazi persecution, on par with
the Jewish people. is a gross distortion of history perhaps equal to denying
the Holocaust itself. The Pink Swastika will show that there was far more
brutality, rape, torture and murder committed against innocent people by
Nazi deviants and homosexuals than there ever was against homosexuals.
Today in the West a new and aggressive homosexualism is making its
bid for power. The media, psychiatry, science and academia have all been
corrupted and pressed into the service of establishing homosexuality as a
normal and acceptable variant of human sexuality. Those who are unwilling
to bend to the new dispensation are bludgeoned into submission with slan-
derous accusations of intolerance and "homophobia." Our efforts will cer-
tainly fail to corroborate the politically correct propaganda offered by much
of today's media, academia, psychiatry, various federal agencies, the courts
and human rights organizations which are now driven by the new sexual
ideology rather than by honest debate and inquiry. Coming in the wake of a
successful public campaign conducted over decades, our book will also fly in
the face of much of today's popular opinion. This having been said, we
believe that The Pink Swastika will show clearly how the world the Nazis
attempted to create is a world. not of the past, but of the possible future. It
will show that. given its present course and left unchallenged, America could
easily become the Nazi Germany of 50 years ago.

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It is often said that the lessons of history leave us with a guide for the
future. If this be so, then the lessons of the collapse of the democratic Weimar
Republic and the social ideologies that preceded its defeat by the Nazis should
provide us with insights into America's future. As a practicing member of
the Jewish faith, I remain wholly unconvinced that by solely remembering
the Holocaust we will prevent another. The ominous parallels between the
Weimar Republic of pre-Nazi Germany and today's American republic are
simply too pronounced to overlook.
This year, 1995, is the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II. It is
also the 50th anniversary of Samuel Igra's book, Germany's National Vice,
which we quote extensively. Largely purged from public view, Igra's book
documents the homoerotic foundations of German militarism. Other books,
like Dusty Sklar's 1977 The Nazis and the Occult, document the black occult
roots of Nazi ideology. What The Pink Swastika does is to synthesize both
the homoerotic and occult foundations of the Nazi regime. It must be clari-
fied -- the Nazis were not Right Wing Conservative Creationists, they were
Left Wing Darwinian Evolutionary Socialists. As a principle, an increase in
pederasty and homosexualism parallels a militaristic Hellenic revival. His-
tory discloses that the most warlike nations are those whose male leaders
were the most addicted to sexual relations with young boys.
*** {start comment v-1}
The author presumably refers to the ancient Greek custom of
pederasty. That did not involve "young boys." Those involved were
teenagers up to the age of 18 years. If anything, they were "old"
boys. The elder partners in those relationships were heterosexual men
between the ages of 18 and 30, the usual age for marriage among the
Greeks. Greek pederasty was entirely a heterosexual phenomenon, and
involved three stages: 1. acting as the passive partner while a
teenager, 2. Acting as the active partner while in one's twenties, 3.
marrying a woman and starting a heterosexual family at about age 30.
But it must also be questioned whether Greece was "the most warlike"
of nations. Surely Rome outdid Greece militarily, and Rome never
practiced pederasty. Even the very few Nazis who practiced
homosexuality did not choose young boys. One could go on to mention
Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Poland, Russia, Turkey,
Arabia, Persia, India, Japan, China, and many other countries that
have conquered large territories and maintained empires for long
periods of time by use of military power who had nothing whatever to
do with homosexuality The author's remark is a gross exaggeration.
*** {end comment v-1}
The political agenda which has as its focus a plan to legalize and coerce
a bewildered and unsuspecting public into accepting or regarding sodomy as
normal or dignified, is based on falsehood, self-deception and skewed scien-
tific research. In light of the medical record, history and the fact that sodomy
represents a corruption of the natural and moral orders of creation, any posi-
tive affirmation of homosexuality is totally without merit. Human sexuality
is never merely a physical concern, nor is it a purely private matter. It always
has social implications. What goes on between partners influences society as
a whole. In sexual matters, the issue is. "what is advocated and what is
practiced publicly" far more than what happens privately.
In a letter to the editor of the Toronto, Ontario, Globe and Mail newspa-
per, February 26, 1992, Dr. Joseph Bergen Assistant Professor of Psychiatry,
University of Toronto, writes, "in my 20 years of psychiatry I have never
come across anyone with innate homosexuality. That notion has been a long
proclaimed gay-activist political position, intended to promote the accep-
tance of homosexuality as a healthy, fully equal alternative expression of
human sexuality. It has zero scientific foundation, though its promoters latch
on to even the flimsiest shreds of atrocious research in their attempts to jus-
tify the notion."
As they were during the Weimar period, 1918-1933, psychiatry and
academia have been hijacked and pressed into the service of establishing
homosexualism as the basis of a new Kultur. Professor Hans Blueher, a

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practicing physician whose specialty was psychiatry, was accepted by the
Nazis as the apostle and higher authority of a new social order. Blueher's
school held that male homosexual lovemaking is in itself a good thing and
spiritually energizing. Blueher's teaching became popular in Nazi circles
during the period between the two World Wars and promoted the idea that a
well-regulated ritual of homosexualism was a unique force capable of creat-
ing the State and assuring its leadership. The resulting creed relegated women
to a purely biological function and eliminated the family as a constituent cell
in the community.
In 1973 the American Pyschiatric {sic} Association was also hijacked by
American "gay" activists. Basing its decision largely on the skewed evi-
dence of the 1948 Kinsey report Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, the
APA removed homosexuality from its Diagnostic and Statistics Manual and
declared it a normal variant of human sexuality. Homosexuals sensing that
the burden of change had been lifted from them and shifted onto society
were able to present themselves as innocent victims of what they referred to
as society's bigoted and "homophobic" attitude towards them as human be-
ings.
*** {start comment vi-1}
This is a gross misstatement of the facts of the APA decision.
Ronald Bayer told the story of the decision in his 1981 book
Homosexuality and American Psychiatry. That will be discussed at
length in a later comment. The only input from the Kinsey Institute
was Wardell Pomeroy's testimony that psychiatric opinion of
homosexuality at the time was based on observation of patients in
treatment, and had no knowledge of homosexuals leading normal lives.
The scientific data most impressing the APA were gathered by Dr.
Evelyn Hooker and other psychologists having nothing to do with
Kinsey. The major influence on the APA, however, was not data but its
experience in meeting actual homosexuals, including a large group of
homosexual psychiatrists. These new data and these people simply did
not fit the classification of "sick," indicating something was not
quite right in the APA's old classification, so the organization
changed it.
*** {end comment vi-1}
Columnist Charles Krauthammer in "Defining Deviancy Up" an essay
published in the November 22, 1993 edition {sic} of The New Republic (pages
20ff.) in describing the real effect of the APA decision, stated that a majority
of society was made deviant while homosexuality was elevated to the status
of normal. Krauthammer writes, "as part of the vast social project of moral
leveling, it is not enough for the deviant to be normalized. The normal must
be found to be deviant." In fact the greatest single victory of the "gay" agenda
over the past decade has been to shift the debate from behavior to identity,
thus forcing opponents into a position where they are seen as attacking the
civil rights of homosexual citizens rather than attacking specific antisocial
behavior.
In an interesting and informative study, a critical analysis titled "Sexual
Politics and Scientific Logic: the Issue of Homosexuality," by Dr. Charles
Socarides (published in the Winter, 1992 edition of The Journal of
Psychohistory, Vol. 10, No.3:317), Socarides quotes the warning of Abram
Kardiner, psychoanalyst, former Professor of Psychiatry at Columbia Uni-
versity, 1966 recipient of the Humanities Prize of The New York Times: "there
is an epidemic form of homosexuality, which is more than the usual inci-
dence, which generally occurs in social crises or in declining cultures when
license and boundless permissiveness dulls the pain of ceaseless anxiety, uni-
versal hostility and divisiveness... Supporting the claims of homosexuals and
regarding homosexuality as a normal variant of sexual activity is to deny the
social significance of homosexuality... Above all it mitigates against the fam-
ily and destroys the function of the latter as the last place in our society where

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affectivity can be cultivated... Homosexuality operates against the cohesive
elements in society in the name of fictitious freedom. It drives the opposite
sex in a similar direction. And no society can long endure when either the
child is neglected or when the sexes war upon each other."
*** {start comment vii-1}
It is rather interesting to note that Nazi science regarded
homosexuals in the same category as Jews, in that both were considered
threats to the state and society. The above language could almost have
been copied from Nazi "scientific" literature on racial hygiene
talking about the threat Jews posed to society.
It's appropriate to mention that Dr. Socarides has a homosexual
son who is an activist working for civil rights protection for
homosexuals.
Finally, it must be said that psychoanalysts such as Dr.
Socarides have been in the forefront of trying to keep homosexuality a
disease. Psychoanalysis, under much attack by other psychiatrists and
psychologists in the 1980s and 1990s, is based on a number of
elaborate theories of human sexual development. If homosexuality were
accepted as a normal variety of human behavior, the theories of the
psychoanalysts would be declared to be in error, and their body of
scientific work and, indeed, their very livelihoods would be in
jeopardy.
*** {end comment vii-1}

Victim-plunder ideology is at the core of "gay" political strategy.
Homosexualists exploit the public status of homosexuals to impose their new
definition of human sexuality upon society. "Victim ideology" and "reduc-
tionist" thinking is destroying America from within. Today's new victims
see no reason to modify their own behavior. Victim psychology and philoso-
phies undermine the legitimate workings of government and the justice, health
and social systems. Like their Nazi predecessors, today's homosexualists
lack any scruples. Homosexuality is primarily a predatory addiction striving
to take the weak and unsuspecting down with it. The "gay" agenda is a
colossal fraud; a gigantic robbery of the mind. Homosexuals of the type
described in this book have no true idea of how to act in the best interests of
their country and fellow man. Their intention is to serve none but them-
selves.
The Pink Swastika documents a hidden aspect of German history. The
authors contend that homosexualism, elevated to a popular ideology and
combined with black occult forces, not only gave birth to Nazi imperialism
but also led to the Holocaust itself. The militarists in Germany were happy
with Hitler. His teachings on "total war" and of a secret Jewish conspiracy
against Germany provided a good screen for their own veiled preparations.
From its very inception, it was the goal of the Nazi Party, working as a front
for the German military industrial complex, to overthrow the Weimar Re-
public by whatever means necessary. The Pink Swastika documents how,
from its beginning, the National Socialist revolution and the Nazi Party were
animated and dominated by militaristic homosexuals, pederasts, pornogra-
phers and sado-masochists.
As Igra explains in Germany's National Vice, "the criminals who wreaked
such astounding horrors on innocent civilian populations were not acting as
soldiers drunk with the fury of battle, nor as patriotic fanatics, but as chosen
instruments of a satanic religion to the service of which they had been dedi-
cated by the systematic teaching and practice of unnatural vice" (Igra:94).
The Pink Swastika documents how the Society for Human Rights, founded
by members of the Nazi Party, became the largest homosexual rights organi-
zation in Germany and further, how this movement gave birth to the Ameri-
can homosexual rights movement. Its influence has grown. The President
of the United States now receives official homosexual delegations at the White
House who expect the President to repay them for helping him into office.
They expected him to "normalize" homosexuality in the American military.
As for the comparison made between homoeroticism and skin color, General

***{Below is Page: viii }***
Colin Powell, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, had this to say in
a letter to Rep. Patricia Schroeder (D-Colorado), "skin color is a benign
non-behavioral characteristic. Sexual orientation is perhaps the most pro-
found of all human behavioral characteristics. Comparison of the two is a
convenient hut invalid argument' (Salem, Oregon Statesman Journal, June
6,1992).
American civilization rests on the basic principles of Christian morality,
which have their origin in the Hebrew Scriptures. The reason why the Nazis
first attacked the Jewish people and swore to exterminate them physically
and spiritually is because the teachings of the Bible, both the Torah and the
New Testament, represent the foundations on which the whole system of
Christian ethics rests. Remove the Bible as the constellation that guides the
American Ship of State and the whole edifice of American civilization col-
lapses. For my Jewish brethren searching for a Biblical basis for the
legitimization of homosexuality, I refer to the words of Rabbis Marc Angel,
Hillel Goldberg and Pinchas Stopler and their joint article in the Winter,
1992-93 edition of Jewish Action Magazine, "there is not a single source in
all of the disciplines of Jewish sacred literature -- halachah, aggadah, phi-
losophy, muscar, mysticism -- that tolerates homosexual acts or a homosexual
orientation. Jews who sanction homosexuality must do so wholly without
reference to Jewish sacred literature, in which case their justification has no
Jewish standing; or without reference to Jewish sources, in which case they
act with ignorance or intellectual dishonesty. The idea, set forth by some of
the non-Orthodox leadership, that the Torah prohibited only coercive and
non-loving same-sex relationships, thus allowing for a contemporary, volun-
tary and loving same-sex relationship, is wholly without basis in a single
piece of Jewish sacred literature written in the last 3,000 years.
Dennis Prager, a respected Jewish radio talk show host commented,
"there were two kinds of Jews in Auschwitz, those who knew why they were
there and those who thought it was just bad luck." Today Jews have assimi-
lated ideas foreign to the Jewish perspective and many liberal, secular Ameri-
can Jews, in adopting a tolerance for everything, stand for nothing. As the
living, we owe a moral debt to that generation of Jews who were subjected to
such inhumane and sadistic torture and extermination. The underlying causes
of Nazi militarism are documented in The Pink Swastika. The Holocaust
must be remembered for what it was, a war against the Jewish people and
western civilization.

MAY GOD BLESS AMERICA
Kevin E. Abrams, Jerusalem, Israel
June 5, 1995

*** {start comment viii-1}
It should be noted that Mr. Abrams was Canadian before he moved
to Jerusalem. As of 1996, his E-mail address in Jerusalem was no
longer valid. It was said that the service which provided his access
to Internet closed his account after complaints that he was posting
inappropriate material to various Usenet news groups.
*** {end comment viii-1}

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Introduction

Scott Lively

I came to be interested in this compelling and sobering topic by a route
familiar to many in our society today -- that of the "victim." I did not seek
this status, nor did I exploit or claim it, yet for many months I and others
experienced what it was like to be on the receiving end of a full-scale, no-
holds-barred liberal establishment assault, in a state where the liberal estab-
lishment reigns supreme. The occasion of the uproar was a series of initia-
tive campaigns aimed at preventing local and state-level legislation granting
"minority status" based on homosexuality. The details of the initiatives and
about the Oregon Citizens Alliance, the grassroots organization which spon-
sored them, would fill at least one book by themselves. But the long and the
short of what led me to this book and its topic was the astonishing tone of the
rhetoric which is routinely leveled by post-60's liberals at people who pub-
licly dissent from their canon. Amidst this rhetoric, the favorite names and
metaphors were nearly all drawn from Hitler's Germany. Leaders and even
petition-carriers on our campaign were characterized as every kind of Nazi,
fascist, racist, hate-monger and Aryan supremacist. Bricks wrapped in swas-
tika-emblazoned paper were hurled through the windows of businesses who
had contributed to our campaign. Always, the Nazi rhetoric was loudest and
most extreme among the homosexual activists and their closest political al-
lies (Governor Barbara Roberts, a long time homosexualist, characterized
the ballot measure as "almost like Nazi Germany" (The Oregonian, August
26, l992:Al4)).
Some of the worst abuse came from homosexualists in the media. Dur-
ing the 1992 election cycle I was contacted by an assistant producer for the
CBS news-magazine show ~48 Hours," who wanted permission to feature
OCA in a segment about "how mainstream Americans were responding to
extremism in the gay-rights movement." Being familiar with media bias on
the issue of homosexuality, I was very suspicious and insisted on personal
assurance from the producer that this was indeed the focus of the program.
Due to the tone of rhetoric in the local media I specifically demanded and
received a promise that OCA would not be characterized as a hate group.
Only after repeated assurances over a two or three week period of telephone
negotiations did I seek and obtain permission for this project from OCA's
chairman, Lon Mabon. I then devoted nearly two weeks of my time assisting

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the "48 Hours" film crew, facilitating dozens of hours of interviews and ar-
ranging camera locations for filming campaign activities.
The program aired on February 26, 1992. In the late afternoon I re-
ceived a call from a friend in Massachusetts, where the program had just
aired three hours ahead of our West Coast television programming schedule.
"Watch out," she said, "they stabbed you in the back." Sure enough, the
program was called "48 Hours on Hate Street" and featured a rogue's gallery
of hate groups, including neo-Nazis and violent white supremacists. The
segment on OCA was sandwiched between two such groups. In the local
news program following "48 Hours," KOIN, the CBS affiliate in Portland,
juxtaposed a report about OCA and a piece which included classic Nazi file
footage and anti-Nazi polemics. Approximately two weeks later another
television station in Eugene, KEZI-TV, included Nazi file footage in a news
story about OCA (they later apologized). Newspapers across the state fre-
quently editorialized against OCA, using the terms "Nazi," "KKK," "bigot,"
and "hate" liberally.
I had known for a long time that it is axiomatic that when name-calling
(as opposed to reasonable debate) happens, the names one calls others usu-
ally reflect the things one dislikes about oneself. I think it occurred to me
that there was something awfully overstated about the Nazi-labeling cam-
paign, even before I received a set of carefully-documented notes on promi-
nent homosexuals in the Nazi Party, sent by a person who had followed the
firestorm of rhetoric brought on by our campaign.
In the years since I began augmenting and refining this first set of data,
the nation has seen the trivialization of such extreme rhetoric. It is common-
place nowadays to hear someone being called, directly or by inference, a
"Nazi." Some people have attributed this to the impoverishment of our na-
tional discourse, the depletion of our language and powers of intellect, and I
would agree. We are certainly losing our literacy, and much of our dignity
along with it. Yet there remains the old and valid notion that those who
repeatedly, loudly and unreasonably call others a name are often, consciously
or not, describing themselves.
Though this book is limited to the examination of connections between
the Nazi movement and the homosexual and occultist movements, I think
that a larger and more chilling theme can be read in its pages. Can it be that
the fascination with calling people Nazis is, for the post-60's liberals and
others in our society, an outgrowth of a deeper fascination with what the
Nazis got away with in their own state? What are the attitudes that underlie
the phenomena of the "nanny state," "political correctness," the cynical po-
litical promotion of racial and class strife, "dumbing down" the public, the
attenuation of parental rights, sterilizing the public environment of Judeo-
Christian religious references, and the increasing homogeneity of opinion

***{Below is Page: xi }***

and of news "slant" in the press? In a way, I think that American homo-
sexual activists present an almost refreshingly honest View into the nature of
these attitudes, compared to the sanctimonious presentations we hear daily
from the press and certain special interest groups and political leaders.
Let us look for a moment at one of the more bald-faced revelations of the
homosexualist's view of, and goals for, American society. In a point-by-
point public relations strategy called "The Overhauling of Straight America,"
(Guide Magazine, November, 1987) homosexuals Marshall Kirk and Erastes
Pill explain their modern makeover of Hitler's "Big Lie." This remarkable
piece is a control freak's fantasy, a veritable binge of manipulative, coercive
and deceptive words and tactics. It begins, "[t]he first order of business is
desensitization of the American public concerning gays... To desensitize the
public is to help it view homosexuality with indifference instead of with keen
emotion. Ideally, we would have straights register differences in sexual pref-
erence the way they register different tastes for ice cream..." (Kirk and Pill:7).
This behavior-modification mentality, combined with isolation of "straights"
and others as groups or classes who assume the status of de-humanized tar-
gets of one sort or another, continues:

the masses [emphasis ours] should not he shocked and re-
pelled by premature exposure to homosexual behavior
itself...the imagery of sex should he downplayed...(ibid.:8)

...open up a gateway into the private world of straights
through which a Trojan horse might be passed (ibid.:8)

...gays must be cast as victims in need of protection so that
straights will be inclined by reflex to assume the role of
protector (ibid.: 8)

...make use of symbols which reduce the mainstream's sense
of threat, which lower its guard...(ibid.:8)

...replace the mainstream's self-righteous pride about its
homophobia with shame and guilt (ibid.:10).
*** {start comment xi-1}
It would be interesting to have a librarian try to locate this
Guide Magazine-- not to say the publication didn't exist, but its
status is certainly questionable.
The main objection to its use, however, is that some
insignificant writing by unknown authors in a publication of
questionable status is claimed by the Pink Swastika authors to
represent an "agenda" of a national movement. It is as if one were to
take the journal of the Church of the White Aryan Nation and claim
that it represented the "agenda" of the conservative religious
movement. Mr. Lively would certainly complain about that, yet he does
the same thing to his opponents.
*** {end comment xi-1}
Not so many years ago, all of these statements would have been unbe-
lievably offensive to most Americans, even if they contained no reference to
homosexuality, precisely because they all advocate coercive tampering with
people's most private domain, their thoughts, opinions and beliefs (Kirk and
Pill call it "transforming the social values of straight America" -- ibid.:14).
Such attempts were thought to be the province of diabolical masterminds in

***{Below is Page: xii }***

sci-fi novels, or of Maoists or the dictators of banana republics. But we have
arrived at a time in America in which Kirk and Pill simply add their voices
(and the tone of their voices) to the many advocating the forcible or manipu-
lative control of people's ideas (for example, "speech codes" on college cam-
puses and in newspaper classified advertising policy). The recent political
scene has given us glimpses of how some politicians view the public's right
to think for itself, most notably, Senator Jay Rockefeller's announcement
that he intended to give people "[Clinton's] health care [plan] whether they
want it or not" (quoted in The Limbaugh Letter, May, 1995:9).
The more of Nazi thinking I have researched, the more I have been
reminded that our nation represents the first and greatest successful experi-
ment in the opposite direction. At our founding we were the only nation,
among many autocratically-governed states, which truly offered and guaran-
teed freedom of thought and expression. Our founding fathers attempted to
write our inestimably precious freedoms in stone because they foresaw (in-
deed, it was going on even then) that there would be an incessant drift back
to the power-in-the-bands-of-a-few school of thought. How far have we drifted
today, and what does this mean for the behavioral fringe groups of our soci-
ety (just as the Nazis were a behavioral fringe group of theirs), who feel
compelled to re-shape American hearts and minds to resemble their own?
Let us return to Kirk and Pill to look at the mechanics of their strategy
for "transforming" the society into what they feel would be a more acceptable
form. Here are some of their suggestions:

Talk about gays and gayness as loudly and as often as
possible... almost any behavior begins to look normal if you
are exposed to enough of it...(Kirk and Pill:7)

Constant talk builds the impression that public opinion is
at least divided on the subject (ibid.:8)

the campaign should paint gays as superior pillars of
society. Yes, yes, we know -- this trick is so old it creaks
(ibid. :9)

...it will be time to get tough with remaining opponents.
To be blunt, they must be vilified (ibid.: 10))

...we intend to make the anti-gays look so nasty that aver-
age Americans will want to dissociate themselves from such
types (ibid.: 10)

***{Below is Page: xiii }***

Each sign will tap patriotic sentiment, each message will
drill a seemingly agreeable proposition into mainstream
heads (ibid.:ll)

The public should be shown images of ranting homophobes
whose secondary traits and beliefs disgust middle
America... the Ku Klux Klan demanding that gays be burned
alive or castrated; bigoted southern {sic} ministers drool-
ing with hysterical hatred to a degree that looks both comi-
cal and deranged; menacing punks, thugs and
convicts... Nazi concentration camps...(ibid:10)

These images should be combined with those of their gay
victims by a method propagandists [emphasis ours] call
the "bracket technique." For example, for a few seconds an
unctuous beady-eyed Southern preacher is seen, pounding
the pulpit in rage about "those sick, abominable creatures."
While his tirade continues over the soundtrack, the picture
switches to pathetic photos of badly beaten persons, or to
photos of gays who look decent, harmless, and likable; and
then we cut back to the poisonous face of the preacher, and
so forth... The effect is devastating (ibid.: 13-14).
*** {start comment xii-1}
The dubious nature of this reference was noted above. Quoting so
extensively from such unrepresentative statements without having any
corroborating statements from responsible spokesmen simply emphasizes
how weak the case of the authors of The Pink Swastika is.
*** {end comment xii-1}
Without belaboring the point. these soi-disant propagandistic tactics,
and even the verbiage in which they are couched, represent a twisted ap-
proach to the winning of American public opinion. Again, I was struck by
the similarity (in deceptive tactics and puppeteer-like attitude) to the creators
of the Nazi propaganda machine. Not only is there the classic Big Lie tech-
nique (say it "loudly and as often as possible"), but the homosexualists have
elevated the old Nazi technique of vilification, used on the Jews by such
adepts as pornographer Julius Streicher. to an art form And the familiar
Hitlerian emotional component of hatred is certainly there, as Kirk and Pill
salivate over the imagined discomfiture of their "most fervid enemies" (ap-
parently, pastors who have the misfortune to live in the South!):

The shoe fits, and we should make them try it on for size,
with all of America watching (ibid. :10).

Two of the first and major commitments of the Nazis in their rise to
power were the effective control of the information sources in Germany, and
the careful building of a propaganda machine. This was the key to their
power, and except for a strong military force, it is the most important en-

***{Below is Page: xiv }***

hancement to any autocratic power. Over the last two decades we have wit-
nessed an appalling willingness among the American news and entertain-
ment media to align themselves with one element of political thought, to
allow themselves to be channels for the dissemination of one side of an issue
over another. As new and contradictory voices (talk radio) have appeared on
the media scene. they have actually been opposed by the existing media com-
mentators. And in much of. the entertainment media's program fare we find
a not-so-subtle enactment of Kirk's and Pill's strategy (albeit on a number of
issues, not just homosexuality). Indeed, Kirk and Pill assert that "gay Holly-
wood has provided our best covert weapon in the battle to desensitize the
mainstream" (Kirk and Pill:8).
These are some of the issues to be broached in a study of the relationship
of homosexuals and their political movements to the Nazi Party. The larger
context of the study must be our own country, and the numerous groups who
are now struggling to capture its soul and "transform" its society. How are
we similar, and dissimilar, to the Germans of the 1920's and 30's? What
lessons should we learn?
As a final note, the other inspiration of this book has been the recent
claim of homosexualists that homosexuals were major victims of the Holo-
caust (this seems to be part (if the "victim" strategy in Kirk's and Pill's de-
sign). The play Bent has been the springboard for a campaign, complete
with homosexual add-ons to an Anne Frank exhibit which toured the U.S., to
get the public to accept the idea that homosexuals were the most downtrod-
den and persecuted group in Nazi Germany. In this play, a homosexual
prisoner "trades up" his pink badge for a yellow Jewish star to improve his
status in the camp (S. Katz:145). This turn of events in the homosexualist
propaganda campaign has been a sore affront to traditionalist Jews like my
friend and co-author Kevin Abrams, who desires to protect the truth of his-
tory from the "Holocaust revisionists." It is to that truth, a signpost on the
path of every free society, that we have dedicated this book.

***{Below is Page: xv }***

Acknowledgments

The process of creating a book involves directly or indirectly, a great
number of people who lend their inspiration. It is with deep respect that we
express our gratitude to the many great historians, men like Konrad Heiden,
who wrote A History of National Socialism and Der Fuehrer; William Shirer
whose book, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, became one of the most
respected and classic texts on Nazi history; and, of course, Samuel Igra, whose
obscure but important 1945 work, Germany's National Vice reveals a hid-
den side of history seldom seen or acknowledged. To these who were there
and who honestly reported what they saw and experienced, we are indebted.
They are our guides to the future.
We would especially like to thank Dr. Charles Socarides, President of
NARTH, The National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexu-
ality, for his support and encouragement. Dr. Socarides is a Clinical Profes-
sor of Psychiatry at Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York.
We would also like to express our gratitude to Dr. Joseph Nicolosi, Sec-
retary and Editor of the NARTH Bulletin and Founder and Clinical Director
of the Thomas Aquinas Psychological Clinic in Southern California. Dr.
Nicolosi has published two insightful works on reparative therapy and ho-
mosexuality which offer hope and the option of positive change for the ho-
mosexual.
Other individuals with whom one or both of us have had the honor of
working are Mr. Peter LaBarbera, editor and publisher of the Lambda Report on Homosexuality, a
Washington D.C.-based publication that monitors the
homosexual agenda in American politics and culture; Sam and Mona Kaplan,
editors and publishers of The Vancouver (Canada) Jewish Western Bulletin; Steve Lequire and Terry
O'Neil of The British Columbia Report Magazine;
Rosebianca Starr, Vancouver, British Columbia; Lon Mabon, Chairman of
Oregon Citizens Alliance and Pat Smith of the OCA Research Department;
Trevor Lautens, columnist for the Vancouver Sun, Paul Schratz, editor, The
Province Newspaper, Vancouver; David, Avraham and Israel Feld, Maccabi
Mossad, Israel; David Bedien, Director of Beit Agron Press Center, Jerusa-
lem; Len Butcher, editor of the Canadian B'nai B'rith Covenant; Mrs. Irene
Klass, Women's Editor, The Jewish Press, Brooklyn New York; Rabbi Micha
and Bracha Peled, Moshav Netiv HaShaiara; Michael Elkins of the Jerusa-
lem Report; Professor William Woodruff, Campbell University, North Caro-
lina; David Bar Illan, editor of the Jerusalem Post; Kevin Tebedo, Executive

***{Below is Page: xvi }***
Director of Colorado for Family Values; Pastor Mary Rogers , Reverend Bernice
Gerard of Sunday Line Radio and Television Ministries, Vancouver, British
Columbia, Canada; Jan Willem van der Hoeven, Director for the Interna-
tional Christian Embassy Jerusalem; David Luchins, Senior Assistant to U.S.
Senator Daniel P. Moynihan, Jerusalem; Rabbi Avraham Ravitz, Member of
Knesset; Rabbi Schlomo Beneziri, Member of Knesset; Phil Chernovsky, Is-
rael Centre; Rena Cohen, Sefat, Israel; Toby Klein Greenwald, columnist for
Washington Jewish Week; Paul deParrie and Andrew Burnett of Life Advo-
cate magazine; Paul Hoerauf of Shelton-Turnbull Printers; Herman Bauer;
and Pastor Larry Dill, Sheridan Assembly of God Church.
Special thanks to Bill and Irene Bennett (and Anne L.) For their willing-
ness to lend their considerable editorial talents to task {sic} of cleaning up the
manuscript, to D.E. and to Alan Abe for digging out countless familiar and
obscure sources that document the truth of Nazi history, to Pat Gunnip for his
generosity in underwriting research and other costs, and to Carol P. at OCA's
research department who got us started on this endeavor by introducing us to
each other.
I (Kevin) wish to acknowledge my teachers, Rabbis Mendle Altien, Lippa
Dubrawsky, David Bassos, Mordecai Feuerstein, Avraham Feiglestock,
Yitchak Wineberg -- to you I owe the most.
Both of us extend a special thank you to our wives, Sharon Abrams and
Anne Lively, who have struggled with us through this long and difficult
process, offering their wholehearted support and many insightful sugges-
tions.
This book is for our children: Miriam, Aaron and Odette Abrams and
Noah and Samuel Lively.

***{Below is Page: xvii }***

{Picture}

{Picture of large marching field with a Nazi horde, a large
grouping of Swastika standards in the foreground.}

{No picture caption, quotes below beneath it. Credit ->}
UPI/BETTMANN

If it were possible to form a state or an army exclusively of homosexuals,
these men would direct all their emulations toward honors, and going into
battle with such a spirit would, even if their numbers were small, conquer
the world.

Plato, from Banquet (In Konrad Heiden's Der Fuehrer, 1944:741)

*** {start comment xvii-1}
Heiden's work is tinged with disparaging attitudes toward
homosexuality, which perhaps explains his false translation of Plato.
Plato's point dealt with lovers, and the idea was that lovers fighting
together would be very brave, as they wouldn't want to be shamed in
front of their partners: "Then if any device could be found how a
state or an army could be made up only of lovers and beloved, they
could not possible find a better way of living, since they would
abstain from all ugly things and be ambitious in beautiful things
towards each other, and in battle side by side, such troops although
few would conquer pretty well all the world. For the lover would be
less willing to be seen by his beloved than by all the rest of the
world, leaving the ranks or throwing away his arms, and he would
choose to die many times rather than that; yes, and as to deserting
the beloved, or not helping in danger, no one is so base that Love
himself would not inspire him to valour, and make him equal to the
born hero." -- The Dialogues of Plato, Translated by W.H.D. Rouse, ed.
Eric H. Warmington & Philip G. Rouse, 1956 by Mentor Books, New
American Library.
The Knickerbocker quote given below actually appears on page 34
of the Reynal & Hitchcock 1941 printing of his book.
*** {end comment xvii-1}

It remains characteristic of the Germans, that they, outwardly the most
brutally masculine of all European peoples, are the most homosexual na-
tion on earth.

H.R. Knickerbocker, Is Tomorrow Hitler's?, 1941:34

***{Below is Page: 1 }***

Chapter One:

The Homosexual Roots of the Nazi Party

It was a quiet night in Munich. The people along the streets in
the heart of the city were grim. They walked heads down, hands
deep in the pockets of their frayed coats. All around, the spirit of
defeat hung like a pall in the evening air; it was etched on the
faces of the out-of-work soldiers on every street corner and in
every cafe. Germany had been defeated in the war, but it had
been crushed by the terms of the Versailles Treaty. Everywhere
the people were still mired in depression and despair, two years
after the humiliating surrender of Kaiser Wilhelm.
In this atmosphere the purposeful stride of Captain Ernst
Roehm seemed out of place. But Roehm was accustomed to
being different. A homosexual with a taste for young boys, Roehm
was part of a growing subculture in Germany which fancied itself
a superior form of German manhood. A large, heavy man, Roehm
had been a professional soldier since 1906, and after the war had
temporarily lent his talents to a socialist terrorist organization called
the Iron Fist. On this night Roehm was on his way to meet some
associates who had recently formed a new socialist organization.
*** {start comment 1-1}
This is false information about Ernst Roehm. Note that in his
"Acknowledgments," the Pink Swastika author lists Konrad Heiden as a
great historian. The time frame of this depiction of Roehm would be
1920, "two years after the humiliating surrender." Yet it was not
until 1924 that Roehm first realized that he had any homosexual
feelings, so at this time he was hardly "a homosexual with a taste for
young boys." Here's what Heiden says in Hitler: A Biography (NY: 1936)
on page 205: "In 1924 Roehm became more intimate with Heines; in 1924,
moreover, he first became conscious of his unfortunate disposition,
with which, for that matter, he himself was very well pleased. The
affair soon became notorious, but Hitler refused to take notice of
it."
So Ernst Roehm wasn't knowingly a homosexual until 1924 (his
homosexuality was latent before then, and he was unaware of it), and
the first five years of his involvement in the formation of the Nazi
Party had absolutely nothing to do with homosexuality. (It should be
noted that in 1925 Roehm resigned from the party and later went to
South America to advise the Bolivian Army, returning to Germany only
in 1930, at Hitler's invitation.) Thus, in the early days of the Nazi
Party, Roehm was active less than a year as a "self-aware" homosexual.
Furthermore, there is the question of Roehm's involvement with
the SA, or Sturmabteilung, the private, armed militia of the Nazi
Party. It was disbanded after Hitler attempted to overthrow the
government in November, 1923, and reconstituted only much later. Thus
it was founded when Roehm was not a homosexual, and remained outside
his control until his return in 1930.
*** {end comment 1-1}

At the door of the Bratwurstglockl, a tavern frequented by
homosexual roughnecks and bully-boys, Roehm turned in and
joined the handful of sexual deviants and occultists who had cre-
ated the German Worker's Party, later to be named the

***{Below is Page: 2 }***
Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, The National So-
cialist German Worker's Party -- the Nazis.

Yes, the Nazis met in a "gay" bar.
*** {start comment 2-1}
This is a fabrication, and totally false, as Heiden's quote on
Roehm proves. He was not aware of any homosexual tendencies in himself
at this point. Quite the contrary, he was a trusted member of the
German Army, which had heterosexuality as a high ideal. (The Pink
Swastika author later gives quotes from the highest German Army
officers complaining about the homosexuality of Roehm and elements of
the SA.) Roehm would hardly have gone to a "gay bar." First, he had no
interest in it, and second, he would not have risked being caught by
the army, even as a heterosexual, going into a "gay" bar.
The Bratwurstglockl was a meeting place much later for some of
Roehm's SA associates he came to know after he became an active
homosexual, but never for Nazi Party leaders or the general
membership. Hitler derided the place, as the Pink Swastika author
notes later.
The following paragraph continues the fabrication. The Nazi Party
wasn't founded by Roehm or Hitler or any of the others who became
prominent Nazis. The names of the actual founders, such as Anton
Drexler, are unknown to the public today, because they were pushed
aside by Hitler and his followers. In the first five years of Ernst
Roehm's early participation, he was not a homosexual, and the
statement below that homosexuals were among those who founded the
party is simply false.
*** {end comment 2-1}
It was no coincidence that homosexuals were among those
who founded the Nazi Party In fact, the party grew out of a
number of groups in Germany which were centers of homosexual
activity and activism. Many of the characteristic rituals, symbols,
activities and philosophies we associate with Nazism came from
these organizations or from contemporary homosexuals. The
extended-arm "Sieg Heil" salute, for example, was a ritual of the
Wandervogel ("Wandering Birds" or "Rovers"), a male youth so-
ciety which became the German equivalent of the Boy Scouts.
The Wandervogel was started in 1901 by a homosexual teacher
named Karl Fischer. Fischer called himself "Der Fuehrer" ("the
Leader") (Koch:29). Hans Blueher, an anti-Semitic German bi-
sexual and early member of the Wandervogel, incited a sensation
in 1912 with publication of The German Wandervogel Movement
as an Erotic Phenomenon, which told how the movement had
become one in which young boys could be introduced into the
homosexual lifestyle (Rector:39f). After the Nazis came to power
in 1933, the Wandervogel became the Hitler Youth, known more
coarsely among the populace as the "Homo Youth" because ho-
mosexuality was by then rampant in the organization (Rector :52).
*** {start comment 2-2}
Koch speaks of Fischer on pages 25 and 26, not 29. He doesn't
mention anything about homosexuality. The Wandervoegel was started
earlier, by Herman Hoffmann. Koch mentions field trips the group took
in 1897 and 1898. This shows the incredible sloppiness of the
"scholarship" of the Pink Swastika author.
The above information on the Wandervoegel contains outright lies.
They are lies because the Pink Swastika author cited the source that
refutes them, and so must have known and deliberately distorted what
the cited author wrote. The author in question is Frank Rector. His
book is The Nazi Extermination of Homosexuals (NY: Stein and Day
1981), and the information is on pages 36-39. Since the Pink Swastika
author cites (Rector:39f), he must have known what Rector actually
said.
The Hitler Youth was not formed from the Wandervoegel in 1933.
Rector states clearly that the Hitler Youth organization was founded
in 1922 by the Nazis as the "Youth League of the National Socialist
Workers Party." The Wandervoegel remained a separate group until
Hitler achieved power. In 1933 the Nazi Youth League was renamed the
"Hitler Jugend" ("Hitler Youth") and in time every other youth group,
including all the elements of the Wandervoegel movement, was forced to
become part of it.
By 1933 then the Wandervogel was really a thing of the past. In
fact, it met its demise during World War I. Peter D. Stachura, in Nazi
Youth in the Weimar Republic(Santa Barbara, CA: Clio Books,1975), says
of the movement "the fabric of the Wandervogel had been destroyed by
1918. All but its most naive admirers then realized that a radical
transformation in both the concept and practice of the youth movement
was necessary.... The original Wandervogel principles were now
generally considered too unrealistic and romantic, and only a small
number of revived Wandervogel groups continued to cultivate the old
tradition."
Stachura further notes that by 1933 there were "400 large youth
associations, plus scores of smaller ones" in Germany. During 1933 and
1934, all except the youth groups of the Catholic Church were brought
under the leadership of the Hitler Youth. The influence of the
Wandervoegel was minuscule, being at most that of a few splinter
groups out of the 400 or more incorporated into the Hitler Youth.
The Pink Swastika authors have simply lied about the phantom
origin of the Hitler Youth in the Wandervoegel Movement.
The Rector citation (Rector:52) is a fabrication. It illustrates
a favorite technique of the Pink Swastika authors, to misuse a
citation in order to deceive the reader as to the intent of the cited
author. What Rector actually says of Hitler and his youth movement is
in the caption under a picture of Hitler reviewing a youth rally: "He
ordered the youth organization 'cleansed' of homosexuality so that
every German mother could rest assured that her son would not be
homosexually corrupted in its ranks. The persecution of homosexuals
notwithstanding, the Hitler Youth was covertly referred to throughout
Germany as the 'Homo Youth.'"
Stachura denies that the Hitler Youth had any more problem with
homosexuality than any other youth group, and notes that those cases
that did arise were dealt with by expulsion. (See comment 32-1 below.)
*** {end comment 2-2}
Many of the Nazi emblems, such as the swastika, the double
lightning bolt SS symbol, and even the inverted triangle symbol
used to identify classes of prisoners in the concentration camps,
originated among homosexual occultists in Germany. In 1907,
Jog Land Von Liebenfels, a former Cistercian monk whom the
church excommunicated because of his homosexual activities
(Sklar: 19), flew the swastika flag above his castle in Austria
(Goodrick-Clarke: 109). After his expulsion from the church Land
founded the Ordo Novi Templi ("Order of the New Temple") which
merged occultism with violent anti-Semitism A 1958 study of
Land, Der Man der Hitler die Ideen gab ("The Man Who Gave

***{Below is Page: 3 }***

Hitler His Ideas"), by Austrian psychologist Wilhelm Daim, called
Land the true "father" of National Socialism.
*** {start comment 3-1}
The Swastika was used by many Voelkisch (of the people,
essentially a racist meaning) organizations in Germany. It didn't have
anything particular to do with "homoerotic occult" groups, and the
Nazis did not adopt it from those insignificant groups. As comment 37-
1 notes below, the nazis purportedly copied the swastika from a Free
Corps group.
*** {end comment 3-1}
The "SS" symbol was originally used by Guido von List, a
close associate of Land, who formed the Guido von List Society
in Vienna in 1904. The Guido von List Society was accused of
practicing a form of Hindu Tantrism which featured sexual per-
version in its rituals. This form of sexual perversion was popular-
ized in occult circles by a man named Aleister Crowley who, ac-
cording to Hitler biographer J. Sydney Jones, enjoyed "playing
with black magic and little boys" (J. S. Jones: 123). List was "ac-
cused of being the Aleister Crowley of Vienna (ibid.: 123). Like
Land, List was an occultist; he wrote several books on the magic
principles of rune letters (from which he chose the "SS" symbol).
In 1908 List "was unmasked as the leader of a blood brotherhood
which went in for sexual perversion and substituted the swastika
for the cross" (Sklar:23). The Nazis borrowed heavily from List's
occult theories and research. List also formed an elitist occult
priesthood called the Armanen Orden to which Hitler himself may
have belonged (Waite, 1977:91).
*** {start comment 3-2}
This is another example of the deceptive technique of citing a
source in an attempt to give credibility to a long passage when the
source has, in fact, spoken of only a small part of the passage. Waite
says nothing about Hitler's possible membership in List's group, nor
does Waite support the existence of a "priesthood" called the "Armanen
Orden." Waite says "Our interest is caught by the curious dedication
of the flyleaf, dated 1921 [of a book in Hitler's private library]. It
reads: 'To Adolf Hitler, my dear brother in Armanen.' Armanen, as we
are about to see, was List's special term for a racially elite ruling
class." Waite really doesn't give enough information to make sense of
this, but List died in 1919, two years before the inscription was
written. In 1911 List had founded a "Higher Armanen Order" for a small
body of elite within the larger "Guido von List Society," but there's
absolutely nothing in Waite or other authors to support the
speculation of the Pink Swastika author that "Hitler himself may have
belonged" to this elite group.
Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke (The Occult Roots of Nazism, page 197)
sheds more light on the book inscription: "In 1921 Dr. Babette
Steininger, an early Nazi Party member, presented Hitler with Tagore's
essay on nationalism as a birthday present. On the flyleaf she wrote a
personal dedication: 'To Adolf Hitler my dear Armanen-brother'. Her
use of the esoteric term suggests a shared interest in the work of
List."
The fact that the inscriber of the book was a woman precludes the
fact that she could have been a member with Hitler in the Armanen
Orden's all-male elite. The book dedication likely indicates that one
vain racist was complimenting another vain racist on deserving to
belong to the future ruling elite.
Aleister Crowley was not a homosexual. He engaged in some
homosexual acts and in his cult there were also sex with animals as
part of his "sexual magic," He wrote an autobiography, and John
Symonds issued an annotated edition of it. Colin Wilson, in his book,
The Occult, provides an entire chapter on Crowley. Crowley was twice
married and had many mistresses in addition. Wilson mentions at least
6 children Crowley fathered by these women and also mentions scandals
with other women. At age 38 Crowley "sodomized" Victor Neuberg as part
of his sexual magic rituals. Neuberg married a few years after the
event and settled down to family life. When Crowley was near 50 and
living in Africa, Wilson says "He had acquired a small Negro boy, with
whom he performed acts of sex magic. Crowley's homosexuality began as
an act of defiance of convention rather than of actual preference, but
it seems to have become another habit." In other words, Crowley's
preference was heterosexual. His homosexual activity seems to have
been minimal and connected with his sexual magic rituals, though an
affair after age 50 with a "boy" might have gone beyond magic ritual.
*** {end comment 3-2}
The Nazi dream of an Aryan super-race was adopted from an
occult group called the Thule Society, founded in 1917 by follow-
ers of Land and List. The occult doctrine of the Thule Society
held that the survivors of an ancient and highly developed lost
civilization could endow Thule initiates with esoteric powers and
wisdom. The initiates would use these powers to create a new
race of Aryan supermen who would eliminate all "inferior" races.
Hitler dedicated his book, Mein Kampf, to Dietrich Eckart, one
of the Thule Society inner circle and a former head of the German
Worker's Party. (Schwarzwaller :67). The various occult groups
mentioned above were outgrowths of the Theosophical Society,
whose founder, Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, is thought by some
to have been a lesbian (Webb:94) and whose "bishop" was a no-
torious pederast named Charles Leadbeater.

** {start comment 3-3}
Schwarzwaller merely says that Eckart was a member of Thule, and
nothing else, so he is not a reference for the other comments. In any
case, Schwarzwaller has no notes, gives no references, and can't be
regarded as a serious, reliable author. In many cases his undocumented
assertions conflict with the work of genuine historians.
Eckart was never "a head" of the German Worker's Party, though he
did for a time edit its newspaper and was an influential participant
in the group.
Major General Abner Doubleday, Civil War hero and reputed
inventor of baseball, was vice-president of Blavatsky's Theosophical
Society, and bequeathed to it his library of rare books.
Thomas Edison, the famous American inventor was a member of
Blavatsky's society, as was William James, the famous American
philosopher. A niece of Albert Einstein reported that the famous
scientist kept a copy of Blavatsky's book, The Secret Doctrine, always
on his desk, and another writer confirmed this.
Sir William Crookes, a leading British scientist, and Irish poet
William Butler Yeats were also members.
These are mentioned in the preface to Sylvia Cranston's 1993
biography of Blavatsky.
There's no reason to suspect Blavatsky was a lesbian. "Thought by
some" probably refers to the Pink Swastika authors only, who so
commonly mislead by deceitfully citing authors that a possible
reference by Webb, or even a mention by Webb of rumors, can't be
inferred here. Her biographer, Marion Meade, quoted below by the Pink
Swastika author, certainly thinks she was an entirely heterosexual
woman, and nobody has shown any evidence to indicate otherwise.
Leadbeater was accused of teaching some boys to masturbate. There was
no suggestion that he had had any sexual contact with them. When this
was discovered in 1906, he was pressured into resigning from the
Theosophical Society. Refer to comment 51-2 below.
*** {end comment 3-3}

The dreaded SA Brownshirts or Sturmabteilung ("Storm
Troopers") were the creation of yet another homosexual, Gerhard
Rossbach (Waite, 1969:209). Rossbach formed the Rossbachbund
*** {start comment 3-4}
This is a case of false attribution. Waite doesn't say that
Rossbach formed the SA Brownshirts. At another point (page 195) Waite
specifically says that Hitler's SA was in existence before Rossbach
joined the NSDAP, and that Rossbach's own Free Corps was a separate
entity. What Waite does say is that Rossbach was a homosexual. Waite
writes in the original 1952 edition of his book (which will be used
throughout for these comments): "With the exception of Ehrhardt,
Gerhard Rossbach, sadist, murderer, and homosexual, was the most
admired hero of nationalist German youth." Waite goes on to give a
quote from a 1932 German book saying those two men have become "the
Ideal Man."
See also comment 32-1 below.
*** {end comment 3-4}

***{Below is Page: 4 }***

("Rossbach Brotherhood"), a homosexual unit of the Freikorps
("Free Corps"). The Freikorps were independent inactive mili-
tary reserve units which became home to the hundreds of thou-
sands of unemployed World War I veterans in Germany. Rossbach
also formed a youth organization under the Rossbachbund, call-
ing it the Schilljugend ("Schill Youth") (ibid.:210). Rossbach's
staff assistant, Lieutenant Edmund Heines, a pederast and mur-
derer, was put in charge of the Schilljugend The Rosshachbund
later changed its name to Storm Troopers in honor of Wotan, the
ancient German god of storms, and became the original military
arm of the Nazi Party (Graber:46).
*** {start comment 4-1}
As published in 1978 by David McKay (NY), Graber's book has no
such reference to Rossbach or his group on page 46. Graber's book is
about the SS (Schutzstaffel), not the SA (Sturmabteilung). The only
mention of Rossbach or his group in Graber's index is on page 33,
where he speaks of the group as the "Sturmabteilung Rossbach" (which
had nothing to do with the Nazis, but was a Freikorps,
"sturmabteilung" being a generic term in German military jargon).
Graber states that Rossbach was an open homosexual and that Heines was
on his staff, but mentions nothing else asserted by the Pink Swastika
author. It is possible that the Pink Swastika author is confused.
*** {end comment 4-1}
Even the enduring image of Nazi book-burning, familiar to us
from newsreels of the 1930's, was directly related to the homo-
sexuality of Nazi leaders. The first such incident occurred four
days after Hitler's Brownshirts broke into Magnus Hirschfeld's
Institute for Sexual Research in Berlin on May 6, 1933. On May
10 the Nazis burned thousands of books and files taken in that
raid. The Institute had extensive records on the sexual perver-
sions of numerous Nazi leaders, many of whom had been under
treatment there prior to the beginning of the Nazi regime. Treat-
ment at the Sex Research Institute was required by the German
courts for persons convicted of sex crimes. Ludwig L. Lenz, who
worked at the Institute at the time of the raid, but managed to
escape with his life, later wrote of the incident:

Why was it then, since we were completely non-
party, that our purely scientific Institute was the
first victim which fell to the new regime? The an-
swer to this is simple... We knew too much. It
would be against medical principles to provide a
list of the Nazi leaders and their perversions
[but]...not ten percent of the men who, in 1933,
took the fate of Germany into their hands, were
sexually normal... Our knowledge of such intimate
secrets regarding members of the Nazi Party and
other documentary material -- we possessed about

***{Below is Page: 5 }***

forty thousand confessions and biographical let-
ters -- was the cause of the complete and utter
destruction of the Institute of Sexology.
(Haberle:369).
*** {start comment 5-1}
This quotation is not correctly presented. The absence of
substantial material is not indicated. Among other things left out is
"I refer here especially to a young girl whose abdomen was covered
with pin scratches caused through the sadism of an eminent Nuremberg
Nazi...." Furthermore, the author of The Pink Swastika left out the
salient fact that Ludwig L. Lenz, who "worked at the Institute" was a
gynecologist !!! The Pink Swastika author tries to give the false
impression that only homosexuality is involved here.
*** {end comment 5-1}
The attack on the Sex Research Institute is often cited as an
example of Nazi oppression of homosexuals. This is partly true,
but as we shall see, the "oppression" fits into a larger context of
internecine rivalry between two major homosexual groups.
Magnus Hirschfeld, who headed the Institute, was a prominent
Jewish homosexual. Hirschfeld also headed a "gay rights" orga-
nization called the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee. The SHC
was dedicated to the repeal of Paragraph 175 of the German legal
code, which criminalized homosexuality. The organization was
also opposed to sadomasochism and pedophilia, two of the favor-
ite practices of the militaristic, Roehm-style homosexuals who
figured so prominently in the early Nazi Party. Hirschfeld had
formed the SHC to carry on the work of the pioneer "gay rights"
activist, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825-1895). Ulrichs had written
against the concept of "Greek love" (pederasty) advocated by a
number of other homosexuals in Germany.
One such advocate was Adolf Brand, who formed the
Gemeinschaft der Eigenen ("Community of the Special") in 1902.
The Gemeinschaft der Eigenen inspired the formation in 1920 of
the German Friendship League, which changed its name in 1923
to the Society for Human Rights. The leaders of this group were
instrumental in the formation and the rise of the Nazi Party. Adolf
Brand published the world's first homosexual periodical, Der
Eigene ("The Special") (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:cover). Brand
was a pederast, child pornographer and anti-Semite, and, along
with many homosexuals who shared his philosophies, developed
a burning hatred of Magnus Hirschfeld and the SHC. Later, when
Hirschfeld's Sex Research Institute was destroyed, the SA troops
were under the general command of Ernst Roehm, a member of
Brand's spinoff {sic} group, the Society for Human Rights.

***{Below is Page: 6 }***

The Divided movement

This was not the last time homosexual leadership of the Nazis
would attack other ideologically dissimilar homosexuals. Later
in this discussion we will examine the so-called "pink triangle"
homosexuals who were interned in concentration camps. The
pink triangle, part of a scheme of variously-colored triangles used
by the Nazis to identify specific classes of prisoners, was applied
to those convicted under Paragraph 175 of the German Penal Code.
Homosexuals were one of these classes, but according to
Johansson,

[M]any of those convicted under Paragraph 175
were not homosexual: some were opponents of
the regime such as Catholic priests or leaders of
youth groups who were prosecuted on the basis
of perjured testimony, while others were street
hustlers from Berlin or Hamburg who had been
caught up in a police dragnet (Johansson in
Dynes:997).
*** {start comment 6-1}
"Street hustlers" are male prostitutes who cater to homosexuals.
*** {end comment 6-1}
As many as 6,000 of the approximately 10,000 "pink triangles"
died in the work camps, but few, if any, were gassed in the death
camps. Some of those who died met their deaths at the hands of
homosexual Kapos ("trustees") and guards of the SS. At first
glance it is difficult to understand why the homosexual leaders of
the Nazi movement would persecute other homosexuals on the
basis of their sexual behavior. We alluded, in the matter of the
Sex Research Institute, to the fact that the homosexual move-
ment in Germany was divided into two diametrically opposed
camps which some have called the "Femmes" and the "Butches."
These terms are common in the homosexual lexicon today, as is
the disdain "Butches" feel for "Femmes."
Historian of the homosexual movement Gordon Westwood
writes that masculine homosexuals "deplore [effeminate] behav-
ior," many considering effeminate homosexuals "repulsive"

***{Below is Page: 7 }***

(Westwood:87). Another historian, H. Kimball Jones, reports that
reaction to "Femmes" is often violent in the general homosexual
community. "[They label them 'flaming faggot' or 'degenerate
fag,'" one homosexual exclaiming, "You know, I loathe these
screaming fairies" (H.K.Jones:29). Jay and Young's 1979 exami-
nation of the American homosexual movement, The Gay Report,
contains numerous personal statements by masculine homosexu-
als critical of effeminacy. "Femme behavior can be vicious and
destructive, demeaning to women and gay men," says one." An-
other asserts, "To me someone who is 'femme' is a self-
indulgent... petty, scheming, gossipy gay being whose self-image
has been warped and shaped by unfortunate family situations"
(Jay:294ff.).

*** {start comment 7-1}
Gordon Westwood is hardly an "historian" much less "historian of
the homosexual movement." Westwood's work was sponsored by the British
Social Biology Council, and consists of an attempt to characterize the
homosexuals of Great Britain in the 1950s through interviews conducted
with 127 gay men. Whether the Pink Swastika author calls Westwood an
historian through ignorance or in an attempt to be deceptive is hard
to discern.
*** {end comment 7-1}

The most hostile to "Femmes" are precisely those homosexu-
als who deem themselves the most "masculine." Cory and LeRoy,
in their detailed discussion of homosexual culture, describe the
scene in a typical American "leather bar:"

Here, sturdy swaggering males dressed in tight
dungarees, leather jackets or heavy shoes, dark
hued woolen shirts, and sometimes motorcycle
helmets, aspire toward a super-masculine
ideal...Behind the facade of robust exploits, the
uniform of pretentious male prowess, the mask of
toughness, there sometimes lies a dangerous per-
sonality that can express itself physically by sub-
stituting violence for erotic pleasure; capable of
receiving sexual pleasure only by inflicting pain (or
receiving it). The general atmosphere in such
places is restless and brooding, and one can never
be sure when the dynamite of violence will erupt
(Cory and LeRoy: 109).

Reading this description, one can imagine oneself looking into
Munich's Bratwurstglockl Tavern where the Brownshirts congre {sic}

***{Below is Page: 8 }***

gated and finding the same cast of characters -- just different cos-
tumes.
The authors do not wish to imply that all homosexuals fall
into one or the other of these two simplistic stereotypes. The
terms "Butch" and "Femme" in this study are used loosely to dif-
ferentiate between two ideological extremes relating to the na-
ture of homosexual identity. Generally in this work the German
"Femmes" are defined as homosexual men who acted like women.
They were pacifists and accomodationists. Their goals were equal-
ity with heterosexuals and the "right to privacy," and generally
they opposed sex with children. Their leaders were Karl Heinrich
Ulrichs and Magnus Hirschfeld.
The "Butches," on the other hand, were masculine homosexu-
als. They were militarists and chauvinists in the Hellenic mold.
Their goal was to revive the pederastic military cults of pre-Chris-
tian pagan cultures, specifically the Greek warrior cult. They were
often vicious misogynists and sadists. Their leaders included Adolf
Brand and Ernst Roehm. The "Butches" reviled all things femi-
nine. Their ideal society was the mannerbund, an all-male "com-
radeship-in-arms" comprised of rugged men and boys (Oosterhuis
and Kennedy:255). In their view, heterosexuals might be toler-
ated for the purpose of continuing the species, but effeminate ho-
mosexuals were considered to be subhuman, and thus, intoler-
able.
Most of the estimated 1.2 to 2 million homosexuals in Ger-
many at the time of the Third Reich undoubtedly fit somewhere
between the two extremes of the movement. This may explain
the fact that less than 2% of this population were victimized by
the Nazis (Cory and LeRoy estimate that "Femmes" make up 5-
15% of male homosexuals. Cory and LeRoy:73). Most of those
who became victims can be shown to have fit the profile of the
"Femmes." Kurt Hiller, a ranking member of the SHC who later
succeeded Hirschfeld "estimated that 75 percent of the male ho-
mosexuals sympathized with the parties of the Right" (Johansson
in Friedlander:233).
In his introduction to The Men with the Pink Triangle, the

***{Below is Page: 9 }***

supposed testimony of a former pink triangle prisoner at the
Flossenburg concentration camp, translator David Fernbach con-
firms that the "Butch/Femme" conflict was at the heart of the
Nazi hatred of the "pink triangles." He writes,

Naturally, in the paramilitary organization of the
SA, Hitler Youth etc., even the elite SS, the forms
of homosexuality that are characteristic of such
all-male bodies were as common as they always
are... it was quite fundamental to Nazi ideology that
men were to be properly "masculine"... when male
homosexuality disguises itself as a cult of manli-
ness" and virility, it is less obnoxious from the fas-
cist standpoint than is the softening of the gender
division that homosexuality invariably involves
when it is allowed to express itself freely
(Heger: l0f.).

This, then, is the explanation for the paradox of the Nazi per-
secution of homosexuals. It is found in the history of two irrec- {sic}
oncilable philosophies linked by a common sexual dysfunction.
The roots of this conflict extend back into the eighteenth century
and span a 70-year period which saw the rise of the homosexual
militancy in the movement that gave Nazism to the world.

Karl Heinrich Ulrichs

The "grandfather" of the world "gay rights" movement was a
homosexual German lawyer named Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825-
1895). At the age of 14, Ulrichs was seduced by his riding in-
structor, a homosexual man about 30 years old (Kennedy in Pas-
cal: 15). Observers familiar with the apparently high correlation
between childhood sexual molestation and adult homosexuality
might conclude that this youthful experience caused Ulrichs to
become a homosexual. Ulrichs himself, however, arrived at a

***{Below is Page: 10 }***

hereditary rather than an environmental explanation for his condi-
tion. In the 1860's Ulrichs began advancing a theory that defined
homosexuals as a third sex. He proposed that male homosexual-
ity could be attributed to a psycho-spiritual mix-up in which a
man's body came to be inhabited by a woman's soul (and vice-
versa for females). He called members of this third sex "Urnings"
(male) and "Dailings" (female). Since homosexuality was an in-
born condition, he reasoned, it should not be criminalized.
Although Ulrichs was to be unsuccessful in changing the laws
against homosexuality, his efforts did encourage widespread po-
litical activism. One early follower, a German-Hungarian writer
named Benkert (under the pseudonym, Karoly Maria Kertbeny),
coined the term "homosexual" in an anonymous open letter to the
Prussian Minister of Justice in 1869 (Lauritsen and Thorstad:6).
The first psychiatric study of homosexuality in Germany was pub-
lished in 1869 as the result of Ulrichs' efforts. It advocated the
decriminalization of homosexuality in favor of medical treatment
(Oosterhuis and Kennedy: 13).
Ulrichs' greatest intellectual impact on his own generation
came from his invention of the term "Uranians," which he intro-
duced in 1862 as a new designation for homosexuals (both Urnings
and Dailings). He took the term from Plato's Symposium, in
which homosexual activity was said to fall under the protection of
the ninth muse, Urania. In the late 1800's German homosexuals
frequently called themselves Uranians, and a militant homosexual
slogan, "Uranians of the world, unite!" became popular interna-
tionally (Rutledge:41). In the following quote Ulrichs uses the
term in his explanation of the "third sex" theory, and graphically
illustrates the mentality of the "Femmes"

Apart from the womanly direction of our sexual
desire, we Uranians bear another womanly element
within us which, it appears to me, offers proof
positive that nature developed the male germ within
us physically but the female spiritually. We bear
this other womanly element from our earliest child-

***{Below is Page: 11 }***

hood on. Our character, the way we feel, our en-
tire temperament is not manly, it is decidedly wom-
anly. This inner womanly element is outwardly
recognizable by our outwardly apparent womanly
nature (Fee:37).

Ulrichs was publicly opposed to sadomasochism and pedo-
philia (perhaps because of his own molestation as a child). He
wrote against the concept of "Greek love" and considered "sexual
attraction to the prepubertal to be a sickness." In his attempts to
repeal Paragraph 175 of the German Penal Code, Ulrichs advo-
cated more stringent laws against pedophilia. Ulrichs' condem-
nation of man/boy sex, however, extended only to prepubescent
boys. As the following quote from his publication Furschugen {sic}
Uber das Ratzel der Mannmannlichen Liebe ("Concerning the
Enigma of Homosexual Love") reveals, Ulrichs was not opposed
to sex between men and boys who were "sexually mature."

The Urning is not by a hair's breadth any more
dangerous to immature boys than the genuine man
is to immature girls. For the rest, I gladly leave
the child molester to his deserved punishment by
the law. Let the integrity of a will-less minor be
sacred to every Urning. I have no defense for
whoever touches it. Therefore, let the seduction
of immature boys, I grant it completely, be a pun-
ishable indecent act (Ulrichs: 16).

This distinction between mature and immature boys was lost
on many who followed the rise of the homosexual movement in
Germany. For example, Friedrich Engels, in a letter to Karl Marx
about a book Ulrichs had written, said, "The pederasts start count-
ing their numbers and discover they are a powerful group in our
state. The only thing missing is an organization, but it seems to
exist already, though it is hidden" (Plant:38). Engels considers

***{Below is Page: 12 }***

Ulrichs a pederast despite his arbitrary age restriction for sex with
boys.
*** {start comment 12-1}
The Pink Swastika author doesn't understand the difference
between "pederast" and "pedophile." The "pedophile" desires sex with
immature children, girls and/or boys, who are prepubescent --
undeveloped sexually. "Pederasty," as practiced by the Greeks, for
example, involved young men (18-30 years old, usually) paired with
"boys" under the age of 18, but past puberty -- "teenagers" who were
developed sexually. The age of sexual consent in 1996 in many
countries of Europe is lower than it is in the United States,
typically no greater than 16, in some places 14 years of age.
*** {end comment 12-1}
Ulrichs' political activities paved the way for a large and pow-
erful homosexual movement which grew both in numbers and in
political and social influence in pre-Nazi Germany. Barely a quar-
ter of a century after his death in 1895, homosexuality would be-
come openly widespread in the Germany of the Weimar Republic
era. Cities such as Munich and Berlin would become international
Meccas for the practitioners of all forms of sexual perversion.

Magnus Hirschfeld and the SHC

Ulrichs' successor was a prominent Jewish physician and ho-
mosexual by the name of Magnus Hirschfeld (1868-1935). Dr.
Hirschfeld, along with two other homosexuals, Max Spohr and
Erich Oberg, joined together to form the Wissenschaftlich-
Humanitares Komitee ("Scientific-Humanitarian Committee").
The SHC was dedicated to two goals: 1) to carry on Ulrichs'
philosophy and works and 2) to work for toleration of homo-
sexuals by the German public via the repeal of Paragraph 175, the
German law which criminalized homosexuality (Steakley:23f).
Homosexualist historian Richard Plant writes,

It would be hard to overestimate Hirschfeld's
importance... He became the leader of several psy-
chological and medical organizations, the founder
of a unique institute for sexual research... He also
founded the 'Yearbook for Intersexual Variants,'
which he edited until 1923 (Plant: 28-29).

Hirschfeld was originally committed to Ulrichs' "third sex"
theory but he abandoned this idea in 1910. Still, Hirschfeld re-
mained true to many of the rest of Ulrichs' theories, building upon
them through the work of the Scientific-Humanitarian Commit-
tee, whose efforts he directed toward the political goal of de-

***{Below is Page: 13 }***

criminalizing homosexuality. Also in 1910, Hirschfeld coined the
term "transvestite," which has become the accepted label for both
men and women who compulsively costume themselves as mem-
bers of the opposite sex (J. Katz:2l0).
The SHC circulated petitions among German intellectuals and
politicians calling for the abolition of Paragraph 175. Due to
Hirschfeld's groundwork in creating a positive public image, these
petitioning efforts met with increasing success. But for all the
appearance of dignity and scientific impartiality which it displayed
to German society, the SHC offered a far different perspective to
those who saw it from within. Hans Blueher, whose contribution
to the German homosexual movement is chronicled later in this
study, once visited Hirschfeld at the SHC. The meeting was pre-
cipitated by Hirschfeld's offer to write the foreword to Blueher's
book describing homosexuality in the Wandervogel. Blueher
writes,

I was led into the study of the "Wise Man of Ber-
lin" (as he was called)... Sitting on a silk-covered
fauteuil, legs tinder him like a Turk, was an indi-
vidual with bloated lips and cunning, dimly covet-
ing eyes who offered me a fleshy hand and intro-
duced himself as Dr. Hirschfeld...[Later in a meet-
ing of the SHC] the first to greet me was a corpo-
ral with a deep bass voice; he was, however, wear-
ing women's clothes... "A so-called transvestite!"
commented Dr. Hirschfeld, whose nickname was
"Aunt Magnesia," and introduced us... Then a most
beautiful youth appeared... "A hermaphrodite!" said
Hirschfeld. "Why don't you come to me during
my office hours tomorrow, you can see him naked
then"...An older gentleman in his sixties...recited
a poem...to a sixteen year old youth, full of
yearning...I [suddenly realized] I was in the middle
of a brothel (Blueher in Mills: 160f.).

*** {start comment 13-1}
The many ellipses will have alerted the experienced reader to the
fact that the Pink Swastika author has taken words selectively to make
the point he wants to make. The hermaphrodite was seen at the office.
He had male genitals but fully developed female breasts, and that's
why he was of interest. The older gentleman did indeed read a poem
addressed to a sixteen-year-old youth, but it was the poem and the
older gentleman, not the youth, that was "full of yearning and
suffering, and broke out in sorrow that this youth was totally
insensible for the physical charms of the aging gentleman." As for the
Brothel remark, Blueher actually said, "I turned to Laurent, who was
the only kindred spirit in this pack of lemurs. 'Tell me, haven't you
noticed that we're in a downright brothel here?'" The Pink Swastika
author should not print something so different from the true reading
as if it were a quotation.
It is of interest to note that just after Mills's article follows
one by Ian Young titled "Gay Resistance: Homosexuals in the Anti-Nazi
Underground." Of course, that wouldn't fit very well into the false
picture of Nazi homosexuals the Pink Swastika author is trying to
paint.
*** {end comment 13-1}

***{Below is Page: 14 }***

Blueher's disgust with Hirschfeld and the SHC was represen-
tative of the attitude of the masculine homosexual camp. But at
this stage of the conflict, the "Femmes" were fully in control and
enjoyed what support there was in German society for the homo-
sexual political cause. The SHC's "scientific" focus lent an air of
legitimacy to its political goals that the masculine group could not
achieve. Yet it was a strategy that would ultimately backfire on
the "Femmes." Sociologist David Greenburg writes that Ulrichs'
third-sex theory "was a controversial strategy among German ho-
mosexual activists; those in the anti-feminist wing of the move-
ment viewed male homosexuality as an expression of male supe- {sic}
riority and considered the Ulrichs-Hirschfeld position insulting"
(Greenburg: 410).
Hoping "to use the argument that homosexuality is congeni-
tal" to justify its decriminalization, Hirschfeld tried desperately to
legitimize his "third-sex" theory (ibid. :410). With this strategy in
mind he formed the Sex Research Institute of Berlin, which opened
its doors on July 1, 1919. The Sex Research Institute assimilated
the SHC's massive collection of books, photographs and medical
documents and began a campaign to make itself "respectable" in
German society. According to Plant, "attending physicians of-
fered various kinds of sexual counseling... treated people for ve-
nereal diseases... [and gave] advice on abortion procedures." The
fact that many Nazi leaders were treated at the Sex Research In-
stitute led the Institute's Assistant Director, Ludwig L. Lenz, to
conclude that its destruction by the Nazis in 1933 was for the
purpose of destroying evidence of Nazi perversions.
For many years the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee was
the largest and most influential homosexual organization in the
German "gay rights" movement. In 1914, it had one thousand
members (Steakley:60). But homosexuality in Germany was much
more prevalent than the size of the membership of the SHC would
suggest. Not surprisingly, one of the early goals of the SHC was
to find out how many homosexuals there were in the German
population. In what may have been the world's first survey of its
kind, the SHC distributed 6611 questionnaires to Berlin students

***{Below is Page: 15 }***

and factory workers in 1903. The results were published the fol-
lowing year in the Jahrbuch ('Yearbook') and showed that 2.2%
of the German male population admitted to being homosexual
(ibid.:33).

The New Hellenes

At the same time that Ulrichs and Hirschfeld were promulgat-
ing their theories of male homosexuality as an expression of femi-
ninity, a rival group of homosexuals was reaching into antiquity
for its own "masculine" philosophy. As homosexual scholar Hubert
Kennedy writes in Man/Boy Love in the Writings of Karl Heinrich
Ulrichs,

Happily, some boy-lovers were already speaking
out in opposition to Hirschfeld in Berlin at the be-
ginning of this century... [Der Gemeinschaft] Der
Eigene, mostly bisexual and/or boy-lovers, op-
posed the "third sex" view of homosexuality. See-
ing the "love of friends" as a masculine virtue, they
urged a rebirth of the Greek ideal (Kennedy: 17f.).

This "Greek ideal" was a culture of pederastic male supremacy.
Male homosexuality, especially between men and boys, was con-
sidered a virtue by some in Hellenic (Greek) society. Plato and
Socrates were both pederasts, and considered man/boy sex to be
superior to heterosexual relations. As Greenburg notes, "Plato
makes clear in the Symposium that it was perfectly acceptable to
court a lad, and admirable to win him... Pederasty did not lurk in
the shadows of Greek life, it was out in the open (Greenburg: l48,
151). In Bisexuality in the Ancient World, Scholar Eva Cantarella
reviews the literature of the period, including Plato's writings.
She writes that Plato developed a theory "of the existence of two
different types of love: the love inspired by the heavenly Aphro-
dite, and the love inspired by the common Aphrodite." Only "ped-
***{Below is Page: 16 }***

erastic courtship," notes Catarella {sic}, reflected the "heavenly" form
of love (Cantarella:59). In his Symposium, Plato expounds his
theory:

[Homosexual] boys and lads are the best of their
generation, because they are the most manly.
Some people say they are shameless, but they are
wrong. It is not shamelessness which inspires their
behavior, but high spirit and manliness and viril-
ity, which leads them to welcome the society of
their own kind. A striking proof of this is that
such boys alone, when they reach maturity engage
in public life. When they grow to be men, they
become lovers of boys, and it requires the com-
pulsion of convention to overcome their natural
disinclination to marriage and procreation; they
are quite content to live with one another unwed
(ibid. :60).

Cantarella writes that "[t]he gender which attracted and
tempted Socrates was the male sex" as well. She cites another of
Plato's dialogues in which Socrates falls in love with Cydias, a
schoolboy, proclaiming "[I] caught fire, and could possess myself
no longer" (ibid.: 56ff).
Not everyone accepted the spread of homosexuality in Hel-
lenic society. In Athens especially, parents tried to protect their
children from predatory pederasts who had overrun the city. It
became customary for parents to send chaperones with their male
children to and from school (ibid :27) And civil authorities, un-
doubtedly pressured by parents, established strict rules for the
Athenian educational system. Cantarella records this set of guide-
lines from Aeschines' oration Against Timarchus:

The teachers of the boys shall open the school
rooms not earlier than sunrise, and they shall close
them before sunset. No person who is older than

***{Below is Page: 17 }***

the boys shall be permitted to enter the room while
they are there, unless he be a son of the teacher, a
brother, or a daughter's husband. !f any one enter
in violation of this prohibition he shall be punished
with death. The superintendents of the gymnasia
shall under no conditions allow any one who has
reached the age of manhood to enter the contests
of Hermes together with the boys. A gymnasiarch
who does permit this and fails to keep such a per-
son out of the gymnasium, shall be liable to the
penalties prescribed for the seduction of free-born
youth (ibid:28).
*** {start comment 17-1}
The Pink Swastika author leaves out the final sentence of the
above quote from Cantarella, "Every choregus who is appointed by the
people shall be more than forty years of age." That makes nonsense of
the following paragraph about Socrates, who was seventy at the time of
his death and would not have been considered a "sexual" threat, for he
could have served as a choregus.
Furthermore, after the quoted passage Cantarella states that
"protective legislation (as in Athens) was not directed to preventing
all pederastic relationships, but only those which could prove
dangerous for the paides {teenager} on account of the low quality of
the lovers involved."
*** {end comment 17-1}
In light of the preceding passage, the classic story of Socrates'
death takes on new implications. In the standard rendition of the
tale, Socrates, accused of "corrupting the youth of Athens with
his teachings" chose suicide by drinking hemlock rather than ac-
cept banishment (Runes:78). It may have been not only his ideas,
but his actions as well, which condemned the philosopher, for
apparently Athenian society had reached the end of its tolerance
for pederasty.
*** {start comment 17-2}
As indicated in note 17-1 above, this is utter nonsense that
required the Pink Swastika author to leave out a critical sentence in
the passage he quoted from Cantarella and also Cantarella's conclusion
that only pederasty with "low quality" lovers was unacceptable.
But there is more nonsense here, which is evident from Plato's
Apology, a record of Socrates's defense speech. No commentators or
scholars of history suggest that Socrates was charged with sexual
improprieties. His condemnation was not unanimous, there being 281
votes for "guilty" and 220 votes for "innocent." The "corruption" is
illustrated by various passages in the Apology such as "Besides this,
the young men, those who have most leisure, sons of the most wealthy
houses, follow me of their own accord, delighted to hear people being
cross-examined; and they often imitate me, they try themselves to
cross-examine, and then, I think, they find plenty of people who
believe they know something, when they know little or nothing. So in
consequence those who are cross-examined are angry with me instead of
with themselves, and say that Socrates is a blackguard and corrupts
the young." There's nothing sexual suggested by "corruption" in the
case of Socrates.
*** {end comment 17-2}
Though some in Athens attempted to uphold what we might
today call pro-family standards, the Greek military establishment
enthusiastically embraced homosexuality. Here we find the model
for the new Hellenes -- an ultramasculine, male supremacist war-
rior cult. The armies of Thebes, Sparta and Crete were each ex-
amples of this phenomenon. Cantarella notes that the ancient
historian, Plutarch of Chaeronea (50-120 A.D.) wrote of "the sa-
cred battalion" of Thebans made up of 150 male homosexual pairs
(Cantarella:72), and the legendary Spartan army, which inducted
all twelve-year-old boys into military service where they were
"entrusted to lovers chosen among the best men of adult age."
Plutarch also reports of a Cretan military induction ritual in which
boys were abducted and sexually enslaved for a period of two
months by adult pederasts before receiving their "military kit"
(ibid. :7). This last perversion undoubtedly inspired or was in-
*** {start comment 17-3}
This is another example of attributing false statements to a
cited author. Cantarella nowhere says anything about anybody being
"sexually enslaved." What she does say of the Cretan ritual is that
the teenagers were taken out into the country "for a period of two
months (the period of segregation), during which they conducted
relationships specified in minute detail by the law, which laid down
their mutual duties. At the end of this period, before returning to
the city, the lover presented his beloved with a military kit (the
sign of his entry into the adult community)."
It is worth noting here that Aristotle tells us the Cretan
government promoted homosexuality as a means of population control
(Politics II.vii.5).
*** {end comment 17-3}

***{Below is Page: 18 }***

spired by the Greek myth of Ganymede. Historian Jason Berry
sheds some light on this apparent derivation:

Certain gods practiced man-boy love as did the bi-
sexual male aristocracy; the armies of Thebes and
Sparta were charged with homosexuality as a fire
of the male power drive. Pagans in the late [Ro-
man] Empire adulated gods like Zeus, who ab-
ducted and raped Ganymede -- a living myth that
one philosopher denounced for influencing those
men who ran "marketplaces of immorality
and... infamous resorts for the young for every kind
of corrupt pleasure" (Berry:2OOf).
*** {start comment 18-1}
It is absolutely hilarious to call Jason Berry an "historian."
The bibliography of The Pink Swastika lists Berry's book as Lead Us
Not Into Temptation: Catholic Priests and the Sexual Abuse of
Children. That hardly sounds like a "history" book.
*** {end comment 18-1}
It is possible that the term "gay" is derived from this mythical
Greek figure, Ganymede, cup-bearer of the gods, who exempli-
fied the concept of man/boy sex to the masculine homosexuals.
The familiar British term "catamite," meaning the submissive part-
ner in a male homosexual relationship, is derived from the Roman
version of Ganymede, Catamitus. The terms "gay" and "lesbian"
(the latter derived from the name of the Isle of Lesbos in Greece)
eventually replaced the terms Urning and Dailing as the names of
choice for homosexuals.
In ancient Greece, as in the masculine homosexual faction in
Germany, only the masculine form of homosexuality was esteemed
and all things feminine were despised. The form of homosexual-
ity which dominated Greek culture was ultramasculine and mili-
taristic. It can be assumed that women, as well as men who iden-
tified with womanly traits and thinking, were considered naturally
inferior to the elite pederasts. Cantarella writes that Plato, in
Timaues {sic}, went so far as to theorize that women were the reincar-
nations of men who had "lived badly" in a previous life
(Cantarella: 58).
As we will see, the revival of Hellenic paganism became a
fundamental aspect of the Nazi identity. In Nationalism and Sexu-
ality, historian George L. Mosse notes its significance: "The Greek

***{Below is Page: 19 }***

youth, an important national symbol in the past, reigned supreme
during the Third Reich. Hitler's own taste was influenced by the
neo-classical revival...[which often included] pictures of nude
youth... not unlike those of boys bathing" (Mosse: 172). But the
Nazis adopted more than just symbolism from the "boy-lovers"
who reasserted the Greek ideal; their ideas and philosophies are
indelibly stamped on the Nazi regime.

Adolf Brand and the Community of the Special

One of the earliest leaders of the masculine homosexual
counter-movement in Germany was Adolf Brand. in 1896, one
year before Magnus Hirschfeld formed the Scientific-Humanitar-
ian Committee, young Adolf Brand began publishing the world's
first homosexual serial publication; Der Eigene ("The Special").
[The word Eigene, eye'-gen-eh, can be roughly translated "queer" which
may shed some light on the derivation of this term in English. but we have
chosen the translation used most often by historians because it emphasizes
the elitist philosophy of Der Eigene's authors.
Besides being militantly pro-homosexual, Der Eigene was
racist, nationalistic and anti-Semitic. Mosse writes,

The use of racism to gain respectability was con-
stant theme of the first homosexual journal in Ger-
many, Der Eigene... Even before the paper pub-
lished a supplement called Rasse und schonheit {sic}
(Race and Beauty) in 1926, Germanic themes had
informed much of its fiction, as well as images of
naked boys and young men photographed against
a background of Germanic nature. One poem,
written by Brand himself and entitled, "The Su-
perman," praised manliness, condemned feminin-
ity, and toyed with anti-Semitism, apparently be-
cause of the poet's quarrel with Magnus Hirschfeld,
a rival for leadership of the homosexual rights
movement (Mosse:42).

***{Below is Page: 20 }***

Brand's stated market for Der Eigene were men who "thirst
for a revival of Greek times and Hellenic standards of beauty after
centuries of Christian barbarism" (Brand in Oosterhuis and
Kennedy:3). In 1903 Brand was briefly jailed as a child pornog-
rapher for publishing pictures of nude boys in the magazine, but
nevertheless Der Eigene remained in publication until 1931, peak-
ing at over 150,000 subscriptions during the years of the Weimar
Republic [1919-1933] (Mosse :42). In addition to Der Eigene,
Brand published a satirical journal Die Tante ("The Fairy" or "The
Auntie") which often ridiculed Hirschfeld and his assistants
(Oosterhuis and Kennedy: 6).
On May 1, 1902, Brand and two pederasts, Wilhelm Jansen
and Benedict Friedlander, formed the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen
("Community of the Special'). Its leading theorist was Friedlander
(1866-1908), author of Renaissance des Eros Uranios ("Renais-
sance of Uranian Erotica"), a 1904 publication which featured a
picture of a Greek youth on the cover. Friedlander wrote that the
Community wanted to carry out the goals of the lesbian and radi-
cal feminist Dr. Helene Stocker (1809-1943) {sic !!} who wanted Ger-
man society to revert to pagan values. Friedlander writes;

The positive goal... is the revival of Hellenic chiv-
alry and its recognition by society. By chivalric
love we mean in particular close friendships be-
tween youths and even more particularly the bonds
between men of unequal ages (B. Friedlander:259).

According to James Steakley in The Homosexual Emancipation
Movement in Germany,

The Community looked to ancient Greece and
Renaissance Italy as model civilizations and argued
that Christian asceticism was responsible for the
demise of homosexual relations. Friedlander, who
was married, advocated pedophile relations com-
bined with family life, and Brand contrasted his

***{Below is Page: 21 }***

journal with Hirschfeld's Jahrbuch by saying he
wanted to show "more of the Hellenic side of
things" (Steakley:43).

Steakley goes on to show how the Community supported the
work of Elisar von Kupffer {sic}, a "Butch" homosexual and an advo-
cate of "Greek love," who strongly attacked the Scientific-Hu-
manitarian Committee as "pseudo-scientific" (Steakley :46). In
Homosexuality and Male Bonding in Pre-Nazi Germany,
Oosterhuis and Kennedy write that "Kuppfer {sic} stated in a letter of
25 December 1925 to Brand that the word "homosexual" was
repugnant to him, because it reminded him of the "fairies" in
Hirschfeld's Committee, and he requested Brand never to men-
tion his name in such a context" (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:34).
Friedlander described heterosexuals and effeminate homosexu-
als as Kummerlings ("puny beings"). The Ulrichs-Hirschfeld
school believed that both homosexuality and heterosexuality were
equal and legitimate forms of sexual love. However, the Brand-
Friedlander school believed that eros ("sexual love") had a rising
scale of worth, with heterosexuality at the bottom and pederasty
at the top. Steakley writes, "For the Community, however, het-
erosexual relations were relegated to purely procreative ends and
the esthetic superiority of pedophile relations was asserted"
(Steakley:46). In other words, heterosexuals were valued only as
"breeders." Friedlander also quoted from Gustov {sic} Jager who ar-
gued that, in contrast to the "Femmes," masculine homosexuals
were Uebermanner ("supermen"), superior to heterosexuals be-
cause they were even more masculine (Oosterhuis and
Kennedy:87). Some of the pederasts of the Community of the
Special did not consider themselves homosexuals at all, declaring
the "love of friends" and homosexuality two different phenom-
ena" (ibid.: 86).
Friedlander for a time was a member of both the Community
of the Special and the SHC. A review of his articles written for
the SHC reveal {sic} that he endeavored to convince the members of
the group that they were not going far enough: the SHC simply

***{Below is Page: 22 }***

wanted the "right to privacy," but the Community of the Special
wanted a complete transformation of Germany from a Judeo-Chris-
tian society to a Greco-Uranian one. But the leadership of the
SHC was never convinced. The two philosophies were just too
different.
In 1906 Friedlander left the SHC and, hoping to discredit
Hirschfeld, strongly hinted that Hirschfeld and other leaders of
the SHC had mismanaged the Committee's funds. But this was
not the real reason for his departure. Steakley writes,

The membership of the Community realized that
the Committee's petition, which called for the le-
galization of same-sex relations only between those
over the age of sixteen, neglected their interests.
They were also affronted by Hirschfeld's personal
effeminacy and his sweeping classification of all
homosexuals in one category [as "Femmes"]
(Steakley:47f.).

After his falling-out with Hirschfeld and the leaders of the
SHC, Friedlander continued to try to sway its members regarding
pederasty as well as to attract its financial supporters to the Com-
munity of the Special. In 1907, Friedlander published an article in
Der Eigene with a long but revealing title: "Memoirs for the Friends
and Contributors of the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee in the
Name of the Succession of the Scientific-Humanitarian Commit-
tee." In the article, Friedlander said that the Greek "love of youth"
(pederasty) was the cause of Paragraph 175. He said that the law
was not enacted because of men, but rather because of their jeal-
ous wives and mistresses who viewed young boys "as a kind of
unfair competition" (Journal of Homosexuality, Jan-Feb 1991).
In the same article Friedlander writes,

Let us just understand that no one can be a good
educator who does not love his pupils! And let us
not lie to ourselves that in love the so-called "spiri-

***{Below is Page: 23 }***

tual" element can ever be completely detached from
its physiological foundation. It is an eternal ver-
ity: only a good pederast can be a complete peda-
gogue (Friedlander In Oosterhuis and
Kennedy:77ff.).

Benedict Friedlander died in 1908 at the age of 42, but his
influence on the German homosexual movement endured. In 1934,
just one year after Adolf Hitler came to power, a man named Kurt
Hildebrandt echoed Friedlander's views in a book titled Norm
Entartung Verfall ("Ideal - Degeneration - Ruin"). In 1934
Hildebrandt was a leader in the Society for Human Rights (SHR),
a spinoff {sic} of the Community of the Special. He referred to
Friedlander as his "master" and asserted that Greek pederasty had
led to "an enhancement of masculinity" (Steakley:49). In Norm
Entartung Verfall, Hildebrandt presents the Brand-Friedlander
theory that masculine homosexuals are the ideal; a master race of
beings, and that effeminate homosexuals are, in fact, degenera-
tions of the ideal. Hildebrandt declares that the masculine type is
the one that "Nature" intended to rule the world, but that the
effeminate types were freaks of nature who would bring any Hel-
lenic society to destruction. Hildebrandt writes,

It is incomprehensible that these forms should be
confused with that type of homosexuality about
which such a ruckus is made today. The latter
arises contrarily in groups of effeminate men; it
counteracts military and intellectual manliness...and
is certain of ruin (Hildebrandt:207).

In many ways it is Friedlander's theory of homosexuality that
we see implemented in the policies of the Nazis. Although there
were obvious exceptions made for political reasons, there is E.I.-
dense to suggest that only the effeminate homosexuals were mis-
treated under the Nazi regime -- and usually at the hands of mas-
culine homosexuals. Some historians, such as James Steakley,

***{Below is Page: 24 }***

see Friedlander's influence in Adolf Hitler's own philosophy of
homosexuality as well. Steakley writes,

Hitler, on the other hand, was the Nazi
visionary... and there is a truly striking affinity be-
tween his views on homosexuality and those of
Friedlander and [Hans] Bluher. These male su-
premacists wanted to create a new Hellas peopled
by strong, naked, but chaste men, inspired by hero-
ism and capable of leadership (Steakley: 119).
*** {start comment 24-1}
This is a rather remarkable quote: "strong, naked, but chaste
men." (Emphasis added.) If Friedlander, Blueher, and Hitler believed
in chastity, it rather demolishes the argument of the author of The
Pink Swastika that there are here somehow occult roots of the alleged
homosexual founders of the Nazi Party who held wild sex orgies, as the
author alleges elsewhere.
For Blueher's sexuality, see comment 29-1, below.
*** {end comment 24-1}

The Rift Widens

It is clear that Adolf Brand's Community of the Special wanted
nothing to do with Ulrichs' theory of anima muliebris in corpore
virili inclusa ("a female soul confined in a male body"). They
perceived themselves as fully masculine and despised everything
female and effeminate. For many years, Ulrichs' "Femme" fac-
tion had dominated the German homosexual movement. But dur-
ing this time, the rift between the "Butches" and the "Femmes"
grew increasingly wider as the revival of Hellenic pagan values
began to transform German society.
As early as 1908, Hirschfeld wrote that the scandals and divi-
sion of opinion between the "Butches" and "Femmes" was dam-
aging the homosexual cause in Germany. He criticized the Com-
munity of the Special for being anti-feminist. In 1914, reflecting
the increase of tensions, Hirschfeld characterized the Community
of the Special as "exaggerated side-currents" and "fanatics"
(Oosterhuis and Kennedy:24f). At this point Hirschfeld still con-
trolled the movement, but somewhere between 1914 and 1920
the "Butches" became a serious political force themselves. In
1920, they formed the Society for Human Rights. The title seems
to lay claim to what had become the Scientific-Humanitarian
Committee's trademark: political activism under the banner of "gay

***{Below is Page: 25 }***

rights." Two years later the new SHR published the following,
now militant, call to arms:

We no longer want only a few scientists [i.e.,
Hirschfeld et al.] struggling for our cause, we want
to demonstrate our strength ourselves. Here we
stand, demanding that which is our right -- and
who would dare challenge us? For this reason we
must work steadily and everyone must take their
part in our work. No homosexual should be ab-
sent -- rich or poor, worker or scholar, diplomat
or businessman. We cannot deprive ourselves of
any support. Therefore join us, swell our ranks
before it is too late. At Easter we must show
whether we have developed into a Fighting organi-
zation or just a social club. He who does not march
with us is against us (Steakley:76f.).

Here we can see the militaristic tone of the "Butch" faction
and sense its eagerness to wrest control of the movement from
the SHC. Jonathan Katz records, in Gay American History, that
"[the SHR became] the largest of the Gay groups in Germany
during the 1920's, one that aimed at being a 'mass' organization,
and it criticized Hirschfeld's scientific {sic -- the actual word in Katz is "scientistic"}
approach" (J. Katz:632)
Bear in mind that these were also the early years of the Nazi Party,
an organization which shared some founding members with the
SHR. Increasingly, the Nazi Party became the vehicle with which
the "Butches" opposed Hirschfeld. In July of 1927, after a Nazi
Party member made a speech attacking the SHC, Hirschfeld wrote
in the SHC newsletter, "We further feel obliged to urgently re-
quest of our numerous members in the National Socialist German
Workers Party...that they vigorously call their delegates [to the
Reichstag] to order" (Steakley:91 ). The rather desperate tone of
Hirschfeld's complaint reflects the reality that his faction had by
this time lost control.
To some extent, the homosexuals of the SHC may have brought

***{Below is Page: 26 }***

on themselves the later wrath of the Nazis. In the 1920's the
political enemies of the Nazis used their homosexuality against
them with consistent success, preventing the party from gaining
legitimacy. Stories were printed in the newspapers containing
"inside" information about homosexual activities among the Nazi
leaders. The most noteworthy example of this tactic was in 1925
when documentation of Ernst Roehm's proclivity for young boys,
in the form of hand written letters from Roehm himself, was leaked
to the Social Democrat newspapers. The Nazis fared badly in the
next election and Roehm soon moved to Bolivia where he would
stay until Hitler called him back in 1929 (Plant :60). Upon his
return the press attacks were repeated with similar success
(Oosterhuis and Kennedy:239n.).

*** {start comment 26-1}
This is another example of gross distortion of what the cited
source says. Plant doesn't say anything about Roehm's "proclivity for
young boys." On the contrary, Plant says that the affair involved
letters being used to blackmail Roehm by a Berlin prostitute. Plant
says the letters were published in 1932, not 1925, and that Roehm
resigned because of a quarrel with Hitler before the incident: "In
1925, however, they quarreled -- though not over Roehm's sexual
preferences -- and Roehm resigned from the SA. Roehm soon found
himself embroiled in an embarrassing lawsuit against Hermann
Siegesmund, a Berlin hustler, who had somehow gotten hold of several
incriminating letters. In the end, the suit was dismissed, but the
damaging letters were to haunt him for the rest of his life. In 1932
the letters were leaked to the press and proved to be a boon to his
enemies within the Nazi Party."
*** {end comment 26-1}

The Social Democrat Party, of course, was the home of many
of the effeminate homosexuals, which the Nazis well knew. It is
likely that they suspected some of the "inside" information against
them had come from Hirschfeld's camp. This was probably an
accurate surmise. Steakley writes that "Hirschfeld was later sorely
discredited within the homosexual Community of Germany when
it was revealed that he at least occasionally leaked' information
on homosexuals to the press" (Steakley:64).
This may help to explain why the Nazis bore such enmity
against the "Femmes," and why they targeted certain of these
homosexuals for persecution. However, the Nazis needed no spe-
cial justification for revenge. Just the fact that the SHC had made
opposition to pederasty an essential tenet of their political strat-
egy was enough. Though not a Nazi, the "Butch" homosexual
poet, Stefan George, summed up the attitude of the anti-Hirschfeld
camp, saying, "It should be apparent that we have nothing to do
with those far from charming people who whimper for the repeal
of certain laws, for the most revolting attacks against us [pederasts]
have issued from precisely these circles" (George in Steakley:49).
As we can see, understanding the "gay rights" movement in
Germany is essential to a complete understanding of the forma-
tion of the Nazi Party and the policies of the Third Reich. In turn,
understanding the German "gay rights" movement requires an

***{Below is Page: 27 }***

appreciation of the rivalry between the two distinct homosexual
factions: the Ulrichs/Hirschfeld "Femmes" and the Brand/
Friedlander/Roehm "Butches." Their contest for domination of
the "gay rights" movement ended when the "Butches" of the Nazi
Party came to power in 1933 and began to construct the Third
Reich. They had realized their dream of a revived Hellenic cul-
ture of ultramasculine militarism, a dream that was to prove a
nightmare for all those who fell short of the Nazi ideal.

The Wandervogel

"In Germany," writes Mosse, "ideas of homosexuality as the
basis of a better society can be found at the turn of the century
within the German Youth Movement" (Mosse:87). Indeed, at the
same time that Brand and Friedlander were beginning to articu-
late their dream of a neo-Hellenic Germany to the masses, a youth-
ful subculture of boys and young men was already beginning to
act out its basic themes under the leadership of men like Karl
Fischer and Wilhelm Jansen. In Sexual Experience Between Men
and Boys homosexualist historian Parker Rossman writes,

In Central Europe... there was another effort to
revive the Greek ideal of pedagogic pederasty, in
the movement of "Wandering Youth"
[Wandervogel}. Modern gay-homosexuality also
can trace some of its roots to that movement of
men and boys who wandered around the country-
side, hiking and singing hand-in-hand, enjoying
nature, life together, and their sexuality. Ultimately
Hitler used and transformed the movement -- much
as the Romans had abused the paiderastia of the
ancient Greeks -- expanding and building upon its
romanticism as a basis for the Nazi Party
(Rossman: 103).

***{Below is Page: 28 }***

Another homosexualist, Richard Mills, explains in Gay Roots:
Twenty Years of Gay Sunshine how the Wandervogel movement
traces its roots to an informal hiking and camping society of young
men started in 1890 by a fifteen-year-old student named Hermann
Hoffman. For several years the open-air lifestyle of these boys
grew increasingly popular. They developed their own form of
greeting, the Sieg Heil salute, and "much of the
vocabulary... [which] was later appropriated by the Nazis"
(Mills: 168). Early in its development, the movement attracted
the attention of homosexual men, including the pederasts who
belonged to the Community of the Special. In 1901 a homo-
sexual teacher by the name of Karl Fischer (who, as we have men-
tioned, called himself "der Fuehrer") formalized the movement
under the name Wandervogel (Koch:29, Mills: 153). Hans Blueher,
then just seventeen years old, organized the most ambitious
Wandervogel excursion to that date in 1905. It was on this trip
that Blueher met Wilhelm Jansen, one of the original founders of
the Community of the Special. At this time the Wandervogel num-
bered fewer than one hundred young men, but eventually the num-
ber of youths involved in Wandervoge1-type groups in Europe
reached 60,000.

*** {start comment 28-1}
The reference from page 168 of Mills has been falsified. Mills
says the greeting of the early Wandervogel was "Heil," not "Sieg
Heil," and he says nothing about the Nazis taking their greeting from
the youth group. "Heil" is a greeting common in old German folk
culture. It can be heard frequently in Wagnerian operas, for example.
Quite likely that's where the Wandervogel found it.
Page 153 of the Mills article doesn't speak of the things stated
above other than to say of the leaders, "These men were homosexually
inclined, even when they were not aware of it. However, the use of the
word 'homosexual' in this context is misleading, because it
incorrectly emphasizes the genital component of their personalities.
For these men, the act of sex was not of primary importance.
Therefore, it is more accurate to refer to them as 'inverts.' Their
desires and interests are identical to those of heterosexuals, and
differ solely in the choice of objects.".
Koch speaks of Fischer on pages 25 and 26, not 29. He says
absolutely nothing about Fischer being a homosexual. The movement was
founded by Herman Hoffmann, who for a time was an associate of
Fischer's. Koch says "it is really Fischer rather than Hoffmann who
was the born leader, capable also of devising the Wandervogel's
programme."
This information on Jansen is deceptive, and the Pink Swastika
authors know it, for they cite Rector at just this place. Jansen was
hardly "one of the most influential" leaders. Rector says, p39, "One,
Wilhelm Jansen, was forced to resign his Wandervoegel leader's post
because of his wildly gay ways. He struck out on his own and formed a
counter-organization. It was constituted in 1910 as the
Jungwandervoegel (Young, or in this case, New Wandervoegel), which
attracted about 1,500 members...." Rector goes on to say that this
group lasted only until the start of World War I -- about four years.
Someone able to attract only four percent of a movement (1,500 out of
60,000) can hardly be characterized as "one of the most influential"
of its leaders. (The difference in these membership figures compared
with those from another source cited in comment 29-1 illustrates the
difficulty encountered in researching this topic and the need for
careful cross-checking, something the Pink Swastika author never
does.)
*** {end comment 28-1}

Wilhelm Jansen became one of the most influential of the lead-
ers of the Wandervogel, but rumors of his homosexuality disturbed
German society. In 1911, Jansen addressed the issue in a circular
to Wandervogel parents. Jansen told them, "As long as they con-
duct themselves properly with your sons, you will have to accus-
tom yourselves to the presence of so-called homosexuals in your
ranks" (Mills: 167). Hans Blueher further substantiated the fact
that the movement had become a vehicle for homosexual recruit-
ment of boys with his publication of The German Wandervogel
Movement as an Erotic Phenomenon in 1912 (Rector:39f). Mills
writes,

...the Wandervogel offered youth the chance to
escape bourgeois German society by retreating
back to nature.. .But how was this accomplished?

***{Below is Page: 29 }***

What made it possible for the lifestyle created
within the Wandervogel to differ significantly from
its bourgeois parent? The answer is simple: the
Wandervogel was founded upon homosexual, as
opposed to heterosexual sentiments... In order to
understand the success of the movement, one must
acknowledge the homosexual component of its
leaders... Just as the leaders were attracted to the
boys, so were the boys attracted to their leaders.
In both cases the attraction was sexually based
(Mills 152-53).

Hans Blueher had married twice and had two children, but he
was an outspoken proponent of the theory that humans are fun-
damentally bisexual and was both a bisexual and a pederast him-
self. Foreshadowing the Nazi regime, Blueher "saw male bond-
ing as crucial to the formation of male elites," writes homosexual-
ist historian Warren Johansson. "The discipline, the comrade-
ship, the willingness of the individual to sacrifice himself for the
nation--all these are determined by the homoerotic infrastructure
of the male society" (Johansson:816). Mills adds that Blueher
"believed that male homosexuality was the foundation upon which
all forms of nation-states are built" (Mills: 152). Blueher called
his hypothetical political figures "heroic males," meaning self-ac-
cepting masculine homosexuals. It is precisely this concept of the
"heroic male" that prompts Steakley to compare Adolf Hitler's
views to those of Blueher and Friedlander.

*** {start comment 29-1}
Mills notes that Jansen was forced out of the Wandervogel because
of his homosexuality, and then formed his own group, the Young (or
"New") Wandervogel, which grew to 2,300 members by 1913 [the other
branches of the movement totaled about 23,000 members]. Mills says,
"Similarly, the Young Wandervogel refused to participate in the anti-
Semitic hysteria that swept through the movement in 1913 and 1914.
Although the question of Jewish participation had long been a source
of internal debate, the question became pressing in 1913, when one of
the Wandervogel magazines published a 'Jewish issue.' In it, Jews were
charged with exploiting and corrupting Germans, seducing German
virgins, and organizing white-slave traffic. As a result, many groups
voted to exclude Jews from membership. The Young Wandervogel was one
of the few groups to protest against such discrimination, and publicly
announced its rejection of anti-Semitism." That directly contradicts
the Pink Swastika author's picture of homosexuals as anti-Semitic
Nazis: on the contrary, they stood up for the Jews against this
heterosexual attack.
Mills notes that Blueher's views on bisexuality were the same as
those of Sigmund Freud, whose disciple he was. He believed that
homosexuality was perfectly natural, a view Freud rejected at first,
but later adopted. As for his views on the Wandervogel as being
founded upon homosexual sentiments, Mills says, "In the great majority
of cases, it is quite clear that there was very little physical
sexuality to be found within the Wandervogel. However, the lack of
direct sexuality did not preclude the existence of strong homosexual
feelings in the organization."
Mills mentions Blueher's two marriages and two children, but
doesn't say anything about his alleged bisexuality or pederasty. Since
Mills doesn't hesitate to mention homosexuality of other figures, it's
highly likely that he accepted Blueher as totally heterosexual. He
mentions that Blueher was "a conservative thinker who rejected
liberalism and socialism." Indeed, Blueher says in his publication on
homosexuality that he has no personal interest in the issue [Mills
page 162].
*** {end comment 29-1}

But this is not the only instance in which the views of Blueher
and Friedlander coincide. Like Friedlander, Blueher believed that
homosexuals were the best teachers of children. "There are five
sexual types of men, ranging from the exclusively heterosexual to
the exclusively homosexual," writes Mills in explaining Blueher's
philosophy. "The exclusive heterosexual is the one least suited to
teach young people... [but exclusive homosexuals} are the focal
point of all youth organizations" (ibid.:l54). Another point of
agreement between Friedlander and Blueher was anti-Semitism.

***{Below is Page: 30 }***

In writing about his visit with Magnus Hirschfeld and the SHC,
Blueher denigrated Hirschfeld's egalitarian views, complaining that
"concepts like rank, race, physiognomy.. .things of importance to
me -- were simply not applicable in this circle." Homosexualist
author Frank Rector writes,

Blueher's case further explains why many Nazi
Gays were attracted to Hitler and his shrill anti-
Semitism, for many gentile homosexuals were ra-
bidly anti-Semitic... Gays in the youth movement
who espoused anti-Semitism, chauvinism, and the
Fuehrer Prinzip {sic} (Leader Principle) were not-so-
incipient Fascists. They helped create a fertile
ground for Hitler's movement {sic} and, later, became
one of its main sources of adherents ...A substan-
tial number of those Wandervogel leaders were
known homosexuals, and many others were alleg-
edly gay (or bisexual) (Rector:40).

*** {start comment 30-1}
The above quote, beginning on page 39 of Rector, has minor
inaccuracies in spelling that indicate the general sloppiness with
which The Pink Swastika was written and "researched."
The major problem is omissions. For example, in discussing
Blueher, Rector says "Incidentally, Blueher is an example of the
paradox of a German homosexual being anti-Semitic, and Blueher was a
brilliant man. Blueher's case further helps explain why many Nazi gays
were attracted to Hitler and his shrill anti-Semitism, for many
gentile homosexuals were rabidly anti-Semitic. Bear in mind, though,
that anti-Semitic Nazi gays saw nothing more amiss with this prejudice
than otherwise decent homophobes see anything amiss in their attitude
toward homosexuals. It merely illustrates the quirks of prejudice, and
the irony of prejudice's victims so often being prejudice's
spokesmen." (See comment 29-1 above, which casts Blueher's alleged
homosexuality in doubt. Rector is a journalist, not an historian, and
his work is of lesser reliability than that of bona fide historians.)
Rector, pages 40-41, gives a summation of the German youth
movement:
"The truth of just how gay was the German youth movement probably
falls somewhere between the extremes of the ostensibly sexless Boy
Scouts' image on the one hand and homosexual clubbiness on the other.
It was a shade of gray -- not black and white. The youth movement was
not a homosexual cabal, but there probably was a greater number of gay
sex encounters and love affairs in the youth movement than there might
have been otherwise, especially in its early days before authoritarian
straight youths and adults clamped down on Wandervoegel eros."
*** {end comment 30-1}

In the introduction to his book The Pink Triangle, homosexual
author Richard Plant writes of his own experience in the Rovers
(another translation of Wandervogel). "In such brotherhoods,"
writes Plant, "a few adolescents had little affairs, misty and ro-
mantic sessions around a blazing fire... Other boys... talked openly
about "going with friends" and enjoying it. The leaders of these
groups tended to disregard the relationships blossoming around
them -- unless they participated" (Plant:3). Plant's reminiscences
also substantiate that the Wandervogel served as a training ground
for Nazis. He recalls his friend in the Rovers, "Ferdi, who ex-
plained and demonstrated the mysteries of sex to me and my
friends." Plant was later shocked, he says, upon returning to
Germany from abroad "to see Ferdi wearing a brown shirt with a
red, white and black swastika armband" (ibid. :4).
*** {start comment 30-2}
The Pink Swastika author betrays an apparent misunderstanding of
the movement of which he writes. "Rovers" is not "another translation
of Wandervogel." Plant says the Rovers was "an association of mostly
middle-class Protestants and Catholic teenagers." He also belonged to
a "similar Zionist brotherhood." He says "After 1933 the Nazis
forcibly dissolved all independent youth organizations, even the
Catholic ones, hurled accusations of 'homosexual degeneracy' against
their leaders, and embarked on a campaign to enforce strictly
heterosexual behavior."
As to Ferdi, Plant says "I had not kept in touch when he joined
the Communist Youth League." Later, on the brown shirt and swastika,
"To Ferdi the brown uniform meant only that he could get a better job.
He urged me to 'get away from this mess,' and it was he who provided
the useful channels for obtaining that indispensable passport."
The Pink Swastika author deliberately falsifies what Plant is
trying to say. The reason is that the PS author wants to use Ferdi as
proof that homosexuals were rabid anti-Semites and ardent Nazis. As
author Plant's actual words show, nothing could be further from the
truth. Plant, a Jew, was helped by his friend Ferdi, who was at heart
a Communist, but who donned the Nazi uniform as a matter of survival.
*** {end comment 30-2}
E.Y. Hartshorne, in German Youth and the Nazi Dream of
Victory records the recollections of a former Wandervogel mem-
ber who confirms that the organization was the source of impor-

***{Below is Page: 31 }***

tant elements of Nazi culture. Our knowledge of the influence of
the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen on the Wandervogel may provide
us insight into the cryptic comment at the end of the testimony:

We little suspected then what power we had in our
hands. We played with the fire that had set a world
in flames, and it made our hearts hot. Mysticism
and everything mystical had dominion over us. It
was in our ranks that the word Fuehrer originated,
with its meaning of blind obedience and devotion.
The word Bund arose with us too, with its myste-
rious undertone of conspiracy. And I shall never
forget how in those early days we pronounced the
word Gemeinschaft ["community"] with a trem-
bling throaty note of excitement, as though it hid a
deep secret (Hartshorne: 12).
*** {start comment 31-1}
The Pink Swastika author seems to suggest that this sinister,
occult group originated Hitler's title, Fuehrer. But the writer also
uses the word "Bund". It's interesting to note that the largest Jewish
labor organization in Poland called itself "The Bund."
A comment below on the origin of the Hitler Youth is false. The
Hitler Youth was an independent organization founded by the Hitler in
1922 under a different name. (See comment 2-1 above.)
*** {end comment 31-1}
Indeed, not only did the grown-up former members of the
Wandervogel become one of Hitler's main sources of supporters
in his rise to power, but the movement itself became a Nazi insti-
tution: the Hitler Jugend ("Hitler Youth"). So rampant had ho-
mosexuality become in the movement by this time that the
Rheinische Zeitung, a prominent German newspaper, warned,
"Parents, protect your sons from 'physical preparation' in the Hitler
Youth," a sarcastic reference to problems of homosexuality in
the organization (Burleigh and Wipperman {sic}: 188). Sadly, the boys
themselves had by this time been completely indoctrinated by their
homosexual masters. Waite writes,
*** {start comment 31-2}
The quote from Burleigh and Wippermann is misleading. The German
newspaper was an organ of the Socialist Party, strong opponents of the
Nazis, and the quote has to be viewed as political propaganda of
dubious merit.
*** {end comment 31-2}

With the exception of Ehrhardt, Gerhard Rossbach,
sadist, murderer, and homosexual was the most
adored hero of nationalistic German youth. 'In
Ehrhardt, but also in Rossbach,' says a popular
book on the youth movement, "we see the Fuehrer
of our youth. These men have become the Ideal
Man, idolized... and honored as can only happen

***{Below is Page: 32 }***

when the personality of an individual counts for
more than anything else'... the most important
single contributor of the pre-Hitler youth move-
ment [was] Gerhard Rossbach (Waite, 1969:210f).

*** {start comment 32-1}
For a discussion of this, see comment 3-4 above. Waite says on
page 210, "[Rossbach] along with Werner Lass, founded the
Schilljugend, which became one of the largest youth organizations of
the days preceding Baldur von Schirach and the Hitler Youth." There
are no allegations that Lass was homosexual. Since Waite mentions that
Rossbach was homosexual and uses that as a smear, one would expect any
suspicion about Lass would not be left out. Thus the collaboration of
Lass with Rossbach suggests that the youth movement was "sexless": not
influenced by sexual considerations. Surely the Pink Swastika author
wouldn't indict heterosexuals because Lass was a cofounder of the
Schilljugend.
*** {end comment 32-1}

Hans Peter Bleuel, in Sex and Society in Nazi Germany, points
out that most of the adult supervisors of the Hitler Youth were
also SA officers (who were almost exclusively homosexual).
Rector states that Baldur von Schirach, leader of the Hitler Youth
organization, was reportedly bisexual (Rector:56). In Germany's
National Vice, Jewish historian Samuel Igra confirms this, saying
Schirach "was arrested by the police for perverse sexual practices
and liberated on the intervention of Hitler, who soon afterward
made him leader of the Hitler Youth" (Igra:72). Igra further states
that Schirach "was known as 'the baby' among the inner pederast
clique around Hitler" (ibid. :74). Remple {sic} reports that Schirach
"always surrounded himself with a guard of handsome young men
(Remple:88). Psychologist Walter Langer in his 1943 secret war-
time report, The Mind of Adolf Hitler, also writes of Schirach's
reputed homosexuality (Langer: 99).
*** {start comment 32-2}
The alleged statement about Hitler Youth leadership can't be
found in Bleuel, and is presumably another fabrication of the author
of The Pink Swastika. Perhaps the author was confused with Bleuel's
statement on page 109 about the leadership of the "Napolas" or
"National-Political Institutes of Education," meant to educate a new
elite for the Nazis. Bleuel says "Instructors from the Hitler Youth
and the SS were responsible for administering the Napolas'
programme�." He mentions that "Their principals were mostly veteran
members of the SA and SS�." That has nothing to do with the leadership
of the Hitler Youth. Furthermore, the SA officers were not "almost
exclusively homosexual" and no author makes such a claim. Only a small
clique of SA officers around Ernst Roehm were homosexual, and they
were purged in 1934.
Let it be noted that the author of The Pink Swastika has Gerhard
Rempel's name wrong, which is more evidence of his sloppy work.
Samuel Igra was no historian, but a writer of propaganda, much
like the author of The Pink Swastika, who repeated rumor uncritically
as though it were demonstrated truth. As mentioned above, Igra was a
Jew, and he wrote his book about Germany in the bombed out London of
1945. What could one expect from a Jewish author after the revelations
of the death camps at the end of the war? (And who could blame him?)
The very title of Igra's book Germany's National Vice, gives away the
show. Frank Rector, so often quoted by the author of The Pink
Swastika, says on page 57 of his book, "Samuel Igra points out in
Germany's National Vice that there exists documentary evidence that
Adolf Hitler had been a male prostitute in Vienna...." Rector tells us
that Igra claims Hitler also prostituted himself in Munich before
World War I. Rector says "Regardless of the assumed authenticity of
the allegations, in this case there surely can be no question that the
documents concerning Hitler's homosexual hustling were false -- if,
indeed, such documents ever really existed." That's a polite way of
suggesting that Igra simply fabricated the assertion about documents.
Walter C. Langer was an American psychoanalyst, who might be
turning in his grave after being identified as a mere "psychologist"
by the author of The Pink Swastika.. He's mentioned in one of Robert
G.L. Waite's books, Hitler: The Psychopathic God, a source used by the
Pink Swastika author, but obviously not used very carefully or
thoroughly. Langer was not an historian, and his assertion about
Schirach has no more weight than a repetition of rumor.
The Pink Swastika author's reference to Rector on Schirach is
misleading. Rector doesn't assert that Schirach was bisexual, but
simply mentions the rumor as one of a number of examples of wild
accusations made about prominent Nazis. (See comment 80-1 below.)
Peter D. Stachura, author of Nazi Youth in the Weimar Republic,
writes that Baldur Schirach was born of an American father and mother.
His grandfather had been a major in the Union army during the American
Civil War. He became an anti-Semite after reading Henry Ford's
International Jew. In 1932 he married Henrietta Hoffmann, the daughter
of Hitler's photographer. On 17 June 1933, he was appointed youth
leader of the German Reich. He volunteered for the army in 1939 and
served in the French campaign, rising from corporal to lieutenant and
receiving the Iron Cross, Class II.
Schirach fell out of Hitler's favor in 1943 "on account of his
'un-German' cultural policies, and 'liberal' attitudes toward Jews."
In 1952 he fell heir to an American fortune, but served the rest of
his war crimes sentence in Spandau prison until his release in 1966.
On homosexuality, Stachura says (page 177) "The accusation has
frequently been made of widespread homosexuality in the HJ {Hitler
Jugend}; indeed von Schirach was suspected by some of being a
homosexual. There are no known cases before and after 1933 of HJ
leaders having been convicted of homosexual offences (See Biography of
HJ Leadership) and they were usually expelled from the HJ on this
account. Most youth organizations have at one time of another been
confronted by this problem, but there is no reliable or conclusive
evidence to show that homosexuality was particularly serious at any
time in the HJ." {Stachura's book contains brief biographies of 197
persons.}
*** {end comment 32-2}
In 1934, the Gestapo reported over forty cases of pederasty
in just one troop of the Hitler Youth. Bleuel writes of the case of
one supervisor, a 21-year-old man who was dismissed from the
Hitler Youth in 1938. Yet he was transferred to the National
Socialist Flying Corps (Civil Air Patrol) and was assigned to "su-
pervise work by members of the Hitler Youth Gliding Association
and eventually detained {sic} to help with physical check-ups -- a griev-
ous temptation." The man was once again caught sodomizing
young men, but "was not dismissed from the NSFK" (Bleuel: 119).
The prevalence of homosexuality in the Hitler Youth is also con-
firmed by historian Gerhard Remple {sic} in his book Hitler's Children:
Hitler Youth and the SS:

Homosexuality, meanwhile, continued on into the
war years when Hitlerjugend boys frequently be-
came victims of molestations at the hands of their

***{Below is Page: 33 }***

SS tutors; Himmler consistently took a hard line
against it publicly but was quite willing to mitigate
his penalties privately and keep every incident as
secret as possible (Remple:51f.).

*** {start comment 33-1}
The material from Bleuel is distorted. He doesn't say "over forty
cases of pederasty" but "approximately 40 cases of suspected
homosexual relations," as reported by the Gestapo, who at the time had
responsibility for such investigations. The instructor was twenty
years old, not 21, and Bleuel says nothing about "sodomizing." He
would have been only 17 years old when originally dismissed from the
Hitler Youth for "embezzlement" and unspecified "indecent conduct." He
was finally brought to court when some youths reported him to the
authorities. It's interesting to note that he was a member of the
NSFK, not the supposedly homosexual-ridden SA of the Pink Swastika
author's wild imagination.
Genuine historian Peter Stachura (his research was financed by
the Deutsche Austauchdienst and the Cassel Education Trust, and he was
granted a scholarship to study at the Institut fuer Europaeische
Geschichte) said that homosexuality was not a serious problem in the
Hitler Youth. (See comment 32-1 above.)
Gerhard Rempel, another source quoted by the authors of The Pink
Swastika, says, on pp50ff:
"Sexual morality was another problem to which the HJ {Hitler
Jugend -- Hitler Youth} was especially sensitive. Certain segments of
the despised old youth movement, which always shied away from
including girls in their groups, had been known to have a homosexual
problem, and the early HJ was widely suspected of similar tendencies.
Schirach believed he had cured the problem by bringing boys and girls
into harmless contact, but his confidence was misplaced."
{Note that the HJ had four sections: HJ = Hitler Jugend, Hitler
Youth, boys ages 14-18; JV = Jungvolk, Young People, boys ages 10-14;
BDM = Bund Deutsche Maedel, girls 14-18; JM = Junge Maedel, girls 10-
14.}
Rempel continues:
"How serious then was the problem within HJ ranks? In Aachen, for
instance, forty cases of suspected homosexual activity during the
course of 1934 were reported to the Gestapo. Other cases within the JV
came into the open the following spring. A twelve-year-old girl was
disciplined for passing a song with immoral content around her JM
group. Older HJ and BDM girls established liaisons that could not be
kept under cover and gave parents the impression that 'a certain
degeneration' existed within the HJ, ascribed largely to immature
leaders not qualified for the positions they held. In another
instance, sixteen members of the HJ stayed overnight in a remote
public shelter and engaged in collective masturbation, regarded by the
police as a serious 'moral lapse.'"
Rempel leaves the reader to draw his or her own conclusion on the
seriousness of the situation. It has to be noted, however, that
heterosexual promiscuity was also a problem, and that much of the
homosexual activity was between the boys (and girls?) themselves, and
not all the "pederasty" the author of The Pink Swastika would have
readers believe.
Rempel says "Teenage pregnancies and promiscuity in the HJ was
{sic} more prevalent than officials admitted," and he does indeed
remark that Himmler tried to hush up SS cases of homosexual
molestation of the HJ. He also describes an intense campaign launched
by von Schirach to clean up the HJ after the 1934 Roehm purge. (Hitler
launched a broad crackdown on homosexuality at that time.) The
campaign targeted juvenile crime, delinquency, and undisciplined
behavior. To assist the police, specially reliable HJ members were
organized into groups and trained to spy upon and police their HJ
fellows. There was close cooperation with police on two particular
offenses, vagrancy and homosexuality.
Sex was only one problem the HJ had to deal with, and
homosexuality was a relatively small part of that problem. The major
activity there seems to have been between the boys, with infrequent
incidents involving adults. The situation Rempel and Stachura describe
is certainly not the rampant pederasty the author of The Pink Swastika
attempts to fabricate.
*** {end comment 33-1}

This last quote from Remple {sic} raises two important points which
will be addressed at greater length later in the book, but deserve
at least some mention here. The first point is that Heinrich
Himmler, who is often cited as being representative of the Nazi
regime's alleged hatred of homosexuals, was obviously not overly
concerned about homosexual occurrences in the ranks of his own
organization. The second point is that this homosexual activity
continued long after Hitler had supposedly purged homosexuals
from the Nazi regime (in 1934) and promoted strict policies against
homosexuality (from 1935 on). As we shall see later, these poli-
cies were primarily for public relations and were largely unen-
forced.
*** {start comment 33-2}
The above misrepresents Himmler. While he did, during the war,
when he was faced with a critical shortage of personnel, take an
easier line against misbehavior by SS men with Hitler Youth, he
adopted the strictest measures before the war. As the author of The
Pink Swastika knew very well, Rempel (page 52) says: "Himmler's view
was that Germany had then about twenty million 'sexually capable' men
and probably one to two million homosexuals -- an intolerable
situation that had to be corrected if the nation was to survive.
Within the SS he ordered degradation, expulsion, legal prosecution,
consignment to concentration camps, and finally 'shooting while trying
to escape,' if all else failed to cure the offenders."
It's interesting to note that the Nazis thought 10% of the
population to be homosexual.
*** {end comment 33-2}
An interesting sideline to the story of the Hitler Youth illus-
trates both the control of the youth movement by pederasts and
the fundamental relationship between homosexuality and Nazism.
In Great Britain, the pro-Nazis formed the Anglo-German Fel-
lowship (AGF). The AGF was headed by British homosexuals
Guy Francis de Money Burgess and Captain John Robert
Macnamara. British Historian John Costello relates how Bur-
gess, Macnamara and J.H. Sharp, the Church of England's Arch-
deacon for Southern Europe, took a trip to Germany to attend a
Hitler Youth camp. Costello writes,

In the spring of 1936, the trio set off for the
Rhineland, accompanied by Macnamara's friend
Tom Wylie, a young official in the War Office.
Ostensibly they were escorting a group of pro-fas-
cist schoolboys to a Hitler Youth camp. But from
Burgess' uproariously bawdy account of how his
companions discovered that the Hitlerjugend sat-
isfied their sexual and political passions, the trip

***{Below is Page: 34 }***

would have shocked their sponsors -- the Foreign
Relations Council of the Church of England
(Costello: 300).
*** {start comment 34-1}
The name of Costello's scholarly historical tome is Mask of
Treachery: Spies, Lies, Buggery and Betrayal. It would seem that the
author of The Pink Swastika uses "historian" as a code word to warn
the reader that the author so designated is actually not one. Costello
describes Macnamara as "a newly elected, right-wing Conservative M.P.
[Member of Parliament]." Burgess, of course, was a secret Communist
devoted to destroying Hitler's Fascism.
*** {end comment 34-1}
In pre-World War II France, the pro-Nazi faction was repre-
sented by the Radical-Socialist Party (RSP) and the Popular Party
(PP). The Secretary-General of the RAP was Edouard Pfeiffer.
Costello writes of Guy Burgess' visit to Pfeiffer in Paris shortly
before the war:

As a connoisseur of homosexual decadence,
Pfeiffer had few equals, even in Paris. As an of-
ficer of the French Boy-Scout movement, his pri-
vate life was devoted to the seduction of youth.
Burgess discovered all this when he visited
Pfeiffer's apartment in Paris and found... [him] with
a naked young man... he explained to Burgess that
the young man was a professional cyclist, who just
happened to be a member of [homosexual] Jacques
Doriot's Popular Party" (ibid. 315).

Once again we see flagrant sexual perversion in the heart of
the Nazi movement long after the Roehm Purge. It appears also
that the correlation between Nazism and homosexuality disre-
garded national boundaries. As we have seen, both Hans Blueher
and Benedict Friedlander observed that youth organizations are
often (in their view, appropriately) led by pederasts. Events in
Europe during the first part of the twentieth century, particularly
those involving the National Socialist movement, strongly sup-
port this theory.

*** {start comment 34-2}
Again, Burgess the homosexual was a secret Communist dedicated to
the destruction of Hitler's Fascism. That there were homosexual
Fascists and homosexual Communists says nothing more than would be
said by the fact that there were both heterosexual Fascists and
heterosexual Communists. The simple fact is, that in the end, both the
heterosexual Fascists and the heterosexual Communists persecuted all
homosexuals. Nobody disputes that. And nobody points to any homosexual
persecution of heterosexuals. That shows any reasonable person whose
hands wielded the power in the Fascist and Communist movements:
heterosexuals were in control in both cases.
*** {end comment 34-2}

The revival of Hellenic culture in the German homosexual
movement, then, was an integral factor in the rise of Nazism.
Right under the nose of traditional German society, the pederasts
laid the groundwork for the ultramasculine military society of the
Third Reich. The Wandervoge1 was certainly not a "homosexual
organization" per se, but its homosexual leaders molded the youth
***{Below is Page: 35 }***

movement into an expression of their own Hellenic ideology and,
in the process, recruited countless young men into the homosexual
lifestyle. The first members of the Wandervogel grew to man-
hood just in time to provide the Nazi movement with its support
base in the German culture. As Steakley put it, "[the] Free Ger-
man Youth jubilantly marched off to war, singing the old Wander-
vogel songs to which new, chauvinistic verses were added"
(Steakley:58).
*** {start comment 35-1}
It should be remembered that this refers to World War I. Stachura
says "the fabric of the Wandervogel had been destroyed by 1918.All but
its most naive admirers then realized that a radical transformation in
both concept and practice of the youth movement was necessary. The
Wandervogel was now out of date and incompatible with the postwar
situation; a different era clearly had to evolve that would satisfy
the needs of youth desperate for change."
If the authors of The Pink Swastika wish to contend that Nazi
leaders learned homosexuality in the Wandervogel, they should present
evidence that any of those leaders belonged to the movement.
*** {end comment 35-1}

Gerhard Rossbach and the Freikorps Movement

The Freikorps movement began during the years immediately
following the close of World War I. After the war and the subse-
quent socialist revolution in Germany in 1918, tens of thousands
of former soldiers of the German army volunteered for quasi-mili-
tary service in a number of independent reserve units called
Freikorps ("Free Corps"), under the command of former junior
officers of the German army. These units were highly nationalis-
tic and became increasingly violent as the social chaos of the
Weimar Republic worsened.
Rossbach's organization, originally called the Rossbachbund
("Rossbach Brotherhood") exemplified the German Freikorps. As
Waite records in The Vanguard of Nazism, "the lieutenants and
the captains -- Rohm. ..Ehrhardt, Rossbach, Schultz and the rest
-- formed the backbone of the Free Corps movement. And... it was
they who were the link between the Volunteers [anti-communists]
and National Socialism (Waite, 1969:45). Once again we see the
essential relationship between homosexuality and Nazism, since
all of these "lieutenants and captains" were known or probable
homosexuals, most of whom eventually served in the SA. Ger-
man historian and Hitler contemporary Konrad Heiden writes that
"many sections of this secret army of mercenaries and murder-
ers were breeding places of perversion" (Heiden:30). Historian
G. S. Graber agrees:

***{Below is Page: 36 }***

Many. ... [Freikorps] leaders were homosexual, in-
deed homosexuality appears to have been wide-
spread in several volunteer units. Gerhard
Rossbach... was an open homosexual. On his staff
was Lieutenant Edmund Heines who was later to
become the lover of Ernst Roehm (Graber:33).
*** {start comment 36-1}
In the Waite quotation, the Pink Swastika author removed the name
"Schlageter" from the list of lieutenants and captains. Waite doesn't
tell us the magnitude of "the rest" in his list. Thus, we don't know
how large is the influence of Roehm and Rossbach in relation to
Schlageter, Ehrhardt, Schulz, and all "the rest," but Waite gives very
brief biographical comments on another 88 prominent Free Corps figures
in his appendix, and notes that his original doctoral thesis listed
250. Of the 88, only one, Edmund Heines is identified as homosexual,
being listed as "Homosexual lover of Rossbach and Roehm."
Waite gives nothing to substantiate the Pink Swastika author's
claim that "all" of them (other than Roehm and Rossbach) were known or
suspected homosexuals, and the "essential relationship" between
homosexuality and the Nazi movement is another fabrication of the Pink
Swastika author. Of more than 90 free corps figures mentioned by
Waite, only 3 are mentioned as homosexual: Heines, Roehm, and
Rossbach. Since Waite's preface expresses his antipathy to the Free
Corps movement, and since he mentions the homosexuality of those
three, it seems likely that he would have mentioned other known or
reasonably suspected homosexuals, yet he doesn't. It seems reasonable
to conclude that the homosexual influence in the Free Corps movement
was negligibly small.
Regarding the Heiden quote, it should be noted that he was not an
historian but a journalist who fled Hitler's Germany. His three major
books on Hitler and his rise to power are largely re-hashes of the
same material. One was written in 1934, before any Nazi actions
against the Jews and before Ernst Roehm's death, the second in 1936,
after the Nuremberg laws that deprived Jews of their rights in
Germany, and the third in 1944. As his work progressed through these
books Heiden became more strident and sensational in his writing. The
author of The Pink Swastika quotes from the last (1944) book. On the
page before the above quote, Heiden has a short paragraph in his
description of Roehm:
"And this fatherly soldier was a homosexual murderer."
That's not the writing of an historian, but of a sensationalizing
propagandist. (In his first -- 1934 -- book, Heiden has quite a
different, almost friendly approach to Roehm. )
What is of interest in Graber is how little he mentions of
homosexuality in his book, History of the SS. There are only five
index entries, one for the passage above (which deals with the
Freikorps, not the SS), one describing Ernst Roehm, one stating that
at Buchenwald concentration camp homosexuals were assigned mauve
triangles, one stating "Himmler's puritanism made him particularly
averse to accepting known homosexuals into the SS," and the final
passage "The increasing status and importance of the SS was
undoubtedly aided by public knowledge of the fact that the SA, under
its leader Ernst Roehm, was administered to a large extent by
homosexuals. An elaborate pimping service had been developed to
satisfy the appetites of Roehm and his cohorts and some of the details
leaked to the non-Nazi press. As relations between the SA and SS
deteriorated, many Germans began to look upon the SS as guardians of
national morals."
Graber is not averse to mentioning homosexuality, yet he
apparently has nothing to say about it within the SS. It seems that
the entire SS empire of death camps and gas chambers was run by strict
heterosexuals. As for homosexuality in the SA, he mentions only the
small clique around Roehm that "administered" the organization.
*** {end comment 36-1}
Waite's analysis shows that the Freikorps movement was one
intervening phase between the Wandervogel movement and the
Nazi Sturmabteilung -- the SA. "The generation to which the
Freikorpskampfer ["Freikorps warriors"] belonged," writes Waite,
"-- the generation born in the 1890's-- participated in two expe-
riences which were to have tremendous effect on his subsequent
career as a Volunteer [in the Freikorps]. The first of these was
the pre-war Youth Movement; the second, World War I" (Waite,
1969:17). The young men who had been molded by the Hellenic
philosophies of the youth movement had come of age just in time
to fight in the first World War. There, they were further shaped
and seasoned by the hardships and horrors of trench warfare.

*** {start comment 36-2}
This is another false attribution by the Pink Swastika author.
Waite doesn't try to establish any link between the Wandervogel and
the SA. Waite's index for his 281-page text lists the Wandervogel only
once, on page 17: "The social factors which produced the phenomena of
the Wandervogel and its allies have titillated the imaginations of
sociologists for years." In any case, the Wandervogel were only one
component of a large, overwhelmingly heterosexual youth movement. As
Waite says in his conclusion, it is Nazi propaganda to claim the Free
Corps as "'the first soldiers of the Third Reich,'": "The Nazis have
here committed the original sin of Freshman history essays and have
read back National Socialist Ideology into Freebooter {Free Corps}
activity. By thus using past history for present purposes, the
Volunteers of 1919 become the conscious champions of the Nazi
creed...."
However, Waite does say the Free Corps members "played an
important role in the formation of the Third Reich." But that role was
not a cause-and-effect chain between the youth movement and the SA or
the Nazi Party. Waite's conclusion states that their contribution of
first-rate importance was a parallel role to that of the Communists in
destabilizing the Weimar Republic. In addition, "hundreds" of Free
Corps "graduates" who survived the blood purge of 1934, in which Roehm
and his few homosexual cohorts were killed, rose to positions of power
in the Nazi regime. They contributed much of the violence to Nazism.
But Waite says absolutely nothing about homosexuality as a cause of
any of this.
*** {end comment 36-2}

It was in the trenches of World War I that the concept of
Sturmabteilung ("Storm Troops") was developed -- elite, hard-
hitting units whose task it was to "storm" the enemy lines. The
tactics of the Storm Troopers proved to be so effective that they
were quickly adopted throughout the German army. The Storm
Troop system created a tremendous increase in the number of
young commanders of a certain breed. Waite writes,

Only a very special type of officer could be used.
He must be unmarried, under twenty-five years of
age, in excellent physical health. and above all he
must possess in abundance that quality which Ger-
man military writers call 'ruthlessness.' The re-
sult was that at the time of the Armistice Germany
was flooded with hundreds of capable, arrogant
young commanders who found an excellent outlet

***{Below is Page: 37 }***

for their talents in the Free Corps movement
(ibid. :27).

It is not difficult to recognize that the description of the pre-
ferred Storm Trooper is a model of the Wandervogel hero:
ultramasculine, militaristic, physically conditioned, and largely un-
restrained by Judeo-Christian morality. It is no wonder, then, that
many of these men became youth leaders in their turn (ibid. :210).
In the preceding chapter, we learned that homosexual sadist and
murderer Gerhard Rossbach was "the most important single con-
tributor to the pre-Hitler youth movement" and a "hero to nation-
alistic German youth." In the days before Baldur von Schirach
developed the Hitler Youth, Rossbach organized Germany's larg-
est youth organization, named the Schi1ljugend ("Schill Youth")
in honor of a famous Prussian soldier executed by Napoleon
(ibid:210n.).
But Rossbach's contribution to the Nazis was far greater than
the mere shaping of young men into Nazi loyalists. It was Rossbach
who formed the original terrorist organization which eventually
became the Nazi Storm Troopers, also known as "Brown Shirts."
Both the Rossbach Storm Troopers and the Schilljugend "were
notorious for wearing brown shirts which had been prepared for
German colonial troops, acquired from the old imperial army
stores" (Koehl: 19). It is reasonable to suppose that without
Rossbach's Storm Troopers, Adolf Hitler and the Nazis would
never have gained power in Germany. Heiden describes them:

Rossbach's troop, roaring, brawling, carousing,
smashing windows, shedding blood... was espe-
cially proud to be "different from the others."
Heines had belonged to it before joining Hitler;
then Rossbach and Heines had formed a center with
Rohm; it led the SA while Hitler was under arrest
[for leading the Beer Hall Putsch] (Heiden:295).
*** {start comment 37-1}
The Pink Swastika author covers up the fact that Rossbach was
only cofounder of the Schilljugend with Werner Lass, which is clearly
mentioned by Waite on page 210. Might we dare to conclude that Lass is
ignored because he can't be smeared as a homosexual? It would be most
inconvenient to have to acknowledge that a heterosexual played an
equally important role.
The above quote does not support the preceding assertion that
Rossbach's group "became the Nazi Storm Troopers." The Storm Troopers
(SA) had been formed in 1921 by Hitler himself. They were disbanded
after Hitler's arrest in 1923. Roehm and Rossbach merely formed a
clandestine organization to keep the men together during the ban.
Rossbach's own group, the "Storm Troop Rossbach," was only a small
part of the organization. Roehm resigned in 1925 and Hitler expelled
Heines in 1927, as Heiden relates in the same place. When the SA was
again legalized neither Roehm nor Rossbach were leaders.
Konrad Heiden, on page 143 of Der Fuehrer, contradicts the
assertion that Rossbach's group "became" the SA. A Freikorps brigade
begun by a former naval officer named Ehrhardt actually formed the
nucleus of SA leadership, according to Heiden. Erhard's brigade
disbanded in 1920 after attempting a coup d'etat in Berlin. The
officers who fled to Munich were steered toward the SA by Roehm in
1920, but that had nothing to do with homosexuality. At the time Roehm
was not aware that he had homosexual leanings -- he didn't know any
homosexuals, nor did his own inner drive awaken until 1924.
Heiden relates a further interesting point about the Ehrhardt
brigade "It was they who brought the swastika to the National
Socialists. It was originally a spider-like figure with thin lines;
but the printer who made up the National Socialist leaflets and
posters used heavy lines for better visibility. This new type
ultimately became the official emblem of National Socialist Germany."
*** {end comment 37-1}
***{Below is Page: 38 }***

Rossbach's Freikorps was formed almost exclusively of ho-
mosexuals. As fascist novelist, Edwin Dwinger, would later de-
clare through one of his characters, Captain Werner, "Freikorps
men aren't almost all bachelors for nothing. Believe me, if there
weren't so many of their kind, our ranks would be pretty damn
thin" (Theweleit, Vol 1:33). Rossbach's adjutant, Edmund Heines,
*** {start comment 38-1}
The above comment on bachelors and the Freikorps is highly
misleading. First, it must be remembered that Freikorps is a generic
term, not the name of Rossbach's group (actually called
"Sturmabteilung Rossbach"). Second, as the PS author stated at the
bottom of page 36, the first Storm Troopers had been organized within
the German Army from young, unmarried men. That is why they were
bachelors, not because there was some sort of homosexual plot.
*** {end comment 38-1}

was another pederast and a convicted murderer who later became
Ernst Roehm's adjutant in the SA (he was also the sexual partner
of both Rossbach and Roehm). During the incident known as
"The night of the Long Knives" in which Hitler killed Roehm and
a number of other SA leaders whom he believed to be planning a
coup, Heines was surprised in bed with a young SA recruit
(Gallo:212). Historian Frank Rector describes Heines:

Distinguished by a girlish face on the body of a
truck driver, Heines was an elegant, suave, and
impeccably groomed killer. He liked to shoot his
victims in the face with his 7.65 Walther automatic
or beat them to death with a club.. In addition to
Heines' value as a first rate adjutant, gifted ad-
mimstrative executive, and aggressive and adroit
SA leader, Heines had a marked talent as a pro-
curer [of boys]..., garnering the fairest lads in the
Fatherland for...sexual amusement (Rector: 89).

*** {start comment 38-2]
Gallo doesn't say that the SA man in bed with Heines was a
"recruit." Others relate that he was Heines's chauffeur. Nothing is
presented to substantiate "pederasty" involving boys. Youths aged 18
or under were in the Hitler Youth, not the SA.
Rector is not an historian, but a journalist, having been a
reporter for the Ft. Meyers News Press and the New York World-Telegram
& Sun. His writing is often presented in the sensational language of
newspapers and doesn't represent the thorough research of a genuine
historian. Rector says nothing to justify the allegation that boys
were involved. Whatever young men he recruited within the SA for
Roehm, they would have been men over the age of 18.
The author of The Pink Swastika continually distorts the facts to
try to reinforce the libel that homosexuals are after children. Since
one of the Pink Swastika authors is Jewish, he perhaps got the idea
for this pederast libel from the blood libel that has been spread for
centuries against Jews. The blood libel claims that Jews kill a
Christian child and use its blood to make matzos for Passover. The
pederast libel claims that homosexuals are after children for sexual
purposes.
*** {end comment 38-2}

Perhaps because of Edmund Heines' special "talent," Rossbach
assigned him to develop the Schilljugend. Igra tells how he prof-
ited thereby:

Edmond {sic} Heines, the group-leader of the storm
troops at Breslau, was a repulsive brute who turned
the Nazi headquarters of the city into a homosexual
brothel. Having 300,000 storm troopers under his
command he was in a position to terrorize the
neighborhood... One of his favorite ruses was to
have members of the youth organization indulge
***{Below is Page: 39 }***

in unnatural practices with one another and then
threaten their parents that he would denounce these
youths to the police.. unless he received... hush
money. Thus Heines not only indulged in homo-
sexual orgies himself -- he was often Roehm's con-
sort in this -- but he promoted the vice as a lucra-
tive business (Igra:73).

{Picture}

{Hitler, arms crossed loosely and smiling, Roehm on his left
smiling, both watching something, standing in front of a crowd.}

Adolf Hitler and Ernst Roehm: Masterminds of the Nazi Party

{Picture caption}

Ernst Roehm and the Development of the SA

Next to Adolf Hitler, Ernst Roehm was the man in Germany
most responsible for the rise of Nazism, indeed of Hitler himself
Rector writes that "Hitler was, to a substantial extent, Roehm's
protege" (Rector: 80). A driving force behind the National So-

***{Below is Page: 40 }***

cialist movement, Roehm was one of the early founders of the
Nazi Party. Both Roehm and Hitler had been members of the
socialist terrorist group called the Iron Fist (Heiden:89). It was
at a meeting of the Iron Fist that Roehm reportedly met him and
"saw in Hitler the demagogue he required to mobilize mass sup-
port for his secret army" (Hohne:20). With Roehm's backing,
Hitler became the first president of the Nazi Party in 1921
(ibid. :2). During the same period of time Rossbach's Freikorps,
integrated into the Party first under Herman Goering's and then
Roehm's authority, was transformed into the dreaded Nazi SA.

*** {start comment 40-1}
Hitler was not the first leader of the Nazi Party. The party was
founded by Anton Drexler, who was its first president. (Konrad Heiden,
"A History of National Socialism" p 5) Heiden devotes 5 pages (43-47)
to Hitler's take over of the party, and Ernst Roehm is not mentioned
as having played any part whatever in the process. Hitler presented
Drexler and the governing committee with an ultimatum: either make him
president and give the office of president dictatorial powers, or he
would quit. Hitler had become a master propagandist, having built the
party to over 3000 members, and rather than lose him, the committee
gave him power.
To say that the SA sprang from Sturmabteilung Rossbach is a gross
fabrication. The Rossbach group was only a tiny fraction of SA
membership, and was integrated into the original SA at a fairly late
stage. (See comment 37-1 above, that the Ehrhardt brigade formed the
leader nucleus of the early SA.)
*** {end comment 40-1}

In his classic Nazi history, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,
author William Shirer describes Roehm as "a stocky, bull-necked,
piggish-eyed, scar-faced professional soldier... [and] like so many
of the early Nazis, a homosexual" (Shirer:64). Interestingly,
Roehm was recruited into homosexuality by Gerhard Rossbach
(Flood: 196). Rector elaborates:

Was not the most outstanding, most notorious, of
all homosexuals the celebrated Nazi leader Ernst
Rohm, the virile and manly chief of the SA, the du
buddy of Adolf Hitler from the beginning of his
political career? [Hitler allowed Roehm the rare
privilege of addressing him with the familiar form
"thou," indicating intimate friendship]. Hitler's rise
had in fact depended upon Rohm and everyone
knew it. Rohm's gay fun and games were cer-
tainly no secret; his amorous forays to gay bars
and gay Turkish baths were riotous. Whatever anti-
homosexual sentiments may have been expressed
by straight Nazis were more than offset by the re-
ality of highly visible, spectacular, gay-loving
Rohm. If there were occasional ominous rumblings
and grumblings about "all those queers" in the SA
and Movement, and some anti-gay flare-ups, ho-
mosexual Nazis felt more-or-less secure in the lap
of the Party After all, the National Socialist Party

***{Below is Page: 41 }***

member who wielded the greatest power aside
from Hitler was Rohm (Rector:50f.).

*** {start comment 41-1}
Flood doesn't say that Rossbach "recruited" Roehm. He says that
Roehm "moved from latent to overt homosexuality when he was seduced by
the noted Freikorps commander Gerhard Rossbach." The Pink Swastika
author tries to propagate the fundamentalist myth that homosexuals
"must recruit because they can't reproduce." Flood correctly states
that Roehm's homosexuality was latent, meaning that he hadn't realized
or acted on his inclinations until his encounter with Rossbach.
The Rector citation is an example of a technique of leaving out
crucial context and thus distorting the meaning intended by the quoted
author. It is often used by the Pink Swastika author and other
fundamentalist propagandists among conservative Christians and Jews --
Judith Reisman, quoted by the PS author, is another devotee of the
technique.
Rector's comment is meant to show the foolish sense of false
security homosexuals within the Nazi party felt. Rector is not
expressing his own assessment of the situation, but the wishful
thinking of the homosexual minority. The Pink Swastika author has
distorted Rector's intent by leaving out the crucial first sentence of
the paragraph. Rector actually wrote this:
"Nazi gays up to 1934 seemingly occupied a congenial situation
because Hitler led them into fooling themselves that his
Volksgemeinschaft laid down the welcome mat for homosexuals. Was not
the most outstanding...."
*** {end comment 41-1}

Consistent with the elitist philosophies of Benedict Friedlander,
Adolf Brand, and Hans Blueher, Roehm viewed homosexuality as
the basis for a new society. Prominent Nazi historian Louis Snyder
writes that

[Roehm] projected a social order in which homo-
sexuality would be regarded as a human behavior
pattern of high repute...he flaunted his homosexu-
ality in public and insisted that his cronies do the
same. What was needed, Roehm believed, was a
proud and arrogant lot who could brawl, carouse,
smash windows, kill and slaughter for the hell of
it. Straights, in his eyes, were not as adept in such
behavior as practicing homosexuals (Snyder: 55).

Under Roehm, the SA became the instrument of Nazi terror-
ism in German society. Historian Thomas Fuchs describes its
purpose: "The principle function of this army-like organization
was beating up anyone who opposed the Nazis, and Hitler be-
lieved this was a job best undertaken by homosexuals" (Fuchs:48f.).
At first serving simply to protect the Nazis' own meetings from
disruptions by rivals and troublemakers, the SA soon expanded
its strong-arm tactics to advance Nazi policies and philosophies.
In a 1921 speech in Munich Hitler set the stage for this activity:
"[the] National Socialist movement will in Future ruthlessly pre-
vent if necessary by force all meetings or lectures that are likely to
distract the minds of our fellow citizens... In Mein Kampf, Hitler
describes an incident which he considered the baptismal act of the
SA:

*** {start comment 41-2}
The Fuchs work is entitled The Hitler Fact Book -- hardly the
work of an historian. The book has no information on who Fuchs is or
what his credentials are. His notes indicate that he's uncritically
taken items from many of the other works that appear in the
bibliography of The Pink Swastika; hence Fuchs provides nothing new or
worthwhile, but is just another writer whose title can fatten the
bibliography and make it more impressive. For example, some of Fuchs's
material at this point is drawn from off-hand comments gleaned from
American interviews of Hitler's political enemies during World War II.
This material was used by psychologist Walter C. Langer to invent a
"psychological portrait" of Hitler the allies hoped to exploit in
carrying on the war. While Langer viewed many of the assertions made
about Hitler's sex life by these political enemies with deserved
skepticism, too many other authors uncritically take Langer's work as
a source of valid information.
There's no evidence from any reliable or even unreliable author -
- not even from Langer -- to support the assertion that Hitler
considered homosexuals best at beating up Nazi opponents. His men were
brawlers long before any known homosexuals or homosexuality was
involved in the organization. Roehm didn't get involved with
homosexuality until 1924, and the quote from Mein Kampf given below
refers to a meeting held on November 4, 1921.
Fuchs provides no substantiation for his allegation that Hitler
thought the SA work best done by homosexuals. He seems to be falsely
inferring that from a remark on page 82 of Ernst "Putzi" Hanfstaengl's
book Unheard Witness. But Hanfstaengl's book doesn't support Fuchs's
false inference that Hitler thought homosexuals best at street
fighting. Hitler simply said, according to Hanfstaengl, "My most
enthusiastic followers will not be married men with wives and
children. No one with family responsibilities is any good for street
fighting."
While Hanfstaengl is indeed talking about homosexuals in the SA
at this point, Hitler would undoubtedly be thinking of the
"Sturmabteilungen" (SA), or commandos, used by the German Army in
World War I, who had to be unmarried men without families. That would
refer mainly to unmarried heterosexuals, who were abundantly available
for such duty during the war, but of course would include any man who
happened to be unmarried, including homosexuals. These unmarried men
were selected for especially dangerous duty.
In the economic chaos that followed World War I in Germany, there
was an abundant supply of heterosexual men who couldn't afford to
marry, and indeed the SA recruited many of its members by offering
them regular meals and shelter, so there's no justification for
inferring that SA members were unmarried because they were
homosexuals.
The important part of Hitler's idea is that the men should be
free of family responsibilities, not that they should have any
particular sexuality. This isn't a novel idea, but is seen in
religious organizations such as the Jesuits and, indeed, the entire
Catholic priesthood. To draw from Hitler's remark the thought that he
considered homosexuals best fitted for cracking heads in street brawls
is absurd.
*** {end comment 41-2}

"When I entered the lobby of the Hofbrauhaus at
quarter to eight, I no longer had any doubts as to
the question of sabotage...The hall was very

***{Below is Page: 42 }***

crowded... The small assault section was waiting
for me in the lobby... I had the doors to the hall
shut, and ordered my men -- some forty-five or -
six -- to stand at attention... my men from the As-
sault Section -- from that day known as the SA --
launched their attack. Like wolves in packs of eight
or ten, they threw themselves on their adversaries
again and again, overwhelming them with
blows.. In five minutes everyone was covered with
blood. These were real men, whom I learned to
appreciate on that occasion. They were led by my
courageous Maurice. Hess, my private secretary,
and many others who were badly hurt pressed the
attack as long as they were able to stay on their
feet" (Hitler:504f).

*** {start comment 42-1}
This appears on page 279f of the unexpurgated Mein Kampf
published in March of 1939 by Hurst and Blackett, reprinted recently
by Angriff Press, Los Angeles. What the Pink Swastika author covers up
by selective quoting is that the violence was initiated by Communist
demonstrators who began it by throwing large numbers of heavy beer
steins at Hitler and his guard. As the Communists left they apparently
fired pistol shots at Hitler and initiated a brief gun battle. The
police then entered and broke up the meeting. The battle had lasted
about 25 minutes with no police intervention. Hitler says the blood
was on his own outnumbered men.
It would seem that the Nazis had no monopoly on violence. Perhaps
the author of The Pink Swastika will write another book "proving" that
the Communists were all violent homosexuals.
*** {end comment 42-1}

In all actions the SA bore Roehm's trademark of unabashed
sadism. Max Gallo describes the organization:

Whatever the SA engage in -- whether they are
torturing a prisoner, cutting the throat of an ad-
versary or pillaging an apartment -- they behave
as if they are within their rights, as artisans of the
Nazi victory... They are the SA, beyond criticism.
As Roehm himself said many times: "The battal-
ions of Brown Shirts were the training school of
National Socialism"' (Gallo:26).

*** {start comment 42-2}
The technique of distortion of the Pink Swastika author is made
obvious by the above quotes. The first, from Mein Kampf, refers to an
incident in 1921 in which the Nazis were attacked with beer steins by
Communists and severely wounded in defending themselves, but the Pink
Swastika author leaves that part of the quote out because it doesn't
fit the deceptive picture of the SA as always having been an extremely
violent organization.
The second quote, from Max Gallo, refers to events following
January 30, 1933, when Hitler assumed the power of the government and
the Nazis were taking "revenge" on their enemies, and especially on
those who had allegedly burned the Reichstag, the Communists. Excesses
follow all revolutions. That's not to excuse the SA, but to point out
that there was nothing particularly "homosexual" in the violence that
followed the Nazi assumption of power.
What Gallo says certainly doesn't support the Pink Swastika
author's contention that the SA used "unabashed sadism" in all its
actions. The actual situation, as Gallo presents it, refers to a short
period of a few months in which comparatively rare instances of
barbarity occurred. Gallo points out that at Hitler's behest Roehm
issued a proclamation against the excesses on July 31 which said, in
part:
"These executions are officially ordered by the Fuehrer; they
must be carried out swiftly, and with military rigor.
"However, I have been informed of incidents -- rare, it is true -
- in which certain members of SA organizations -- I do not wish to
designate these men by the name SA, which they do not deserve -- have
been guilty of inexcusable excesses.
"These excesses include the following: the satisfaction of
personal vengeance, inadmissible cruelty, extortion and pillage."
Roehm threatened with "immediate, exemplary death any responsible
SA leader who, through a misconceived sense of indulgence, fails to
intervene."
On August 8 Goering removed from the SA the role as auxiliary
police it had held.
*** {end comment 42-2}

The favorite meeting place of the SA was a "gay" bar in Munich
called the Bratwurstglock1 where Roehm kept a reserved table
(Hohne:82). This was the same tavern where some of the earliest
formative meetings of the Nazi Party had been held (Rector:69).
At the Bratwurstglock1, Roehm and associates -- Edmund Heines,
Karl Ernst, Ernst's partner Captain Rohrbein, Captain Petersdorf~
Count Ernst Helldorf and the rest -- would meet to plan and
strategize. These were the men who orchestrated the Nazi cam-

***{Below is Page: 43 }***

paign of intimidation and terror.
(Heiden:371).
*** {start comment 43-1}
The above citation from Rector is a case of false attribution.
While Rector does call the Bratwurstgloeckl a "gay" bar, he says
absolutely nothing about formative Nazi meetings being held there.
Ernst Roehm wasn't aware of homosexual feelings until 1924, and the
party was formed five years before that. In his early heterosexual
days he certainly wouldn't have chosen a "gay" bar to hold meetings,
nor would the other heterosexual leaders and members of the party.
The Heiden reference is pure fabrication. Heiden says nothing on
or near page 371 about the Bratwurstgloeckl. He doesn't mention any
meetings or "strategizing" or orchestrating of intimidation and
terror. He says: "Roehm provided pretexts for opposition by filling
the S.A. leadership with his homosexual creatures, Captains von
Petersdorff and Roehrbein, Count Ernst Helldorf, an adventurer and
military profiteer of the worst sort. The beloved Heines was given
command of the S.A. in Silesia."
What's interesting about Heiden's text is that only five SA
leaders are mentioned as being homosexual. Equally interesting is
Heiden's account of widespread SA opposition to Roehm's homosexual
band. This refutes the Pink Swastika author's allegation that the
entire SA was led by homosexuals. Heiden says that Berlin party leader
Josef Goebbels and the leaders of the very important Berlin SA were
"embittered at Roehm's really repulsive 'men's harem.'" Ironically,
after a falling out with the Berlin SA, Goebbels fled to Munich and
worked closely with Roehm against the heterosexuals in Berlin.
*** {end comment 43-1}

{Pictures}
{Faces of Heines and Ernst, both in uniform}

SA Leaders Edmund Heines (left) and Karl Ernst
{Picture caption}

Indeed, homosexuality was all that qualified many of these
men for their positions in the SA. Heinrich Himmler would later
complain of this: "Does it not constitute a danger to the Nazi
movement if it can be said that Nazi leaders are chosen for sexual
reasons?" (Gallo:57). Himmler was not so much opposed to ho-
mosexuality itself as to the fact that non-qualified people were
given high rank based on their homosexual relations with Roehm
and others. For example, SA Obergruppenfuehrer (Lieutenant Gen-
eral) Karl Ernst, a militant homosexual, had been a hotel doorman
and a waiter before joining the SA. "Karl Ernst is not yet thirty-
five," writes Gallo, "he commands 250,000 men... he is simply a
sadist, a common thug, transformed into a responsible official"
(ibid.:50f.).

*** {start comment 43-2}
According to the edition of Gallo's book published by Harper &
Row, the entire paragraph above is a fabrication not substantiated by
Gallo's actual text. Since the Harper & Row text and the Warner text
cited by the Pink Swastika author agree in other places, one must
assume they agree here, and that areas of apparent disagreement are
due to fabrications of the Pink Swastika author.
Gallo's Himmler quote appears to be a fantasy. The English
translation of Gallo's book contains no notes that would suggest his
source. The reference is to comments allegedly made at a meeting
between Himmler and Roehm in April 1934, just two months before the
purge that murdered Roehm and other homosexual SA leaders.
Gallo says "This interview is still shrouded in mystery, but it
may well have been Roehm's final opportunity to be given a last
chance." Obviously, if the occasion "is still shrouded in mystery,"
Gallo must be making up a fictional sequence of events and
conversation at the meeting.
Here again, the Pink Swastika author distorts and misleads by
leaving out important context. He represents as a quote from Himmler
something that Gallo probably made up to fill the gaps and make his
book more interesting to the popular readership for which it was
written.
Much of Gallo's book is written in a style suggesting that it is
a mixture of fact and fiction -- "Roehm doesn't answer; he simply nods
and drinks. Himmler speaks of the rumors current in Berlin..." -- as
though Gallo is in the room, spying on this meeting "shrouded in
mystery," and telling us what he saw. But this sort of present tense
scene description is just the language one would use to pose a
hypothetical situation for the reader's consideration, and that is
just what Gallo is doing.
When the context is included, it is easily seen that Gallo is not
representing the words as an actual quote from Himmler, but is only
speculating about what he might have said at the meeting. And the same
surely applies to much or most of the rest of Gallo's book.
Gallo says nothing about Himmler's alleged concern about
qualifications rather than homosexuality in the cited place. This
seems to be another fabrication by the Pink Swastika author to bolster
his false assertion that all the Nazis favored homosexuals. On pages
57-58 Gallo says the contrary. Himmler is "furious" on learning that
the very night after his meeting with Roehm -- after Roehm had
promised he'd reform -- there was an orgy at SA headquarters with his
male prostitutes. Himmler then began planning for a confrontation with
Roehm.
The alleged quotation about Karl Ernst doesn't appear at the
cited location, but on page 39. There Gallo says of Ernst "He is also
said to be a homosexual." In other words, Gallo's research has found
only rumor, and nothing very credible to support Ernst's alleged
homosexuality.
*** {end comment 43-2}

This strange brand of nepotism was a hallmark of the SA. By
1933 the SA had grown far larger than the German army, yet the

***{Below is Page: 44 }***

Vikingkorps, or officers' corps, remained almost exclusively ho-
mosexual. "Roehm, as the head of 2,500,000 Storm Troops,"
writes historian H.R. Knickerbocker, "had surrounded himself with
a staff of perverts. His chiefs, men of rank of Gruppenfuhrer or
Obergruppenfuehrer, commanding units of several hundred thou-
sand Storm Troopers, were almost without exception homosexu-
als. Indeed, unless a Storm Troop officer were homosexual he
had no chance of advancement" (Knickerbocker:55).
In the SA, the Hellenic ideal of masculine homosexual su-
premacy and militarism had finally been realized. "Theirs was a
very masculine brand of homosexuality," writes homosexualist
historian Alfred Rowse, "they lived in a male world, without
women, a world of camps and marching, rallies and sports. They
had their own relaxations, and the Munich SA became notorious
on account of them" (Rowse:214). The similarity of the SA to
Freidlander {sic} and Brand's dream of Hellenic revival is not coinci-
dental. In addition to being a founder of the Nazi Party, Ernst
Roehm was a leading member of the Society for Human Rights,
an offshoot of the Community of the Special (J. Katz:632).

*** {start comment 44-1}
Knickerbocker was not an historian, but a journalist. In his
introduction to the book, John Gunther characterizes Knickerbocker as
a "Nazi-hater" having a "flaming red personality." His book has to be
viewed more as a work of propaganda than history.
The Katz citation is another case of falsification. Katz's note
on page 632 says nothing about Roehm or about the Community of the
Special. Katz's index mentions Roehm only once, and the reference is
to an article written about his murder.
*** {end comment 4-1}

The "relaxations" to which Rowse refers in the above quote
were, of course, the homosexual activities (many of them
pederastic) for which the SA and the CS were both famous. Holme
writes that

[Roehm] used the SA for ends other than the purely
political. SA contact men kept their Chief of Staff
supplied with suitable partners, and at the first sign
of infidelity on the part of a Roehm favorite, he
would be bludgeoned down by one of the SA mo-
bile squads. The head pimp was a shop assistant
named Peter Granninger, who had been one of
Roehm's partners. and was now given cover in
the SA Intelligence Section. For a monthly salary
of 200 marks he kept Roehm supplied with new
friends, his main hunting ground being Geisela High
School Munich; from this school he recruited no

***{Below is Page: 45 }***

fewer than eleven boys, whom he first tried out
and then took to Roehm (Hohne:82).

Roehm and his SA associates were among the minority of
Nazi homosexuals who did not take wives. Whether for conven-
tion, for procreation, or simply for "covering up" their sexual pro-
clivities, most of the Nazi homosexuals were marred. Some, like
Reinhard Heydrich and Baldur von Schirach, married only after
being involved in homosexual scandals, but often these men, who
so hated femininity, maintained a facade of heterosexual respect-
ability throughout their lives. These were empty marriages, how-
ever, epitomized by one wife's comment, "[t]he only part of my
husband I'm familiar with is his back" (Theweleit:3).

*** {start comment 45-1}
There's no evidence that Heydrich was homosexual. Gerald
Reitlinger (The SS: Alibi of a Nation, p37) says Heydrich resigned his
naval commission in 1931, reputedly at the insistence of Admiral
Raeder, after he refused to marry the daughter of a shipbuilder whom
he had compromised.
*** {end comment 45-1}

In many respects, the SA was a creation of Germany's homo-
sexual movement, just as the Nazi Party was in many ways a cre-
ation of the SA. Before we take a closer look at the formation
and early years of the Nazi Party, we must examine two other
very important movements which contributed to Nazism. These
two movements are the occult Theosophical-Ariosophical move-
ment, and the intellectual movement which created the National
Socialist philosophy. Both of these movements, which are inte-
gral to our understanding of the Nazi Party and its actions, were
also influenced by homosexuals.

***{Below is Page: 46 }***

Chapter Two

Homo-occultism

*** {start comment 46-1}
This section is best prefaced by the concluding paragraph of The
Occult Roots of Nazism, the 1992 book by Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, a
genuine scholar at Oxford University. The book is much quoted by the
Pink Swastika authors, yet they themselves write the sort of crypto-
history that Goodrick-Clarke condemns:
"Books written about Nazi occultism between 1960 and 1975 were
typically sensational and under-researched. A complete ignorance of
the primary sources was common to most authors and inaccuracies and
wild claims were repeated by each newcomer to the genre until an
abundant literature existed, based on wholly spurious 'facts'
concerning the powerful Thule Society, the Nazi links with the East,
and Hitler's occult initiation. But the modern mythology of Nazi
occultism, however scurrilous and absurd, exercised a fascination
beyond mere entertainment. Serious authors were tempted into an
exciting field of intellectual history: Ellic Howe, Urania's Children
(1967, reissued as Astrology and the Third Reich, 1984) dealt with the
story of Hitler's alleged private astrologer, and James Webb devoted a
chapter to 'The Magi of the North' in The Occult Establishment (1976).
By focusing on the functional significance of occultism in political
irrationalism, Webb rescued the study of Nazi occultism for the
history of ideas."
*** {end comment 46-1}

The story of the occult in world history is also a story of ho-
mosexuality. By occult, we mean the formalized religious ex-
pression of pagan culture as opposed, for example, to the philo-
sophical ideas of Hellenic paganism discussed earlier. We prob-
ably all take for granted the fact that our modern world culture is
dominated by the religions based on the Mosaic law (i.e. Judaism,
Christianity and Islam). In their orthodox forms each of these
religions regards homosexuality as an abomination. But pagan
cultures have no such prohibition. By definition, pagans are people
who are not Jews, Christians or Moslems. In pagan cultures,
homosexuals often hold an elevated position in religion and soci-
ety. When pagan civilizations ruled the world, homosexuality and
pederasty were widely practiced and accepted. Homosexualist
author Judy Grahn writes,

Many aspects of shamanism had homosexual con-
tent, and many of the gods, spirits, and divinities
of the world have been associated with Gayness.
In Tahiti there were special divinities for homo-
sexual worship. The ancient Shinto temples of
Japan display scenes of sexual ritual orgies similar
to those of the Baccanalia of the Romans... the

***{Below is Page: 47 }***

Great Mother Goddess of ancient China, Kwan-
Yin, was worshipped with sexual rites that included
homosexuality. When the Spanish conquistado-
res reached Central America and the Yucatan, they
found a prevalence of Gay priests and sacred stat-
ues and stone sculpture depicting the homosexual
union as a sacred act. In the Yucatan the god Chin
is said to have established sacred homosexuality
and a Gay priesthood serving in the temples just
as was true of the temples of ancient Babylon and
Sumeria(Grahn: 129).

Christian writer George Grant concurs. He writes that "Rome
was a perpetual satyricon. Egypt, Persia, Carthage, Babylon, and
Assyria were all steeped in pederastic tradition. And the ancient
empires of the Mongols, Tartars, Huns, Teutons, Celts, Incas,
Aztecs, Mayans, Nubians, Mings, Canaanites, and Zulus likewise
celebrated depravity, degradation and debauchery" (Grant,
1993:24). In Sexuality and Homosexuality, historian Arno Karlen
writes of homosexual cults throughout the ancient world: "'male
temple prostitutes'--existed among the devotees of Ishtar and
Astarte in Syria, the Albanians and Babylonians, the Canaanite
neighbors of the ancient Hebrews, and in Cos, Crete and Ephesus
in the Greek world" (Karlen:6).
The ancient religion of Baal, familiar to students of the Bible
as the set of beliefs and practices which so often corrupted He-
brew society in history, was one such cult. Worshippers of Baal
"'built for themselves high places and pillars, and Asherim (phal-
lic poles used to honor the goddess of fertility) on every high hill
and under every green tree; and there were also male cult prosti-
tutes in the land'" (quotation from 1 Kings 14 in Karlen:9). The
Baal cult survived into Roman times and figured prominently in
the infamous debaucheries of the Roman emperors in the first
centuries after Christ. Karlen writes,

***{Below is Page: 48 }***

It was in association with such cults that emper-
ors' deviance became most flagrant. Commodus,
who took the throne in 180, appeared in public
dressed as a woman and was strangled by a
catamitic [homosexual] favorite; Hadrian deified
his homosexual lover Antious. But neither matched
Elegabalus, who began his rule at the age of four-
teen in 218, after having been raised in Syria as a
priest of Baal. He entered Rome amid Syrian
priests and eunuchs, dressed in silks, his cheeks
painted scarlet and his eyes made up. Various
Roman historians say that he assembled the ho-
mosexuals of Rome and addressed them garbed as
a boy prostitute; put on a wig and solicited at the
door of a brothel; tried to get doctors to turn him
into a woman; offered himself for buggery while
playing the role of Venus in a court mime; kissed
his male favorites' genitals in public and, like Nero,
formally married one of them. ... Elegabalus erected
in Rome the great phallic asherim which the He-
brew kings had kept trying to purge from their land
(Karlen:62).

It is relevant to point out that this time period in the Roman
empire was the Christians' Holocaust. In 64 A.D. Christians were
blamed by Nero for the burning of Rome and were targeted for
extermination. Tens of thousands of Christians suffered unimag-
inable tortures as entertainment for the sadistic homosexual em-
perors of Rome. While there are many differences between the
treatment of Christians in Pagan Rome and Jews in Nazi Ger-
many, the common elements are all too apparent: pagan occult-
ism and homosexuality.
*** {start comment 48-1}
The preceding is a gross exaggeration. The numbers of Christians
ever martyred is far less than "tens of thousands." Some Roman
emperors were bisexual, but most were totally heterosexual. The
heterosexuals among them were responsible for the worst persecutions
of Jews and Christians. The worst enemies of the early Christians, as
attested by the writings of the Church Fathers, and as mentioned by
St. Paul in the bible, were not the bisexual Roman emperors but the
homophobic Jews.
*** {end comment 48-1}
As we seek to understand Nazism, it is important to remem-
ber that Judaism and its Christian and Islamic offshoots are fun-
damentally opposed to homosexuality. As we begin to grasp the
relationship between homosexuality and occultism on one hand,

***{Below is Page: 49 }***

and between homosexuals and Nazism on the other, the hatred of
the Nazis for Jews, and to a lesser extent for Christians, may be
more easily explained. The Jews were the people responsible for
the demise of pagan world domination. Their theology (espe-
cially in its Christian form) banished pagan practices, including
homosexuality, to a hidden and often reviled subculture. This is
not to say that anti-Semitism is strictly a result of occult or homo-
sexual influences. There were many cultural manifestations of
this hatred in Europe throughout history without a hint of occult
or homosexual authorship. But at its very root there is a spiritual
element to the Holocaust that suggests that it was, in some re-
spects, vengeance against the people whose moral laws had rel-
egated pagan homo-occultism to obscurity and ignominy.

*** {start comment 49-1}
Anti-Semitism through the ages has been strongest among the more
fundamentalist Christian sects -- those most stridently homophobic,
such as Southern Baptists and "Identity" churches associated with the
white supremacy movement. The founder of modern Baptist
fundamentalism, William Bell Riley, was an ardent supporter of Adolf
Hitler before World War II and distributed The Protocols of the Elders
of Zion from his Baptist Bible school in Minnesota. Today the Orthodox
Church is rabidly homophobic, and it was also involved in Russia and
elsewhere in eastern Europe in violent anti-Semitism. Persecution of
Jews has usually gone hand-in-hand with persecution of homosexuals.
Unfortunately for the homophobic authors of The Pink Swastika, one of
whom is himself Jewish, history has for millennia coupled his people
with those he so violently hates as joint targets of persecution.
*** {end comment 49-1}

But while Christianity made great strides in limiting pagan
practices, they were not eliminated. It is important to our study
that we recognize that the Nazis were strongly influenced by pa-
gan occult beliefs and, additionally, that homosexuality is funda-
mental to many pagan belief systems. It is also important to rec-
ognize that homo-occultism has remained a part of pagan cul-
tures throughout the centuries up to the present, even though the
global predominance of the Judeo-Christian sexual ethic has lim-
ited its acceptance in most modern pagan societies such as China
and Japan. When Jesuit missionaries arrived in sixteenth century
China, for example, they found widespread pederasty (Spence: 220)
which they quickly moved to erase. And Rossman actually com-
pares "the institutionalized pederasty of the privileged warrior class
of medieval Japan's pederastic military structure" to "Nazi soci-
ety" (Rossman:23).
In The Construction of Homosexuality, historian David F.
Greenberg reports on dozens of mostly primitive modern pagan
societies which practice ritual homosexuality, usually pederasty.
These societies are found throughout the world, including Brazil,
New Guinea, Morrocco, sub-Saharan Africa, and Malaysia.
Greenberg writes,

***{Below is Page: 50 }***
In many societies, male homosexual relations are
structured by age or generation: the older partner
takes a role defined as active or masculine; the
younger, a role defined as passive or female... [In
many cases] The homosexual practices are justi-
fied by the belief that a boy will not mature [with-
out these attentions] (Greenberg:26ff).

Thus homosexuality in paganism is not a relic of antiquity but
an ongoing phenomenon. And the prevalence of homosexuals as
occult leaders continues today. In the context of Western culture
this may simply be because homosexuals gravitate to philosophies
which oppose Judeo-Christian morality. But this would not ex-
plain the near universality of homosexual rituals in primitive and
pre-Christian pagan cultures. Homosexualist Laurence J. Rosan
writes that "The priests of these polytheistic or spirit religions... [are]
expected to be "different"-- unworldly, even eccentric, given to
visions, dramatic pronouncements and so on -- an ideal opportu-
nity for both male and female homosexuals!" (Rosan:268f). The
Bible, however, offers its own explanation, defining an individual's
homosexuality not as an incidental factor in pagan religion but as
the consequence of "worshipping the creation rather than the
Creator." The Book of Romans, Chapter 1, Verses 18-27 reads
as follows:

For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven
against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men,
who suppress the truth in unrighteousness, because
what may be known of God is manifest in them,
for God has shown it to them. For since the cre-
ation of the world His invisible attributes are clearly
seen, being understood by the things that are made,
even His eternal power and Godhead, so that they
are without excuse, because, although they knew
God, they did not glorify Him as God, nor were
thankful, but became futile in their thoughts, and

***{Below is Page: 51 }***

their foolish hearts were darkened. Professing to
be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory
of the incorruptible God into an image made like
corruptible man -- and birds and four-footed ani-
mals and creeping things. Therefore God also gave
them up to uncleanness, in the lusts of their hearts,
to dishonor their bodies among themselves, who
exchanged the truth of God for the lie, and wor-
shipped and served the creature rather than the
Creator, who is blessed forever. Amen. For this
reason God gave them up to vile passions. For
even their women exchanged the natural use for
what is against nature. Likewise also the men,
leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in
their lust for one another, men with men commit-
ting what is shameful, and receiving in themselves
the penalty of their error which was due (NKJ).

*** {start comment 51-1}
This is dangerous ground for the Pink Swastika authors, who say
on page 51 that the bible defines "an individual's homosexuality not
as an incidental factor in pagan religion but as the consequence of
'worshipping the creation rather than the Creator.'"
If this were true, it would suggest that the issue of
homosexuality is bound tightly with the issue of religious freedom,
and that the "choice" which allegedly leads to homosexual behavior
according to fundamentalist theory is a "wrong choice" of religion.
Some Bible authorities, such as the translators of the New
American Bible, agree that homosexuality is the penalty for the error
of idolatry. Thus, homosexuality is not a sin, but a penalty for sin.
*** {end comment 51-1}

Madame Blavatsky and the Theosphical Society

An examination of the homo-occultic influences on the Nazis
must begin with the Russian-born mystic Helena Petrovna
Blavatsky (1831 - 1891), founder of the Theosophical Society and
a figure who looms large behind some of the defining actions and
beliefs of the Nazi Party. Blavatsky was probably a lesbian, but
perhaps only a "latent" one. She is described as a very "mascu-
line" woman who dominated her many followers, both male and
female (Cavendish:250). She was married twice and maintained
a long association with Theosophical Society co-founder Henry
Olcott, but these were relationships of convenience. Blavatsky
insisted she never had sex with either husband (Meade: 137) and
wrote "There is nothing of the woman in me. When I was young,
if a young man had dared to speak to me of love, I would have
shot him like a dog who bit me" (ibid.:50).

*** {start comment 51-2}
The Pink Swastika author offers not even a hint from
contemporaries of Blavatsky that she might have been a lesbian, but
must make her one to fit the incredible thesis of The Pink Swastika.
One is reminded of the scurrilous rumors coming in large part from the
Religious Right that U.S. Attorney Janet Reno is a lesbian because she
cared for her ill mother instead of marrying. There would be more
reason to bring a charge of lesbianism against Mother Teresa or the
many Catholic saints who never married than against Blavatsky. Who was
more "masculine" and dominating of her followers than Joan of Arc?
Similar comments apply to Queen Elizabeth I of England and many other
strong women through the ages.
Here's what the Meade says on page 50 that the Pink Swastika
author covers up:
"H.P.B.{Blavatsky} cannot be taken at her word on the subject of
men. In her adult letters, she liked to present herself as non-sexual
-- there are frequent references to her being frigid, unfeminine and
sexless. 'Never -- physically speaking -- has there ever existed a
girl or woman cooler than I. I had a volcano in constant eruption in
my brain and -- a glacier -- at the foot of the mountain.' But glacial
as she might have felt at the age of fifty, when those words were
written, it would be a mistake to assume that she experienced none of
the normal adolescent's yearning for romantic love. In her letters to
Prince Alexander Dondoukoff-Korsakoff, one is struck by a gushing tone
so far removed from her normal tartness that it suggests she may have
unconsciously regressed to her manner of speaking in those distant
days in Tiflis, when she first knew the Prince. She is at once
flirtatious, coy, sycophantic, silly, and simpering; she repeatedly
quotes a Russian proverb: 'The prettiest girl in the world cannot give
more than she has.'"
Of the two allegedly sexless marriages, here's what Meade
actually says on page 137:
..."While there is no reason to doubt Helena's account of her
non-sexual marriage to Blavatsky, it is almost impossible to believe
her relationship with Michael Betanelly was not physical."
Blavatsky was a public poseur who had an image to maintain. Her
statements about herself have to be viewed with skepticism. Her
biographer Meade has to be considered an expert on applying such
skepticism, and is more credible than the Pink Swastika author or
anyone else who gullibly take Blavatsky's words at face value.
*** {end comment 51-2}

A world famous occultist, Blavatsky founded the Theosophi-

***{Below is Page: 52 }***

cal Society in 1875 in New York, but soon moved her operation
to India where she wrote an influential occult book called The
Secret Doctrine in 1888. In The Secret Doctrine Blavatsky ex-
pounds the Theosophical theory of creation; a seven-step pro-
gression of human evolution in which successive "races" evolve
from a lower to a higher form of life. She calls these stages "root
races" and identifies our current "root race" as the fifth of seven
-- the Aryan race -- which follows the fourth race, known as the
Atlantean. Blavatsky used a variety of esoteric symbols in the
book, including triangles and swastikas. She claimed to be the
chosen spokesperson for two "exalted masters who communi-
cated telepathically with her from their secret dwelling place in
Tibet (Goodrick-Clarke: 18ff).
In 1884 the first German Theosophical Society was estab-
lished. Despite its ludicrous tenets, Theosophy became extremely
popular in Germany and Austria. Its Aryan racist elitism appealed
to the growing number of ethnic Germans whose Volkisch, or
nationalist, sentiments demanded a reunited Germany. Accord-
ing to Blavatsky, the Aryans were the most spiritually advanced
people on earth, but the Jews had a "religion of hate and malice
toward everyone and everything outside itself." This was a mes-
sage tailor-made for Nazism.
Before she died in 1891, Blavatsky chose her British disciple
Annie Besant to be her successor. Besant, who had been a devout
Christian before meeting Blavatsky became a dedicated occultist
afterward. James Webb writes,

Mrs. Besant's extraordinary transformations from
Anglican minister's wife through birth-control pro-
pagandist and labor leader to Theosophist
... are ... well known. .. Arthur Nethercot, her biog-
rapher, suggests an element of the lesbian in the
rapid domination of Mrs. Besant by H. P. Blavatsky
(Webb:94).

*** {start comment 52-1}
It's absolutely false to give the impression that Blavatsky
turned Besant away from Christianity. Shortly after her marriage to
Reverend Besant, Annie had stopped being a Christian, and had become,
in succession, a skeptic, a theist, and an atheist. That was many
years before she knew of the existence of Blavatsky. Annie's friends
in free-thinking and atheistic societies were upset when she converted
to Blavatsky's occultism, so it would be more accurate to say that
Blavatsky converted her from an atheist to a believer. The Pink
Swastika author would know this if he had read Nethercot instead of
merely lifting a juicy quote from the book.
The Theosophical Society was not some sort of homosexual cabal.
Homosexual Oscar Wilde declined to join, and the membership in general
was from the "uppercrust" of British heterosexual society. (See
comment 3-3 above, which mentions such famous heterosexual members as
Albert Einstein, Thomas Edison, and baseball inventor Abner
Doubleday.)
*** {end comment 52-1}

***{Below is Page: 53 }***

"She addressed Annie in suspiciously fulsome and endearing
terms," writes Nethercot, "'Dearest,' 'My Dearest,' 'Dearly Be-
loved one,' and signing herself 'Very adoring.'" Nethercot also
reports that "she dispatched missives to Annie.. and addressed
them to 'My Darling Penelope' from "Your...female Ulysses"'
(Nethercot:306).

** {start comment 53-1}
The attentive reader will note the above with suspicion. The
suspicion of lesbianism is cited (if the citation is accurate) from
Webb, but not from Nethercot. The quote from Nethercot doesn't include
that accusation, but only quotes from Blavatsky. Strange the Pink
Swastika author has done this, for only two pages later Nethercot says
"The lesbian overtones of the situation in 1889-91 cannot be
overlooked." Had the author actually read Nethercot instead of merely
searching for juicy quotes, this would have added considerable weight
to his allegation. Of course the problem is that Nethercot studied the
life of Besant, not that of Blavatsky, and is no expert on her. In any
event, whatever the inclinations of Blavatsky, the many men in
Besant's life, her loves, both fulfilled and not fulfilled because she
was unable to divorce Reverend Besant, attest to her heterosexuality.
*** {end comment 53-1

Besant's "mentor and partner" in running the Theosophical
Society was Charles Leadbeater, whom Webb describes as "that
type of mildly homosexual clergyman who is as familiar now as he
was then" (Webb:95). But Leadbeater's homosexuality was not
"mild" enough to keep him out of trouble. "From his early days
as a Hampshire curate until the close of his life," writes Webb, "he
seems to have had an incurable taste for young men" (ibid.:95).
At one point Leadbeater claimed to have discovered the new
Messiah -- the returned Christ -- in the person of a young Indian
named Jiddu Krishnamurti. Krishnamurti gained international
acceptance among followers of the Theosophy as the new Savior.
The boy's father nearly ruined the scheme for the Theosophists,
however, when he accused Leadbeater of corrupting his son.
"There was... small doubt that Leadbeater had been up to his old
tricks again" (ibid.: 102).

*** {start comment 53-2}
Meade speaks of another incident on page 444, in recounting
Leadbeater's return from Ceylon to serve as theosophic tutor to the
son of Alfred Sinnett, president of the London Theosophical lodge.
"Leadbeater must have realized he had captured Sinnett's interest
because he felt confident enough to demand a condition for his return;
he wanted to bring with him a fourteen-year-old Cingalese boy, C.
Jinarajadasa, whom he described as his protege, but who, as he would
later confide to Annie, was actually his reincarnated younger brother
Gerald, who had been murdered by bandits in South America in 1862. It
was rumored that Leadbeater practically kidnapped the boy, whose
father had pursued him to the steamer, took him home at gun point,
then relented and allowed him to sail. Although Jinarajadasa himself
described the story as ridiculous and implausible, the rumor
persisted."
Whatever Leadbeater's relationship with Jinarajadasa, his father
had him home and could have kept him home, but saw fit to let him go
to England with Leadbeater.
Nethercot, in volume 2 of his biography of Annie Besant,
discusses Leadbeater at length on pages 84-98. Leadbeater was accused
of teaching some boys how to masturbate, and the evidence suggests he
did. In 1906, when these incidents surfaced, the Theosophical
Society's leaders held a meeting and asked him to answer the charges.
He defended himself claiming he was only teaching masturbation to
prevent the boys from doing worse things. ("Boys" refers to teenagers
in the age range 14-17.) The leadership suggested he resign from the
society, and he did. There doesn't seem to have been any suggestion
that he had oral or anal sex with them.
Leadbeater's expulsion occurred while Colonel Olcott, who had
been Madame Helena P. Blavatsky's co-worker and had helped her found
the Theosophic Society, was President. Within a couple years, after
Olcott's death, Annie Besant, the new leader, reinstated Leadbeater
after his assurances that he repudiated his earlier behavior and was
accepted by the membership. A large number of dissenters, particularly
in England and America, quit the group as a result.
That Leadbeater was pressured by Colonel Olcott to resign as soon
as his conduct was uncovered shows that the Theosophical Society was
not the homosexual conspiracy the Pink Swastika author tries to
insinuate it was. It was made up of average heterosexuals who had an
abhorrence of homosexual activity. On Leadbeater's reinstatement he
moved to India to work with Annie Besant.
*** {end comment 53-2}

Under Besant and Leadbeater, Theosophy attracted an even
greater following. The writings of both Besant and Leadbeater,
as well as Blavatsky, were translated and published in Germany.
An 1892 periodical, Lotus Blossoms, featured Blavatsky's writ-
ings and "was the first German publication to sport the theosophical
swastika upon its cover" (Goodrick-Clarke:25). As time went on
numerous other Theosophy-based occult groups formed in Ger-
many and Austria. Several of these groups would provide the
philosophical framework for Nazism.

***{Below is Page: 54 }***

Guido von List and the Armanen Order

Guido von List (1848-1919) was the first to combine German
nationalism with the occult teachings of Theosophy. A bitter
critic of Christianity, especially Catholicism, List had converted
to Wotanism (worship of Wotan, the ancient German god of
storms) as a young teenager. Years later List "became a cult fig-
ure on the eastern edge of the German world. He was regarded
by his readers and followers as a bearded old patriarch and a mys-
tical nationalist guru whose clairvoyant gaze had lifted the glori-
ous Aryan and German past of Austria into full view from be-
neath the debris of foreign influences and Christian culture"
(Goodrick-Clarke:33).
Although twice married, List was almost certainly a bisexual.
His closest friends and associates included Jorg Lanz von
Liebenfels and Harald Gravelle, both homosexual occultists.
Gravelle, a leading Theosophist in Germany, also contributed to
the pederast journal, Der Eigene. In 1908 List formed the Guido
von List Society in part to promote his Ariosophist research and
writings, which by this time had become viciously anti-Semitic
(ibid. :43).

*** {start comment 54-1}
Goodrick-Clarke is not a reference for the above paragraph, and
says nothing about anything in it in the place cited. On page 42 he
states that Liebenfels was a friend of List. On page 43, Harald Arjuna
Graevell van Jostenoode is mentioned, not as a "friend," but merely as
one of a group of over fifty individuals who signed a declaration of
support for founding a society named after List, the "Guido von List
Society." Goodrick-Clark says nothing whatever about the sexual
fantasies of the Pink Swastika author, nor about alleged anti-Semitism
on List's part.
*** {end comment 54-1}

List's occult activities ranged across a wide spectrum. He
was an expert on the Rune alphabet and wrote several books on
the subject. He was particularly infatuated with the dual light-
ning-bolt symbol that would later become the designation for the
SS. (J. S. Jones: 125). He was also a self-styled occult master,
claiming to be "the last of the Armanist magicians who had for-
merly wielded authority in the old Aryan world" (Goodrick-
Clarke:33). But List was also involved in Hindu Tantrism, a form
of black magic that incorporated deviant sexual rituals (J.S.
Jones: 124). As described in Cavendish's Man, Myth and Magic,
Tantrism is a religion in which "there are a number of rites which
are regarded as essential... group sexuality, adultery, incest and, in
the higher planes, intercourse with... demons... Perfection is gained
by satisfying all of one's desires" (Cavendish:2780).
In 1911, List formed an elitist occult organization called the

***{Below is Page: 55 }***

Hoher Armanen-Orden ("Higher Armenen {sic} Order"). The HAO
was a hierarchical priesthood in which he was Grand Master. List
claimed this cult was the surviving remnant of an ancient order of
priest-kings called the Armanenschaft ("Armanen Order"). This
group was the source of List's greatest influence on the Nazis.
Goodrick-Clark writes,

List's blueprint for a new pan-German empire
[based upon a revival of the Armanenschaft was
detailed and unambiguous. It called for the ruth-
less subjection of non-Aryans to Aryan masters in
a highly structured hierarchical state. The qualifi-
cations of candidates [for positions in the new so-
cial order]...rested solely on their racial purity... But
List went further still, anticipating the mystical elit-
ism of the SS in Nazi Germany...List's ideal was a
male order with an occult chapter (Goodrick-
Clarke:64f.).

Not only is List's design strikingly similar to the later plans of
Heinrich Himmler for the SS-controlled state, but it is also remi-
niscent of the Brand/Friedlander philosophy of militaristic male
supremacy.
Although the Armanen Order was never a large organization,
its membership included high-ranking members of Austrian soci-
ety (ibid. :233n.). One individual in particular would turn out to
be very important to the rise of Nazism: Adolf Hitler himself.
After the fall of the Third Reich, a book written by Guido von List
was found in Hitler's private library. On the inside cover was
written the inscription: "To Adolf Hitler, my dear brother in
Armanen" (J.S. Jones: 124; Waite, 1977:90).

*** {start comment 55-1}
What the Pink Swastika author doesn't relate is the rest of
Waite's comment on the book inscription, which is "Armanen, as we are
about to see, was List's special term for a racially elite ruling
class." So Waite says nothing to support the idea that Hitler may have
been an active member of the society. (See also comment 3-2 above.)
*** {end comment 55-1}

***{Below is Page: 56 }***

Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels and Ariosophy

If any occultist can be said to have had more influence on
Hitler and the Nazis than List it would be Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels
(1874-1954). Lanz was a former Cistercian Monk who had been
thrown out of the order "for carnal and worldly desires" (Sklar: 19)
Since the Cistercian Order was a closed, all-male monastery, it is
assumed that Lanz' indiscretions were of a homosexual nature. It
was through Lanz that Hitler would learn that most of his heroes
of history were also "practicing homosexuals" (Waite, 1977:94f).
After being expelled from the monastery, Lanz formed his own
occultic order called the Ordo Novi Templi or the Order of the
New Temple (ONT). The ONT was an offshoot of the Ordo
Templi Orientis or Order of the Temple of the East, which, like
List's organization, practiced tantric sexual rituals (Howard:91).

*** {start comment 56-1}
Howard doesn't say that the ONT was an offshoot of the OTO. He
says Guido von List had "tenuous connections with two occult
fraternities..." the OTO, founded by two German Freemasons, Karl
Kellner and Theodor Reuss, and the ONT, founded by Liebenfels.
The above is another example of how the Pink Swastika author
selects material from sources which support his homosexual thesis
while ignoring information from sources that don't support it. He has
elsewhere cited The Occult Roots of Nazism by Nicholas Goodrick-
Clarke, yet he ignores it on the subject of Lanz's sexuality. On page
92 Goodrick-Clarke says:
...."After a period of tension and unhappiness arising from his
desire for physical and intellectual freedom, Lanz renounced his holy
vows and left Heiligenkreuz on 27 April 1899 (aet. 24). His departure
was viewed in a different light by the Abbey authorities. The register
refers to his 'surrender to the lies of the world and carnal love.'
....He is also supposed to have married upon leaving the order. Such
an action would have compelled the renunciation of his vows and might
explain the otherwise enigmatic reference to 'carnal love'.
"Henceforth Lanz was free to develop his own religious ideas."
Goodrick-Clarke gives a German reference for the supposition that
Lanz married. Those knowing anything of Lanz's unorthodox ideas will
appreciate that they were sufficient reason for him to part ways with
the Catholic Church, and that sex of any type needn't have played a
part in his departure -- homosexual acts least of all, for they could
easily have been covered up, whereas a desire to marry a woman could
not.
Lanz's departure seems to have been voluntary, and it can't be
said that he was "expelled." In later years he collaborated with an
academic from the abbey in publishing an edition of Hebrew scripture.
Goodrick-Clarke says this "suggests a certain standing among
theologians and a reconciliation with the establishment at
Heiligenkreuz."
The Pink Swastika author misquotes Waite about "most" of Hitler's
heroes being homosexuals. Waite actually says "so many of his heroes."
Furthermore Waite indicates that Lanz didn't have a positive attitude
toward homosexuality: "Hitler's concern about homosexuality was shared
by Lanz, who concluded in a pamphlet of 1911 that homosexuality is
caused by 'Odylic' influences and 'over-exertion of the brain.'"
Clearly, Waite suggests that Lanz regarded homosexuality as an
abnormal, pathological condition.
Lanz's ONT had as one of its rules that members were "expected to
contract eugenically proper marriages." (The purpose was to regenerate
the Aryan race.) (Goodrick-Clarke page 110.)
After Hitler took power, the ONT was officially dissolved by
order of the Gestapo (Goodrick-Clarke page 197).
*** {end comment 56-1}

Both orders were modeled on the Knights Templars, a milita-
ristic monastic order founded in 1118 A.D. to fight in the Cru-
sades (Goodrick-Clarke:60). Following the crusades, the Templars
returned to Europe, but did not demobilize. Instead its members
established monasteries which became centers of trade and influ-
ence. In the early 1300's the Knights Templars were condemned
by Pope Innocent III for homosexual perversion and occultic prac-
tices. They were brought to trial and disbanded by King Philip
the Fair of France. Igra writes,

[Homosexuality's] morbid history in the German
blood dates from the time of the Teutonic
Knights... Their personal lives were as infamous as
the more widely publicized infamies of their brother
Knights, the Templars. These latter became so
corrupt that they raised the practice of their cardi-
nal vice [homosexuality] into a religious
cult. There were innumerable public trials where
the most revolting details were brought to light
(Igra: 18).

*** {start comment 56-2}
The above again uses selective quotes to give a false impression.
Amazingly, the Pink Swastika author gives false information about the
Templars even though he quotes the very same page -- 60 -- on which
Goodrick-Clarke says "The order {Templars} subsequently became the
victim of a slanderous campaign mounted by the King of France, who
coveted their wealth and influence within his realm. He accused the
Templars of satanic practices, certain perversions and blasphemies,
including the worship of a huge idol fashioned in the shape of a human
head. Because of these alleged calumnies the order was ruthlessly
suppressed and its leaders burnt in 1314. Despite the probable
falsehood of the charges against them, the historical record
surrounded the memory of the Templars with a mysterious and heretical
aura."
*** {end comment 56-2}

***{Below is Page: 57 }***

On Christmas day, 1907, many years before the swastika would
become the symbol of the Third Reich, Lanz and other members
of the ONT raised a swastika flag over the castle which Lanz had
purchased to house the order (Goodrick-Clarke: 109). Lanz chose
the swastika, he said, because it was the ancient pagan symbol of
Wotan (Cavendish: 1983). Wotanism, incidentally, was claimed
by List to have been the national religion of the Teutons (Goodrick-
Clarke:39).
The journal of the ONT was called Ostara, named for the
female counterpart to Wotan in the pagan German's pantheon.
Some of the titles of Ostara pamphlets included "The Dangers of
Women's Rights and the Necessity of a Masculine Morality of
Masters," and "Introduction to Sexual-Physics, or Love as Odylic
Energy." Lanz claimed homosexuality was the result of "Odylic"
influences (Waite, 1977:93f.). Lanz hated women, writing that
"the soul of the woman has something pre-human, something de-
monic, something enigmatic about it" (Rhodes: 108). He blamed
Aryan racial impurities on promiscuous women who were copu-
lating with "men of lower races."

*** {start comment 57-1}
It's wrong to say Lanz "hated" women. Saying the quoted things
about them doesn't imply hatred. Rhodes simply says he had a "curious
antifeminist bias." Since Lanz had been a Catholic Monk, perhaps that
shouldn't be a surprise. He held the anti-feminist views that are
typical of religious fundamentalists today who hold that women have a
place in society subservient to men. One thinks, for example, of the
new all-male fundamentalist group of the 1990s, the "Promisekeepers" -
- not quite in the league of Lanz's Templars on eccentricity, of
course, but far greater in numbers. There are many other modern
religious groups in which the sexes are segregated, and many churches
teach that certain activities are not appropriate for women.
*** {end comment 57-1}

Lanz' occult philosophies, which he dubbed Ariosophy (Aryan
Theosophy), were an enlargement upon the ideas of Guido von
List. To the foundation of Theosophy and German nationalism,
Lanz added the popular theme of social Darwinism, as promoted
by Ernst Haeckel and the Monist League. Haeckel is famous
today for his debunked theory that "ontogeny recapitulates phy-
logeny," the idea that the unborn young of all species pass through
distinct embryonic stages that recapitulate the evolution of the
entire species. But in pre-Nazi Germany, Haeckel was famous
for his application of Darwin's theory of "survival of the fittest"
to human society. Cambridge historian and London Times jour-
nalist Ben Macintyre writes,

The German embryologist Haeckel and his Mo-
nist League told the world, and in particular, Ger-
many, that the whole history of nations is expli-
cable by means of natural selection: Hitler and his

***{Below is Page: 58 }***

twisted theories turned this pseudo-science into
politics, attempting to destroy whole races in the
name of racial purity and the survival of the
fittest... Hitler called his book Mein Kampf, "My
Struggle," echoing Haeckel's translation of
Darwin's phrase "the struggle for survival"
(Macintyre:28f.).

Lanz's Ariosophy would fuel the imaginations of the Nazi elite,
despite (or perhaps because of) its lunatic qualities. "Lanz fulmi-
nated," writes Goodrick-Clarke, "against the false Christian tra-
dition of compassion for the weak and inferior and demanded that
the nation deal ruthlessly with the underprivileged" (Goodrick-
Clarke:97). Waite reports that Hitler was an avid fan of Ostara
and developed his anti-Semitic philosophy with the help of racist
pamphlets published and distributed by Lanz and Guido von List.

[Hitler, quoted from Mein Kampf] bought some
anti-Semitic pamphlets for a few pennies. These
pamphlets, which were so important to the forma-
tion of Hitler's political thinking, were distributed
by a virulently anti-Semitic society called the List-
Gesellschaft. The tracts were written by two now-
forgotten pamphleteers, Georg Lanz von
Liebenfels (1872-1954) and Guido von List (c.
1865-1919).Of all the racist pamphlets available
to Hitler during those years, only those written by
Lanz and List set forth in explicit detail the ideas
and theories that became unmistakably and char-
acteristically Hitler's own. Only they preached the
racial theory of history which proclaimed the holi-
ness and uniqueness of the one creative race of
Aryans; only they called for the creation of a ra-
cially pure state which would battle to the death
the inferior races which threatened it from with-
out and within; and only they demanded the politi-

***{Below is Page: 59 }***

cal domination of a racial elite led by a quasi-reli-
gious military leader. Hitler's political ideas were
later developed and reinforced in racist circles of
Munich after the war in 1919-1923, hut their gen-
esis was in Vienna under the influence of Lanz and
List (Waite, 1977:91).

In 1958 Wilhelm Daim, an Austrian psychologist, published a
study of Lanz entitled Der Mann der Hitler die Ideen gab ("The
Man Who Gave Hitler His Ideas"). In the book, Daim recounts
that Lanz had met Hitler in Vienna when the latter was 20 years
old. Hitler often visited occult bookstores and he used his con-
tacts in some of them to locate Lanz after having trouble finding
back issues of Ostara. While he was destitute in Vienna, Hitler
"hotly defended Liebenfels' ideas against skeptics" writes Snyder
(Snyder:211). In 1932, twenty-three years after that fateful meet-
ing, Lanz wrote: "Hitler is one of our pupils...you will one day
experience that he, and through him we, will one day be victori-
ous and develop a movement that makes the world tremble"
(Cavendish: 1983). This proclamation, however, did not sit well
with der Fuehrer, and he had Lanz's writings banned in 1933
(Snyder: 211).
Lanz' Ostara was a focal point of racist and occult figures in
Germany. In Ostara Lanz proposed that "unsatisfactory" racial
types be eliminated by abortion, sterilization starvation, forced
labor and other means. He also recommended Aryan breeding
farms where a master race, destined to control the world, could
be hatched (Cavendish: 1983). Heinrich Himmler would later cre-
ate such a breeding colony (called Lebensborn) during the Third
Reich. The close similarity of Lanz' prescription for the elimina-
tion "inferiors" to the views of Benedict Friedlander suggests
the possibility of a relationship between The OT and the Com-
munity of the Special. one link was Harald Gravelle, a homo-
sexual member of the Guido von List Society who wrote for both
Ostara and Der Eigene (Steakley:67n.34). Gravelle was the prin-
ciple theosophist of Lanz's acquaintance, with the exception of

***{Below is Page: 60 }***

Guido List" (Goodrick-Clarke: 100).

Although he was not directly connected to the ONT, another
link between the Community of the Special and the occultists was
the astrologist, Dr. Karl Gunther Heimsoth. Heimsoth, a homo-
sexual friend of Ernst Roehm, was one of the earliest Nazis. He
wrote a book titled Charakter Kunstellation which was devoted
entirely to the horoscopes of homosexuals (Rector: 81); he was
also a contributor to Der Eigene. Heimsoth is remembered for
coining the term "homophile" (Oosterhuis and Kennedy: 188),
which remains a common American synonym for homosexual.

*** {start comment 60-1}
Of Graevell, Goodrick-Clarke writes "In July 1906 Graevell wrote
an Ostara number, in which he demanded the return of the Habsburg
crown jewels to the German Reich. This claim symbolized a potent
millenarian hope of contemporary Austrian Pan-Germans." That doesn't
seem like a homosexual link to anything.
Rector's text suggests that Heimsoth, while possibly an early
Nazi, didn't seem to know Roehm in the early days, for Roehm
supposedly sent him a letter, likely in 1924, "You are obviously
skilled at judging horoscopes. Could you not have a look at mine...?
Then I might learn what sort of person I am.... I suppose that I am
homosexual." Rector says Heimsoth was a homosexual and was murdered in
the Roehm purge in 1934.
*** {end comment 60-1}

The Thule Society

In 1912, various followers of List and Lanz formed an organi-
zation called the Germanen Order. Diverging radically from the
purely philosophic and spiritual focus of the groups that the two
"masters" had formed, the Germanen Order was to take an active
role in fulfilling the goals of Ariosophist teachings. "The prin-
ciple aim of the Germanen Order," writes Goodrick-Clarke, "was
the monitoring of the Jews and their activities by the creation of a
center to which all anti-Semitic material would flow for distribu-
tion" (Goodrick-Clarke: 128). Only Aryans of pure descent were
allowed to become members. The first World War disrupted the
organization, but in its aftermath the chapters of the Order began
to engage in direct action against those they considered to be
their enemies. After the war the Order began to be "used as a
cover organization for the recruitment of political assassins
(ibid.:133) during the time when numerous public figures of the
Wiemar {sic} Republic were killed.
In 1917, because of the association of the Germanen Order
with political terrorism, its Bavarian chapter changed its name to
the Thule Society "to spare it the attentions of socialist and pro-
Republican elements" (ibid.:144). The Thule Society retained
many of the bizarre occult theories originated by Blavatsky and

*** {start comment 60-2}
The above is obviously self-contradictory and pure fabrication.
The Weimar Republic did not exist in 1917, and thus there was no
"political terrorism" against it by the Germanen Order to motivate a
name change. The facts are quite otherwise. As Goodrick-Clarke says,
the Germanen Orden held right-wing meetings, and the term Thule
Society was adopted in 1918 as a cover name. There was a split in the
Germanen Order in 1916. It was more or less dormant until the end of
the war. Only the Munich chapter of the break-away faction adopted the
Thule name, and it wasn't necessarily the branch involved in political
assassinations.
The head of Thule, Rudolf Glauer, who adopted the name "Baron
Rudolf von Sebottendorf," was twice married and originally joined the
Germanen Order in response to an advertisement inviting "fair-haired
and blue-eyed German men and women of pure Aryan descent to join the
Order." He left the organization in 1919, and later left Germany,
returning in 1933. He fell into disfavor with the Nazis, who briefly
interned him in 1934. He then left for Turkey, where he committed
suicide at the end of WW II.
*** {end comment 60-2}

***{Below is Page: 61 }***

"had close ties to Crowley's organization" (Raschke:339). His-
torian Wulf Schwarzwaller writes,

Briefly, the creed of the Thule Society inner circle
was as follows: Thule was a legendary island in
the Far North, similar to Atlantis, supposedly the
center of a lost, high level civilization. But not all
secrets of that civilization had been completely
wiped out. Those that remained were being
guarded by ancient, highly intelligent beings...The
truly initiated could establish contact with these
beings...[who could endow the initiated with su-
pernatural strength and energy. With the help of
these energies of Thule, the goal of the initiated
was to create a new race of supermen of "Aryan"
stock who would exterminate all "inferior" races
(Schwarzaller:66f.).

The leader of the Thule Society was a man named Rudolf von
Sebottendorf but its chief organizer was Walter Nauhaus, a former
member of the Wandervogel (Goodrick-Clarke: 143). Members
of the Thule Society who figure prominently in the rise of Nazism
included Hans Kahnert, Dietrich Eckart and Rudolf Hess. In 1919
Kahnert founded Germany's largest "gay rights" organization, the
Bund fur Menschenrecht ("Society for Human Rights") which
counted SA Chief Ernst Roehm among its members (J.
Katz:632n94). Eckart, meanwhile, was a founding member of
the German Worker's Party and became Adolf Hitler's mentor
(Shirer:65). Like Hitler, Eckart was a subscriber to Ostara (J. S.
Jones:30l, n.91).

*** {start comment 61-1}
The above is a false attribution to Goodrick-Clarke, who doesn't
associate Nauhaus with the Wandervogel but says he spent his leisure
time as a youth rambling about the countryside with a "voelkisch
{nationalist} youth group."
Neither Katz nor Goodrick-Clarke are sources for the allegations
of Thule membership. On the Contrary, Goodrick-Clarke specifically
states ( page 221) "While Eckart and Rosenberg were never more than
guests of the Thule during its heyday...." Dietrich Eckart and Alfred
Rosenberg attended some Thule activities as guests, but never as
members. On page 149, Goodrick-Clarke notes that in 1918 future
prominent Nazis Gottfried Feder, Alfred Rosenberg, Dietrich Eckart,
and Rudolf Hess were among guests of Thule. In the absence of a
reliable citation, it is questionable whether any of those mentioned
by The Pink Swastika author actually belonged to Thule.
*** {end comment 61-1}

Eckart is said by some to have been involved in Tantric occult
sex rituals "similar to Crowley's," and even to have initiated Hitler
into such activities (Raschke:399). While the reliability of the
original source for this information has been questioned, perver-
sion of this type would be consistent in the profile of someone
whom Hitler had chosen to be close to -- as we will see later when

***{Below is Page: 62 }***

we examine Hitler's life in more detail. We do know that Eckart
was one of the most enthusiastic followers of Otto Weininger, a
leading homosexual supremacist whose theories denigrated women
(Igra: 100). There is no question at all that Eckart was instrumen-
tal in Hitler's early successes. "With Eckart as his mentor," writes
Schwarzwaller, "the gauche and inhibited Hitler -- the unsuccess-
ful painter, former PFC, who had not even been promoted to cor-
poral because of '[l]ack of leadership qualities,' quite
suddenly.. became an outstanding organizer and propagandist"
(Schwarzwaller: 68).

*** {start comment 62-1}
As said earlier, Schwarzwaller has no notes or references and
can't be regarded as a serious source of information. What's
interesting is what the Pink Swastika author left out of the quote:
"There can be no doubt that Eckart � who had been alerted to Hitler by
other Thulists � trained Hitler in magic techniques. He saw that there
was an untrained potential in him and wanted to shape it. With Eckart
as his mentor�." In other words, if we are to believe Schwarzwaller,
Hitler's rise to power was achieved through the use of Black Magic,
and that explains how "the gauche and inhibited" Hitler could become
such a powerful speaker and swayer of audiences. But of course the
author of The Pink Swastika couldn't allow a suggestion that magic
works.
A reliable source on Hitler's military career that agrees with
others is Waite (1977) pages 200-205, "Hitler as War Hero." (See the
bibliography -- Waite is often quoted for other purposes by the Pink
Swastika author.) Waite says "There is no evidence of his {Hitler's}
'bucking' for a noncommissioned officer grade or for a transfer. He
liked his job." The insinuation of Schwarzwaller is that Hitler was
unable to gain promotion, whereas Waite's understanding is that he
never tried. Thus, the above is a misrepresentation. The particular
paragraph in Schwarzwaller opens "There can be no doubt that Eckart --
who had been alerted to Hitler by other Thulists -- trained Hitler in
magic techniques. He saw that there was an untrained potential in him
and wanted to shape it. With Eckart as his mentor...." As for the
"magic," the immediately preceding paragraph in Schwarzwaller is a
discussion of "white" and "black" magic and C. G. Jung's opinion of
it. It's rather strange that the fundamentalist authors of The Pink
Swastika use as an authority a man who attributes Hitler's powers to
the successful mastery of magic -- of course they hide this part of
the discussion, their fundamentalist religion not particularly willing
to admit that magical powers "exist."
Hitler was wounded twice, being gassed the second time, in 1918,
and received both the Iron Cross and the Iron Cross First Class for
his heroic exploits. He was one of rather few soldiers to be awarded
the latter. It, more than anything, was responsible for his successful
political career. He had relocated from Austria to Germany. He had
shirked service in the Austrian military but eagerly enlisted in the
German Army. His major liability in Germany was his Austrian origin.
The Iron Cross First Class changed all that, for Germans no longer
regarded him as a mere Austrian. In one of the supreme ironies of
history, Hitler received that all-important medal because of the
recommendation of his regimental adjutant, Hermann Gutmann, a Jew.
*** {end comment 62-1}

Like Roehm and Lanz, Eckart claimed credit for "creating"
Hitler. In 1923, shortly before his death, Eckart wrote to a friend,
"Follow Hitler! He will dance, but it will be to my tune. We have
given him the means to maintain contact with them (meaning the
"masters"). Don't grieve for me for I have influenced history
more than any other German" (ibid. :69). Though he would later
ridicule many of the occultists and their ideas, Hitler dedicated his
book, Mein Kampf, to Eckart, and at one time called Eckart his
"John the Baptiser" (ibid. :70).
The Thule Society member who would rise the highest in Nazi
circles, however, was Rudolf Hess. Hess, a homosexual who
was one of Hitler's closest friends, eventually became the Deputy
Fuehrer of the Nazi Party. In addition to his involvement with the
Thule Society (Toland: 124), Hess belonged to yet another off-
shoot of the Theosophical cult. It was an organization called the
Anthroposophical Society, formed in 1912 by Rudolf Steiner.
Steiner was a former leader of the German Theosophical Society
who split with the group following their "discovery" of the new
"messiah." Hess was also a firm believer in astrology (Howe: 152).

*** {start comment 62-2}
Hess was married and many will remember his son's efforts for
years after the end of World War II to get him released from Spandau
prison. The "Toland" work seems missing from the Pink Swastika
bibliography, and thus can't be checked.
While the author neglected to include Toland in the bibliography,
Waite (1977) refers to Toland's 1976 Adolf Hitler. Waite says "Another
unreliable 'memoir' has caused further misconceptions about Hitler's
life. John Toland used this spurious source for his biography... a 250
page type-script entitled "My Brother-in-Law Adolf" and written about
1940 by Brigid Dowling Hitler." Waite calls most of her "memoir" an
invention.
William Shirer, the journalist whose "The Rise and Fall of the
Third Reich" has become a popular classic, is no friend of
homosexuality and doesn't hesitate to denigrate Ernst Roehm for it.
It's hard to believe that Shirer would not have mentioned
homosexuality in the cases of Hess and Eckart if he had had any
reliable indication of it. He refers to Eckart as one who had "...led
...the bohemian vagrant's life, become a drunkard, taken to morphine
and, according to { journalist Konrad} Heiden, been confined to a
mental institution..." but he never charges him with homosexuality.
Other responsible authors also omit these wide-ranging charges of
homosexuality, saying at most that people in some cases made jokes or
spread rumors, as about Hess.
The Howe reference is another of the Pink Swastika author's
famous fabrications. The only mention of Hess on page 152 is "Hofweber
was a close personal friend of Rudolf Hess. According to Herr Goerner,
Hofweber regularly sent copies of Krafft's bulletin to Hess." Now
Krafft was a man interested in astrology who published an "Economic
Bulletin" which Howe says contained "a surprising mixture of
straightforward economic and political information, cosmic
speculation, and articles on topics that happened to be of interest to
him�Any casual reader would probably not have been immediately aware
that the document in his hands had come from an astrological stable."
So Hess might have had no idea that the things mentioned by Howe on
page 152 and preceding pages had anything to do with astrology. That's
a far cry from the claim that Howe said Hess was a "firm believer" in
astrology.
In other places in Howe's book there is mention of rumors that
circulated at the time that Hess might have had some interest in
astrology, but they're unreliable, and Howe says some of the material
has to be taken "with a pinch of salt." There's nothing anywhere in
Howe that would support the claim that Howe stated Hess was a "firm
believer" in astrology.

*** {end comment 62-2}

Eckart and Hess were not the only members of the Thule So-
ciety who influenced Hitler. Waite writes,

In describing his initiation into politics at Munich
in 1919, Hitler stressed the importance of a little
pamphlet entitled "My Political Awakening"
[written by] a sickly fanatic called Anton

***{Below is Page: 63 }***
Drexler. . Drexler was an adjunct member of the
Thule Society, the most influential of the many
racist anti-Semitic groups spawned in Munich dur-
ing the immediate postwar period.. By the time of
the revolution of 1918, the society numbered some
1500 members in Bavaria and included many of
Hitler's later supporters. Hitler himself it is re-
ported "was often a guest of the Society"... The
actual German Worker's Party -- which was to
become the mighty Nazi movement.. differed very
little from the discussion groups and activities of
the Thule Society or the other racist groups to
which all the founders belonged. (Waite,
1977:115).

*** {start comment 63-1}
Drexler was not a sickly fanatic, but a railway mechanic. He was
not a member of Thule, the "adjunct" being somewhat confusing. As
Goodrick-Clarke pointed out, Waite, writing in 1977, would unlikely
have had reliable sources on Thule and similar groups. Thule
supporters were drawn principally from lawyers, judges, university
professors, and others of the "upper crust." Karl Harrer was given the
task of trying to spread Thule's nationalist ideology to the working
classes by forming a workers' ring. Drexler was the most active member
of this discussion group, which drew fewer than seven people to its
weekly lectures. In December, 1918, Drexler urged the tiny band to
form a political party, which was done on January 5, 1919. On
September 12, 1919, Hitler attended a meeting of the party in the
capacity of spy for the German Army.
The better researched work of Goodrick-Clarke doesn't mention
Hitler as a guest of Thule. Moreover, his account of the founding of
the worker's circle and the party is quite different from Waite's, and
likely more reliable. Waite is simply wrong in much of what he says
that involves Drexler. (The humble railway worker would have been odd
company for Thule's lawyers, judges, professors, aristocrats,
industrialists, doctors, scientists, and rich businessmen.
*** {end comment 63-1}

Yet another prominent Nazi who was strongly influenced by
the German occult movement was Heinrich Himmler. Himmler
maintained a close relationship with a prominent occultist named
Karl Maria Wiligut, who became known as the "Rasputin of
Himmler" (Goodrick-Clarke: 177). It is not clear if this designa-
tion is meant to imply that Wiligut shared the infamous Russian's
penchant for sexual licentiousness. Wiligut claimed to have a gift
of clairvoyant "ancestral memory," certainly quite useful to the
racial purists of the Nazi Party who were concerned with proving
their own Aryan heritage. Wiligut was responsible for designing
the Death's Head ring worn by members of the SS.

*** {start comment 63-2}
Contrary to the above, it is very clear in Goodrick-Clarke what
the nickname "Rasputin" referred to. Rasputin frustrated the Russian
bureaucracy by being able to influence Tsar Nicholas to countermand
policies advocated by government ministers. In just that way, Wiligut
could influence Himmler to overrule the sensible decisions of the
bureaucracy of the SS. Goodrick-Clarke devotes a whole chapter to the
issue, and the Pink Swastika author either didn't read it, doesn't
know anything about Rasputin, or is being deceptive.
*** {end comment 63-2}

Under Himmler, the SS became a veritable occultic order.
Christian names of SS soldiers were replaced with Teutonic names,
and all members were required to maintain the strictest secrecy
and detachment from the rest of society (Sklar:100). In later years
Himmler spent vast sums of money on esoteric research projects
such as an expedition to Tibet "to look for traces of a pure Ger-
manic race which might have been able to keep intact the ancient
Nordic mysteries" (ibid.: 102).
Himmler may well have been a homosexual (one source is
cited later in the book), however, his neurotic obsession with se-

***{Below is Page: 64 }***

crecy largely shielded him from disclosure of his private life. He
did, however, foster the cult of the mannerbund among his men.
Some report that SS special forces training required recruits to
soap each other's bodies during showers to establish mutual de-
pendency (Reisman, 1994:3). Later, Himmler would make empty
threats against homosexuals in public pronouncements, but it is
clear that he was completely comfortable being part of Adolf
Hitler's clique of pederasts.
In any case, we can see that the occult roots of the Nazi Party
ran deep into German history. We can also see that many of the
leading occult figures responsible for this legacy were homosexu-
als. From ancient pagan roots, through Blavatsky, to List and
Lanz, and to Hitler himself, the evolution of homo-occultism gave
the Nazis their theories of an Aryan Master Race and their justifi-
cation for the vicious extermination of "inferior" life.

***{Below is Page: 65 }***

Chapter Three

The Homosexual Roots of Fascism

Another area of history we must explore in order to under-
stand the Nazis is the origin of fascism and national socialist ide-
ology. Once again we find a high correlation between homosexu-
ality and the development of a mode of thinking which we iden-
tify with Nazism. In his 1964 work, Varieties of Fascism, histo-
rian Eugen Weber traced "the pattern of the planned totalitarian
state back to Plato's Republic and the Fascist mentality to the
turbulent, unscrupulous Calicles who appears in another Platonic
dialogue, Gorgias" (Weber: 11).

*** {start comment 65-1}
Weber didn't "trace" fascism back to Plato. He's trying to show
that the origins of National Socialism can't be so easily traced. He
mentions Spengler's attempt to trace the modern Socialist state to
ideas of Frederick the Great, and F. L. Schumann's idea that National
Socialism came from German Romantics such as Friedrich List and
Ferdinand Lassalle. Weber is saying if you're going to try to blame
them, "It is equally possible to trace the pattern of the planned
totalitarian society back to Plato's Republic and the Fascist
mentality to the turbulent, unscrupulous Callicles who appears in
another Platonic dialogue, Gorgias." Weber is writing with irony, to
show the absurdity of these attempts. Either the Pink Swastika author
misunderstands Weber, or he is deliberately distorting what he says to
try to pin totalitarianism and fascism on the "homosexual" Greeks.
*** {end comment 65-1}

So here we begin. The inspiration for the fascist state comes
from Plato, the outspoken pederast and male supremacist of an-
cient Greece. Plato is revered as the preeminent classical phi-
losopher, though few today are aware that he advocated man/boy
sex. A prototypical statement by the philosopher is recorded in
George Grant's Legislating Immorality: "Through the nightly lov-
ing of boys, a man, on arising, begins to see the authentic nature
of true beauty" (Grant, 1993:24). Voltaire once remarked of the
propensity of classical philosophers, "Once, a philosopher, twice,
a sodomite!" (ibid.:28). Plato's Republic is his best known work.
The following is a summary of the Republic from W.K.C. Guthrie's
A History of Greek Philosophy:

***{Below is Page: 66 }***

The Republic (c.370 BC) advances many of Plato's
principal ideas, notably those concerned with gov-
ernment and justice. Composed as a debate be-
tween Socrates and five other speakers, The Re-
public is best known for its description of the ideal
state (based on Sparta), which Plato argues should
be ruled by philosopher-kings (Guthrie in Grolier).

As we have noted, the Spartan society was dominated by a
pederastic warrior cult that featured mandatory induction of
twelve-year-old boys into homosexual partnerships with adult men.
Like all such cults, the Spartan military was rigidly hierarchical
and elitist. Plato's concept of the "philosopher-king" is that of an
autocratic leader appropriate to such a culture. The philosopher-
king rules over a kind of fascist utopia. Interestingly, Plato's ide-
alized society in the Republic includes the elimination of the fam-
ily as a social unit (Cantarella:59). It should be noted here, how-
ever, that Plato reversed himself in later years on the issue. His
last work, the Laws, asserted the value of the family and the moral
wrongness of homosexuality (Laws: 841A-841D).

*** {start comment 66-1}
The comment below on Weber is a distortion. Weber's not claiming
that Frederick the Great had anything to do with National Socialism.
Quite the contrary, it's Oswald Spengler who mentioned Frederick as
forming a prototype of the modern Socialist state, and Weber tries to
show how futile these attempts at showing a chain of causation are.
*** {end comment 66-1}

The next figure cited by Weber in the historic development of
National Socialism is Frederick the Great (1712-1786) "founder
of the perfect Prussian bureaucracy" (Weber: 11). Frederick clearly
fit Plato's description of a philosopher-king. He established a
strict military order and used his elite forces to great advantage,
expanding his Prussian empire through ruthless lightning strikes
against neighboring countries. He was also a homosexual, and,
coincidentally, one of Adolf Hitler's greatest heroes (Waite,
1977:112). Historian Noel L. Garde writes,

Frederick's homosexual inclinations, of which Lt.
Katte in his youth was the principle {sic} object, were
attested by many authorities, notably Voltaire and
Frederick himself... The other young men besides
Katte were... Baron Frederick Trenck, Count

***{Below is Page: 67 }***

Keyserlingk, Count Goerz and an Italian named
Barbarini (Garde:448).

in recent years Frederick has been praised as a model of so-
cial liberalism and humanitarianism. Another side of this man,
however, explains the attraction of Hitler and the Nazis to him.
Igra describes him:

Frederick hated women, as such. Die Frau was
always a Schimpfwort, an expression of contempt,
with him...Though he felt obliged by reason of his
position to have a queen, which involved the ne-
cessity of getting married, Frederick never lived a
husband's life. And though [Martin] Luther's Re-
form inculcated the marriage of the clergy, with a
view to stamping out the vices that had character-
ized celibacy in Germany, and though the same
injunction logically applies to soldiers, Frederick
forced the majority of his officers to remain
unmarried... In his armies he revived the vices of
the Teutonic Knights and the Templars. Frederick
is rightly looked upon as the founder of modern
German militarism, not merely as state policy but
as a worship of destruction for its own sake. He
despised humanity in general and looked on hu-
man life, even his own life, as a bagatelle. He con-
stantly carried a phial of poison on his person so
that he might put an end to his own life at any
moment he considered opportune (Igra: 18f.)

The National Socialist brand of fascism began in the mid-1800's
with the German socialist leader Ferdinand Lassalle, founder of
the radical Universal German Workingmen's Association (UGWA)
(Weber: 11). Lassalle is remembered for his political rehabilita-
tion of the notorious pederast, Jean Baptiste von Schweitzer, af-
ter the Social Democrat Party had expelled him. Schweitzer was

*** {start comment 67-1}
Another misstatement of material from Weber. He doesn't say
Lassalle was a founder of National Socialism, he says that another
author makes that claim. And in this section Weber is showing that
different authors claim different and origins for the movement.
Weber's trying to show that these conflicting theories are wrong, he's
certainly not supporting them.
*** {end comment 67-1}

***{Below is Page: 68 }***

a talented lawyer who, in 1862, had become editor of the main
periodical of the German socialist movement, Sozialdemokrat. In
August of that year, two elderly ladies, enjoying a quiet stroll in a
public park in Mannheim, accidentally came upon Schweitzer and
a school-boy. Schweitzer was sodomizing the boy in the bushes.
He was arrested, given two weeks in jail, and disbarred
(Steakley: 1ff).
The Social Democrats disowned Schweitzer, but only one year
later Lassalle took Schweitzer under his wing (J. Katz:567n.),
stating that a person's sexual tastes had "absolutely nothing to do
with a man's political character" (Linsert: 178). Schweitzer be-
came president of the UGWA in 1867, and on September 7 of that
year was elected to the Reichstag (parliament) of the North Ger-
man Confederation (Steakley: 1ff).

*** {start comment 68-1}
The above is somewhat misleading. Steakley says the ladies found
"Schweitzer and an unidentified young man in a highly compromising
situation." Steakley includes a quote from another socialist, August
Bebel, who wrote fifty years after the event that it was a "school-age
boy." Neither Steakley nor Bebel used the term "sodomize," and it is
most likely that fellatio, not anal intercourse would have been
involved. (Heterosexual school boys are not likely to volunteer for
anal intercourse anywhere, let alone in bushes, but being fellated
would be quite appealing to many.)
Lassalle didn't found his group until 1863, one year later. When
Schweitzer attempted to join the Frankfurt chapter, members contested
his acceptability, but Lassalle intervened, saying to him "Assuming
that what the newspapers said at the time about the reason for your
conviction was true, I know one thing: the regrettable and, in my
taste, incomprehensible inclination imputed to you is one of those
trespasses which have absolutely nothing to do with a man's political
character. Such a reaction toward a man of your character and
intelligence proves only how confused and philistine the political
concepts of our people still are...."
*** {end comment 68-1}

Frederich {sic} Nietzsche

Among the several men who have been dubbed "the Father of
National Socialism" (including Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels),
Frederich {sic} Wilhelm Nietzsche (1844-1900) is probably most de-
serving of this distinction, being so labeled by Nazi luminaries Dr.
Alfred Rosenberg and Dr. Franck (Peters:221). Others have called
him the "Father of Fascism" (ibid. :ix). Rabidly anti-Christian and
a homosexual, Nietzsche founded the "God is dead" movement
and contributed to the development of existentialist philosophy.
Nietzsche's publisher, Peter Gast, called Nietzsche "one of the
fiercest anti-Christians and atheists," and described his book, The
Antichrist, as a "ferocious curse" on Christianity (ibid.: 119).
Nietzsche called Christianity and democracy the moralities of the
"weak herd," and argued for the "natural aristocracy" of the
uebermensch or Superman, whose "will to power" was grounded
in the material world (Wren in Grolier).

*** {start comment 68-2}
It should be clarified that Peters doesn't consider Nietzsche the
"Father of Fascism." Peters says (page ix), "Volumes have been written
about Nietzsche. He has been hailed as the herald of a new dawn of
consciousness and cursed as the father of fascism." It is said that
the Nazis misunderstood Nietzsche's work and were wrong in claiming
him as their inspiration, though they were aided in this myth by
Nietzsche's unscrupulous sister. MacIntyre says of Nietzsche, on page
188 of his book, "His works do not support Nazism, or anything like
it, and Nietzsche himself, I feel certain, would have looked with
horror on what was done in his name. He opposed German nationalism and
every mass movement; he distrusted ideologues; and he loathed anti-
Semitism.
There's nothing in Peters to suggest Nietzsche was homosexual,
and he says the Freud/Jung story about his visiting a male brothel is
just an unsubstantiated rumor. Indeed, Peters offers incidents
suggestive of heterosexuality.
*** {end comment 68-2}

According to Macintyre in Forgotten Fatherland: The Search
For Elisabeth Nietzsche, Frederich {sic} Nietzsche never married, had
no known female sex partners, but went insane at age 44 and

***{Below is Page: 69 }***

eventually died of syphilis. According to Sigmund Freud and Carl
Jung, Nietzsche had caught the disease at a homosexual brothel
in Genoa, Italy (Mclntyre:91f.). Nietzsche's unflattering opinion
of women was widely known. His works were "peppered with
attacks against women," and, like the pederasts of the Commu-
nity of the Special, he relegated women to the role of breeders
and sexual slaves. Men, on the other hand were to be bred for
war (Agonito:265f.).

*** {start comment 69-1}
The material allegedly cited from MacIntyre is outright
fabrication. MacIntyre says noting about Nietzsche having no known
female sex partners. He does speak on page 108, of Nietzsche's desire
for a woman. As for marriage, it must be remembered that Nietzsche
contracted syphilis when he was only 22, and was thereafter hardly a
good candidate for husband. The mention of Freud and Jung is really
deceptive. What MacIntyre actually says is, "He had certainly visited
a brothel in cologne in 1865, but had been embarrassed and played the
piano to cover his shame before fleeing into the night. Thomas Mann
believed he later went back to the brothel; Freud and Jung helped to
spread a rumour that he had caught the disease in a Genoese male
brothel, for which there is no evidence." It should be noted that the
Columbia Encyclopedia mentions a nerve disease, but not syphilis, and
that his sister denied he ever had the disease, though he thought he
had it. An acquaintance denied that he ever even had sex, but
Nietzsche was educated enough that he wouldn't have thought he had
syphilis unless he had sex. His sister's denial can be seen as part of
her self-serving campaign to uphold her brother's image and income
from his writings.
*** {end comment 69-1}

One of Nietzsche's closest friends and another hero of Adolf
Hitler was Richard Wagner, the composer Wagner was the sub-
ject of a 1903 book by Hans Fuchs called Richard Wagner und
die Homosexua1itat ("Richard Wagner and Homosexuality") in
which Fuchs recommends art as a means for homosexual emanci-
pation (Oosterhuis and Kennedy :86).
Nietzsche's philosophy was grounded in Greek and Roman
paganism, and in his writings he called for "a new Caesar to trans-
form the world" (Peters:viii). Years later, Nietzsche's sister and
chief proponent, Elisabeth, would enthusiastically dub Hitler the
"Superman" her brother had predicted (ibid. :220). Indeed,
Elisabeth's adulation of Hitler was returned by the Fuehrer. Hitler
and the Nazis were indebted to Nietzsche for his contribution to
German nationalism. "It is not too much to say," writes historian
George Lichtheim, "that but for Nietzsche the SS-- Hitler's shock
troops and the core of the whole movement -- would have lacked
the inspiration to carry our their programs of mass murder in East-
ern Europe" (McIntyre {sic}: 187). And W. Cleon Skousen writes that
when "Hitler wrote Mein Kampf, it was as though Nietzsche was
speaking from the dead" (Skousen:348).

*** {start comment 69-2}
Whatever Lichtheim might say, MacIntyre says this of Nietzsche on
page 188: "His works do not support Nazism, or anything like it, and
Nietzsche himself, I feel certain, would have looked with horror on
what was done in his name. He opposed German nationalism and every
mass movement; he distrusted ideologues; and he loathed anti-
Semitism."
*** {end comment 69-2}

Nietzsche's importance to Nazism is immeasurable. His most
celebrated book, Also Sprach Zarathustra, ("Thus Spake
Zarathustra") was considered the "bible" of the Hitler Youth and
was "enshrined with Hitler's Mein Kampf and Alfred Rosenberg's
Myth of the Twentieth Century -- in the vault of the Tannenberg
Memorial, which had been erected to commemorate Germany's
victory over Russia in the First World War" (Peters:221). Hitler
and the Nazis often used Nietzschean phrases such as "will to

***{Below is Page: 70 }***

power," "live dangerously," and "Superman," but more signifi-
cantly, Nietzsche became a hero to the masses as well.
German intellectuals canonized Nietzsche through the
media of the day. Peters writes that

Germany's intellectual elite, including poets like
Stefan George and writers like Thomas Mann, saw
in Nietzsche's "aristocratic radicalism" an answer
to the decadent democratic ideals of the West.
Fervent young men and women met for ritualistic
readings from Zarathustra. Hymns were composed
to celebrate the new religion, and by the time the
body of the sick philosopher was finally put to rest,
he was proclaimed a saint (Peters:ix).

The Cultural Elites

Who were these "intellectuals" who popularized Nietzschean
fascism in Germany? Stefan George, one of Germany's most popu-
lar poets of the time, was a pederast and "a guiding example" to
the Community of the Special. "George and his disciples," writes
Oosterhuis and Kennedy, "...revivified Holderlin's concept
Griechendeutschen (Hellenic Germans), [and] contrasted in their
poetry and lifestyle the 'eternal spring of homoerotic friendship'
from the family" (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:91). In 1903, George
became infatuated with a 15-year-old boy and made him a figure
of worship in a 1907 book called Der siebente Ring (The Seventh
Ring). His last book, Das neue Reich ("The New Kingdom"),
published in 1928, "prophesied an era in which Germany would
become a new Greece" (Miles in Grolier). In 1933, when Hitler
came to power, he appointed George as President of the Nazi
Academy of Letters (a post which he turned down) (Mosse:60).

*** {start comment 70-1}
Mosse states that "Men as diverse as Friedrich Gundolf, the
literary scholar at Heidelberg, of Jewish descent, and Werner von
Stauffenberg, who in 1944 was to make an unsuccessful attempt on
Hitler's life, were among George's disciples. But so was Ernst
Bertram, the philosopher, who collaborated with the Nazis. George
himself died in 1933 in self-imposed exile from the Third Reich,
sending his refusal to serve as president of Goebbels's Academy of
Letters through a Jewish disciple."
Thomas Mann (see below) did nothing to popularize Nietzschean
fascism. What he does have in common with George was his flight from
Germany after Hitler took power, and his tolerant attitude toward
Jews, such as the woman he married.
Despite the Pink Swastika author's attempts to link homosexuality
and Nazism, the fact is that leading figures such as Mann and George
would have nothing to do with Nazism and its anti-Semitism, one taking
a Jew as his wife, and the other delivering to the Nazis the ultimate
insult of choosing a Jew to communicate with them.
*** {end comment 70-1}

Among other works, Thomas Mann is famous for a 1912 no-
vella called Der Tod in Venedig ("A Death in Venice"), in which
"an aging writer risks life and reputation in his attempts to gaze

***{Below is Page: 71 }***

on the Apollonian beauty of the 14-year-old Tadzio" (Reiter in
Grolier). Homosexualist historian A.L. Rowse called this novella
"the most publicized homosexual story of the century"
(Rowse:2!2). Mann was married and had several children, two
of whom became homosexuals.
Nietzsche's influence extended beyond the German border
Gabriele D'Annunzio, a playwright and the founder of fascism in
Italy (N. Jones: l00f.), was strongly impacted by Nietzschean phi-
losophy (Pacifici in Grolier). D'Annunzio, while famous for his
affairs with aristocratic and celebrated women in Italy, may have
also had homosexual inclinations. One of his plays, called Spring's
Awakening, featured a cast of school-boys whom he "allowed to
experience all forms of sexuality ...[including] homosexual
lovemaking between the boys" (Mosse:6l). D'Annunzio's suc-
cessor, Benito Mussolini, acknowledged a debt of gratitude to
Nietzsche as well (Peters:2l2).

*** {start comment 71-1}
The above shows unbelievable confusion on the part of the Pink
Swastika author, but it typifies the sloppy level of his "research."
As Mosse quite clearly says, the play Spring's Awakening was written
by Wedekind, not D'Annunzio -- it's title is German, Fruehling's
Erwachen.
Unbelievably sloppy scholarship, evidenced by an inability to
keep straight information in two adjacent paragraphs, has led the Pink
Swastika author to use a play actually written by Wedekind as the
basis for insinuations that D'Annunzio might have engaged harbored
homosexual "inclinations."
It should be noted that in Wedekind's play the boys also engaged
in masturbation and promiscuous heterosexual activity.
*** {end comment 71-1}

Nietzsche's sister, Elisabeth, figured prominently in pre-Nazi
and Nazi Germany. After Nietzsche's death in 1900, she assumed
control of his estate and relentlessly promoted her brother's writ-
ings, establishing the Nietzsche Archives. During the Weimar
Republic the Archives became "the center of a powerful counter-
revolutionary current" of German nationalism (ibid. :206). At one
point Nietzsche's followers wanted to build a Nietzsche Temple,
complete with statues of Apollo and Dionysos (ibid.:200). While
the temple was never built, Adolf Hitler himself commissioned a
shrine to Nietzsche, a memorial auditorium and library "where
German youth could be taught Nietzsche's doctrine of a master
race" (ibid.:222). The Friedrich Nietzsche zum Gedachiniserbaut {sic}
("Frederich Nietzsche Memorial Building") was opened in Au-
gust of 1938 (McIntyre:l92).
An interesting aside to this story is the fact that in 1886
Elisabeth Nietzsche and her husband founded a colony in Para-
guay, South America called Nueva Germania ("New Germany").
After the fall of the Third Reich, Nueva Germania sheltered hun-
dreds of fleeing Nazi war criminals, including the infamous Dr.
Joseph Mengele (McIntyre {sic}:5,205ff.). Another interesting fact is

***{Below is Page: 72 }***

that Rudolf Steiner, who would later found the occultic
Anthrosophical Society, was briefly involved with Elisabeth in the
management of the Nietzsche Archives.

{Picture}

{Uniformed Nazi standing in front of doorway festooned with garlands.
Plaque above door identifies it as Hitler's Nietzsche Memorial}

Adolf Hitler's Nietzsche Memorial opened in 1938
{Picture caption}

Frederich {sic} Nietzsche's influence on the Nazis is reflected in all
they did. "Become hard and show no mercy," Nietzsche taught,
"for evil is man's best force" (Peters:227). One wonders whether
history might have been different if Germany had been aware that
the writings of their fascist "genius" may have been influenced by
impaired brain function "caused by.. the tertiary phase of cerebral
syphilis" (ibid. :35). In 1902, a doctor by the name of P.J. Mobius
attempted to warn his countrymen "that they should beware of
Nietzsche, for his works were the products of a diseased brain"
(ibid.:184). Unfortunately for the world, Mobius's report was
squelched by Elisabeth and her powerful friends.
The attraction of fascism for homosexuals appears in the his-
tory of other countries as well. As we noted earlier, pro-Nazi
fascist organizations in both England and France were headed by
homosexuals. In England, the organization was called the Anglo-

***{Below is Page: 73 }***

German Fellowship, and was headed by British homosexuals Guy
Francis de Money Burgess, and Captain John Robert Macnamara.
In France, the pro-Nazi fascists were represented by two groups,
the Radical Socialist Party headed by Edouard Pfeiffer, and the
French Popular Party headed by Jacques Doriot, both men were
homosexuals. (Costello:300ff.). Homosexualists John Lauritsen
and David Thorstad report that in the Soviet Union, homosexual-
ity became known as "the fascist perversion" during the 1930's.
They quote the Soviet intellectual, Maxim Gorky: "There is al-
ready a slogan in Germany, Eradicate the homosexual and fas-
cism will disappear'" (Lauritsen and Thorstad: 69).
Once again we see that the roots of Nazism are fundamentally
interrelated with the homosexuality of its philosophers. From Plato
to Frederick the Great to Nietzsche the common denominator is
homosexual behavior Certainly not every fascist was homosexual,
just as not every homosexual was fascist. But the glaring truth of
history is that homosexuals bore a disproportionately large share
of the responsibility for the rise of Nazism.

*** {start comment 73-1}
The alleged material from Costello is a fabrication. Costello
doesn't say that Pfeiffer headed the Radical-Socialist Party, and he
doesn't say that Doriot was a homosexual. The Radical-Socialist Party
was headed by Edouard Daladier, but Pfeiffer was at one time the
party's secretary general.
The above assertion that homosexuals were "disproportionately"
involved in the development of fascism is similar to asserting that
Jews were "disproportionately" involved in the development of
Communism. In fact, there is more evidence to support the latter
assertion. The Pink Swastika author has laid no foundation for
asserting such a disproportionate influence. Everything in The Pink
Swastika is selective and unrepresentative. Heterosexual Benito
Mussolini was the original Fascist and had more influence on
heterosexual Hitler than anyone else or anything else. Many German
economic institutions and features of government were copied from
Mussolini's Italy. Yet the Pink Swastika author says nothing of this.
The "glaring truth of history" is that homosexuals can be blamed
for the rise of Nazism only by resorting to lies, as the Pink Swastika
author so frequently does.
*** {end comment 73-1}

We have now looked at three separate and distinct realms of
pre-Nazi German society which contributed to the foundation and
success of the Nazi Party. In the German gay rights movement
we saw the pederastic origins of the Hellenic revival and its influ-
ence on the youth and Freikorps movements. We also saw how
the rift between the "Butch" and "Femme" factions of the homo-
sexual movement laid the groundwork for the mistreatment of
some homosexuals later in the Nazi regime.
In the realm of paganism we saw the importance of homo-
sexuality in occultism and the influence of occultism in the devel-
opment of Nazi thought. We have noted that many of the promi-
nent occultists who influenced the growth of Nazism were homo-
sexuals, and that a number of the early Nazis themselves were
both homosexuals and occultists. Finally, we have seen that ho-
mosexuals and pederasts were integral to the creation and devel-
opment of fascism and National Socialist philosophy.
Now that we have examined the relationship between homo-
sexuality and the aspects of German thought and culture which

***{Below is Page: 74 }***

led to the development of Nazism, we can begin to examine more
closely the formation and early years of the Nazi Party itself as
well as the individuals, including Hitler, who led the Nazi move-
ment.

{Picture}
{Marching youth with flags. The "boys" appear to be in their late
teens or older -- perhaps they are leaders.}

Hitler Youth boys carry flags emblazened {sic} with swastikas and pagan symbols
YAD VASHEM
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 75 }***

{Pictures}
{In the upper picture, a large group of SA are posed on a wide
staircase, Roehm and others in front. The lower picture shows a group
gathered around a table at which Hitler and some others are seated. }

The SA "Brownshirts" with Roehm (above) and with Hitler (below)
YAD VASHEM
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 76 }***

{Picture}
{Face & chest of Himmler in uniform.}
SS Chief and Occultist Heinrich Himmler
YAD VASHEM
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 77 }***

Chapter Four

The Founding and Early Years of the Nazi Party

What was to become the Nazi Party began as an outgrowth of
the Thule Society in late 1918. It started as a nationalist discus-
sion group called the Political Workers Circle whose goal was to
"extend the appeal of the Thule's nationalist ideology for the
working classes" (Goodrick-Clarke: 150). The discussion group
developed the idea of forming a political party in December of
1918, and did so on January 5, 1919, at the Furstenfelder Hof
tavern in Munich. Adolf Hitler became a member of the German
Worker's Party in September of that year. Shirer writes,

There were two members of this insignificant party
who deserve mention at this point; both were to
prove important in the rise of Hitler..Captain Ernst
Roehm...had joined the party before Hitler... A
tough, ruthless driving man -- albeit, like so many
of the early Nazis, a homosexual -- he helped or-
ganie the first Nazi strong-arm squads which grew
into the SA... Deitrich {sic} Eckart... often called the spiri-
tual founder of National Socialism...became a close
advisor to [Hitler]...introducing him to such fu-
ture aides as Rudolf Hess (Shirer:64f.).

***{Below is Page: 78 }***

In a very short time Hitler and Roehm began to wrest control
of the small group from its founders. Within a few months they
had forced the resignation of its Chairman, Karl Harrar {sic}, and be-
gun to turn the group away from its origins as a secret society and
toward a new identity as "a mass party" (Fest, 1975:120). On
April 1, 1920, they changed the name of the party to the National
Socialist German Workers Party Historian Joachim Fest describes
the process Hitler and Roehm used in these earliest days of Na-
zism:

At the beginning [Hitler] went at things according
to a sensible plan. His first task was a personal
one, to break out of anonymity, to emerge from
the welter of small-time nationalist-racist parties
with an unmistakable image... making a name for
himself -- by unceasing activity, by brawls, scan-
dals, and riots, even by terrorism if that would bring
him to the forefront... [but] Ernst Rohm did more
for the NSDAP than anyone else. He held the rank
of captain as a political advisor on the staff of
Colonel Epp and was the real brain of the disguised
military regime in Bavaria. Rohm provided the
young National Socialist Party with followers,
arms, and finds (Fest, 1975:126f).

By August of 1921, Hitler and Roehm had completed their
takeover of the party. On the third of that month they founded
the SA and began to assemble the cadre of sexual deviants who
would form the core of Nazi leadership for years to come. A
pamphlet circulated by disgruntled Nazi members prior to the Hitler
takeover shows that the homosexuality of his supporters was no
secret. Speaking of Hitler they said, "It grows more and more
clear that his purpose is simply to use the National Socialist Party
as a springboard for his immoral purposes" (Igra:70f). Hitler
contemporary, Otto Strasser reports that

*** {start comment 78-1}
The idea of Hitler and Roehm conspiring together to gain control
of the party is a fabrication not mentioned in Fest. Fest mentions
that Hitler was at odds with Harrer (page 120) but doesn't even
introduce Roehm until page 127. It must also be remembered that these
were the very early days of the party, 1919-21, and that Roehm was not
aware of any homosexual inclinations at that time, for his
homosexuality was not awakened until 1924, after Hitler's Putsch and
imprisonment. So it's incorrect to speak of a homosexual founding of
the party.
*** {end comment 78-1}

***{Below is Page: 79 }***

Hitler did three things to popularize the party and
quiet the threatening clash of wounded vanities.
He shortened the name from Nationalsozialistische
Deutsche Arbeiterpartei to the letters NSDAP; he
adopted the brown shirt of Lieutenant Rossbach's
veteran organization for the entire party; and he
assumed the all-too-familiar swastika from
Erhardt's group (Strasser, 1943:34).

Hitler's Clique of Pederasts

As we will see, almost all of the new leadership of the party
were sexual deviants. But this fact raises a question that is foun-
dational to our understanding of the Nazis. Who chose these men
as Nazi leaders? Roehm, with whose lifestyle we are now quite
familiar, was to some historians the true power behind Hitler's
throne. As noted above it was primarily Roehm who organized,
funded and armed the terrorist military arm of the party, choosing
only homosexuals as officers. And it is true that the party met
frequently in the Bratwurstglockl (Fest, 1975:135f.), a homo-
sexual bar where Roehm kept a reserved table.

*** {start comment 79-1}
Fest is not a reference for the above material. He only says
"Noisy and attentive, these men surrounded Hitler all the time.
Evenings after meetings the troop would drop in at the Ostaria Bavaria
or the Bratwurstgloeckel near the Frauenkirche, or talk for hours over
coffee and cake at the Cafe heck on Galeriestrasse, where a table was
permanently reserved for Hitler�." He says nothing at this place about
anything else in the above paragraph.
*** {end comment 79-1}

Yet, despite Roehm's importance to the party, Adolf Hitler
himself was the central figure of Nazism and increasingly it was
he who determined the fate of every member of the party. De-
spite suggestions to the contrary, Hitler was not anti-homosexual.
In fact, like Roehm, Hitler seemed to prefer homosexual compan-
ions and co-workers. In addition to Roehm and Hess, two of his
closest friends, Hitler apparently chose homosexuals and other
sexual deviants to fill key positions nearest to himself. Rector
attempts to dismiss sources that attribute homosexuality to lead-
ing Nazis, but nevertheless lists them in some detail:

Reportedly, Hitler Youth leader, Baldur von
Schirach was bisexual; Hitler's private attorney,
Reich Legal Director, Minister of Justice, butcher {sic}

***{Below is Page: 80 }***

Governor-General of Poland, and public gay-hater
Hans Frank was said to be a homosexual; Hitler's
adjutant Wilhelm Bruckner was said to be
bisexual;... Walther Funk, Reich Minister of Eco-
nomics [and Hitler's personal financial advisor] has
frequently been called a "notorious"
homosexual... or as a jealous predecessor in Funk's
post, Hjalmar Schacht, contemptuously claimed,
Funk was a "harmless homosexual and
alcoholic;".. [Hitler's second in command]
Hermann Goering liked to dress up in drag and
wear campy make-up; and so on and so forth (Rec-
tor:57).
*** {start comment 80-1}
The Pink Swastika authors note that Rector "attempts to dismiss
sources that attribute homosexuality to leading Nazis," but they omit
Rector's text on that point, thus setting a trap for the unwary reader
who will put too much faith in Rector's list given in the above quote.
Here's the text that precedes the above:
"Of course, the SA was not the only place where Nazi gays were to
be found. However, except for unquestionable cases of a person's
heterosexuality, homosexuality, or bisexuality, one must be skeptical
or at the least circumspect about taking as fact what some writers say
about certain individuals' sexual orientation and/or sexual
activities.
"Depending on what writer one happens to be reading at any given
moment, 'some Nazis were sexual perverts,' 'a number of Nazis were
sexual perverts,' 'many Nazis were sexual perverts,' 'most Nazis were
sexual perverts,' 'all Nazis were sexual perverts.' Reportedly Baldur
von...."
So in this passage Rector is not asserting that any of the men
listed were homosexuals, he's merely giving examples of the unreliable
assertions of various authors. While the Pink Swastika authors do
acknowledge that, Rector's point should be emphasized.
*** {end comment 80-1}

Igra, who confidently asserts that the above men were homo-
sexuals, cites still other Hitler aides and close friends who were
known homosexuals. He states that Hitler's chauffeur and one-
time personal secretary, Emile Maurice, for example, was homo-
sexual, as well as the pornographer, Julius Streicher, whom Hitler
appointed Gauleiter of Nuremberg. Igra writes,

Julius Streicher, the notorious Jew-baiter, was
originally a school teacher, but was dismissed by
the Nuremberg School Authorities, following nu-
merous charges of pederasty brought against
him.. His paper, Der Stuermer, was frequently con-
fiscated by the police, even at the height of the
Nazi regime, because of the sexual obscenities dis-
played in the drawings and described in the text"
(Igra: 72f).

The evidence for homosexual leanings in another leading Nazi,
Joseph Goebbels, is rather thin, but adds further insight to the
inner workings of the group. Goebbels, Reich propaganda leader
and close aide to the Fuehrer, is reported to have had a party in
1936 that degenerated into a violent homosexual orgy. The party
***{Below is Page: 81 }***

featured "torch-bearing page boys in tight fitting white breeches,
white satin blouses with lace cuffs and powdered rococo wigs"
(Grunberger: 70). Grunberger writes that Nazi roughnecks "were
so affected by the rococo setting that they hurled themselves upon
the bewigged page boys and pulled them into the bushes. Tables
collapsed, torches were dimmed, and in the ensuing fracas a num-
ber of Party old fighters and their comely victims had to be res-
cued from drowning" (ibid:70). Goebbels may not have partici-
pated in the revelry himself, though Klaus Theweleit writes that
there is a significant moment in Rossbach's account where he
contests the rights of Goebbels 'of all people' to act as a moral
arbiter'" apparently assuming that his meaning is "common knowl-
edge' on the internal grapevine" (Theweleit, Vol 2:327).

{Picture}
{Hitler and Streicher seated on a sofa}

A rare 1925 photo of Adolf Hitler with close friend Julius Streicher
from Streicher's private collection. THE BETTMANN ARCHIVE
{Picture caption}

Langer writes that "[even today Hitler derives sexual plea-
sure from looking at men's bodies and associating with homo-
sexuals" (Langer: 179). He adds that Hitler's personal body-guard

***{Below is Page: 82 }***

was "almost always 100% homosexuals" (ibid.:179). Remember
also the fact that Hitler's greatest hero was Frederick the Great, a
well known homosexual (Garde:44). Clearly, Adolf Hitler was
not anti-homosexual, at least not in his personal lifestyle. Indeed,
the evidence of Hitler's apparent preference for homosexuals is
so overwhelming that, as have many historians before us, we natu-
rally ask the question, "Was Hitler a homosexual?"

*** {start comment 82-1}
The Langer quote appears on page 196 of the 1972 Basic Books
edition. Langer was not an historian, but a psychoanalyst who tried to
draw a psychological picture of Hitler for the OSS (Office of
Strategic Services) during World War II so that the allies could plan
the war in a way that might take Hitler's psychology into account.
Things that Langer says have to be regarded as sometimes being
psychological speculation rather than fact. Langer is, however,
careful to give sources and enough cues so that his opinions can be
sorted out from what others have said, and from what is fact. That
Hitler derives "sexual" pleasure from looking at men's bodies is the
speculation of a psychoanalyst, for Langer offers no evidence to
support the assertion -- he just relies on psychoanalytic theory that
men who watch body builders somehow are motivated by inner
homosexuality.
Langer does not ."add that Hitler's personal body-guard was
'almost always 100% homosexual.'" Langer very clearly states that Otto
Strasser said that. Strasser is not a particularly trustworthy source.
He and his brother Gregor were early supporters of the Nazis because
of its socialist platform. They had disagreements with Hitler over
this and a deep rift developed. Gregor was murdered in 1934 and Otto
narrowly escaped Germany with his life. Otto wrote several books
during World War II that are understandably propagandistic, and the
charge of homosexuality in Hitler's bodyguard might well be nothing
more than demonization of the enemy, as is so often done in wartime
propaganda.
Nothing can be drawn, of course, from the alleged homosexuality
of Frederick the Great. He was a hero to Hitler because of his
accomplishments, which made him a hero to most people in Germany, and
he was Hitler's hero long before Adolf knew of the allegations of
homosexuality.
*** {end comment 82-1}

Was Adolf Hitler a Homosexual?

The short answer to this question is "probably not." Hitler
was certainly not an exclusive homosexual in any case. There are
at least four women, including his own niece, with whom Hitler
had sexual relationships, although these relationships were not
normal. Both Waite and Langer write that Hitler was a coprophile
(a person who is sexually aroused by human excrement) and sug-
gest that his sexual encounters with women included expressions
of this perversion as well as other extremely degrading forms of
masochism. It is interesting to note that all four women attempted
suicide after becoming sexually involved with Hitler. Two suc-
ceeded (Langer: 175f). Hitler contemporary Otto Strasser writes
of an encounter he had with Hitler's niece Gely:

Next day Gely came to see me. She was red eyed,
her round little face was wan, and she had the ter-
rifled look of a hunted beast. "He locked me up,
she sobbed. "He locks me up every time I say
no!" She did not need much questioning. With
anger, horror and disgust she told me of the strange
propositions with which her uncle pestered her. I
knew all about Hitler's abnormality. Like all the
others in the know, I had heard all about the ec-
centric practices to which Fraulein Hofmann was
alleged to have lent herself, but I had genuinely
believed that the photographer's daughter was a

***{Below is Page: 83 }***

little hysteric who told lies for the sheer fun of it.
But Gely, who was completely ignorant of this
other affair of her uncle's, confirmed point by point
a story scarcely credible to a healthy-minded man
(Strasser, 1940:72).

*** {start comment 83-1}
Waite says (p 239) "{O}f the seven women who, we can be
reasonably sure, had intimate relations with Hitler, six committed
suicide or seriously attempted to. Yet Waite doesn't mention Hitler's
first affair with Henny Hoffmann, daughter of his photographer, nor
the possible affair with Leni Riefenstahl, who frequently visited him
late at night, leaving early in the morning (Langer mentions these
two). All in all, the differences in the numbers of Waite and Langer
suggest that information is questionable on this subject.
One further thing is indicated, namely that the author of The
Pink Swastika has not done his research. Had he read Waite thoroughly
he surely would have mentioned six suicide attempts instead of merely
four.
On the charge of coprophilia and other perversion, at the time
Langer's psychological "reconstruction" of Hitler was released (1972),
H. R. Trevor-Roper, Regius Professor of History at Oxford, wrote
"There is not a shred of evidence on any of these matters." -- cited
in Waite, page 237.
Langer's "evidence" likely was oral testimony Otto Strasser gave
the OSS (mentioned in Waite) that elaborates the "strange
propositions" of the above quote as having her urinate on him. As
Waite says, "One might well raise questions about the reliability of
Otto Strasser's testimony on anything. In particular, one might well
wonder whether Geli would be likely to confide in him over such
intimate matters." Waite points out that others reportedly testified
similarly, though Langer did not name them.
Other "evidence" Waite offers comes from Konrad Heiden, another
Hitler enemy (a Munich journalist, and Jewish) who fled Germany.
Heiden gives no sources for his tale of a purloined letter Hitler
allegedly wrote Geli two years before her death, supposedly proposing
this sort of sex. Heiden wrote about this letter in his wartime
(1944) biography of Hitler. In his 1936 biography of Hitler, Heiden
alludes to "documentary evidence" but says "Considerations of every
kind make it impossible to describe in more detail either this
disposition {Hitler's alleged perversion} or the above-mentioned
documentary evidence."
As Trevor-Roper said, there is no evidence, only rumor from
Hitler's enemies who fled Germany when he came to power.
This particular issue has been treated at so much length, not to
defend Hitler's non-existent reputation, but to illustrate that while
it is easy to select quotes from multiple authors (Langer and Waite)
to make an impressive case, actually digging back toward the original
sources can paint quite a difference picture of the situation. That
applies to most of The Pink Swastika.

*** {end comment 83-1}

Langer suggests that Hitler may very well have engaged in
homosexual behavior, saying "persons suffering from his perver-
sion sometimes do indulge in homosexual practices in the hope
that they might find some sexual gratification. Even this perver-
sion would be more acceptable to them than the one with which
they are afflicted." He reports, for example on the testimony of
Hermann Rauschning, a former Hitler confidante who fled Ger-
many in 1935 (Wistrich:240). Langer writes,

Rauschning reports that he has met two boys who
claimed that they were Hitler's homosexual part-
ners, but their testimony can hardly be taken at
its face value. More condemning would be the re-
marks dropped by [Albert] Foerster, the Danzig
gauleiter, in conversation with Rauschning. Even
here, however, the remarks deal only with Hitler's
impotence as far as heterosexual relationships go
without actually implying that he indulges in ho-
mosexuality. it is probably true that Hitler calls
Foerster "Bubi," which is a common nickname
employed by homosexuals in addressing their part-
ners. This alone is not adequate proof that he has
actually indulged in homosexual practices with
Foerster, who is known to be a homosexual
(Langer: 178).

Waite concurs:

There is insufficient evidence to warrant the con-
clusion that Hitler was an overt homosexual. But

***{Below is Page: 84 }***

it seems clear that he had latent homosexual
tendencies... It is true that Hitler was closely asso-
ciated with Ernst Rohm and Rudolf Hess, two
homosexuals who were among the very few people
with whom he used the familiar du ["thou"]. But
one cannot conclude that he therefore shared his
friend's sexual tastes. Still, during the months he
was with Hess in Landsberg, their relationship must
have become very close. When Hitler left the
prison he fretted about his friend who languished
there, and spoke of him tenderly, using Austrian
diminutives: "Ach mein Rudy, mein Hesserl, isn't
it appalling to think that he's still there." One of
Hitler's valets, Schneider, made no explicit state-
ment about the relationship, but he did find it
strange that whenever Hitler got a present he liked
or drew an architectural sketch that particularly
pleased him, he would run to Hess -- who was
known in homosexual circles as "Fraulein Anna" -
- as a little boy would run to his mother to show
his prize to her.. Finally there is the nonconclusive
but interesting fact that one of Hitler's prized pos-
sessions was a handwritten love letter which King
Ludwig II had written to a manservant (Waite,
1977:283f).

*** {start comment 84-1}
"Bubi" is an affectionate diminutive of "boy" that may be
compared with the Yiddish "boychikl" as a term of endearment not
necessarily homosexual in connotation. It's wrong to draw a homosexual
inference from its use.
The Waite passage is actually on pages 234-5 of his book. The 283
is actually the number of a footnote that appears in Waite's text at
that point.
Waite is not the most reliable of researchers, and his comment on
Hess should not be taken as definitive. He gives no reference for it,
nor a citation for where he got the "Fraulein Anna" remark, and
nowhere else in his book does he refer to Hess as homosexual. On the
contrary, on page 45, where he mentions defects in Hitler's closest
followers, Hess is merely mentioned as "mentally disturbed," not as
homosexual, while Roehm is mentioned as homosexual, Goebbels has a
club foot, Streicher was a sexual pervert, etc.
Waite does give a citation near this section for the OSS (U.S.
intelligence agency) report on Hitler, which was made during World War
II and gathered every bit of information and testimony from hostile
witnesses. That suggests Walter Langer's The Mind of Adolf Hitler as a
source for Waite's remarks, for Langer worked with the OSS and based
his psychiatric evaluation of Hitler on their information. Indeed, on
page 102 Langer mentions the "Fraulein Anna" epithet, and on page 212
he says Hitler associated with "notorious homosexuals, such as Hess
and Roehm."
The trouble is that Langer was a psychiatrist, not an historian,
and was working not to record history but to form a psychological
profile of Hitler. His raw material was largely unverified hearsay
from Hitler's enemies in exile. It's a shame that Waite has apparently
taken what seems to have no more authority than gossip and added his
own endorsement to it.
Finally, a number of more reliable historians have agreed with
Konrad Heiden and various Nazis that Roehm wasn't aware of his own
homosexuality until 1924, and broke with Hitler in early 1925, so one
can hardly say that Hitler associated with a homosexual for the five
years between 1919 and 1924.
*** {end comment 84-1}

According to Igra there exists documentary evidence that Hitler
"had been a male prostitute in Vienna at the time of his sojourn
there, from 1907 to 1912, and that he practiced the same calling
in Munich from 1912 to 1914" (Igra:67). Lending credence to
this is the fact that during several of those years Hitler "chose to
live in a Vienna flophouse known to be inhabited by many homo-
sexuals" (Langer: 192). Rector writes that, as a young man, Hitler
was often called "Der Schone Adolf" ("the handsome Adolf") and
that later his looks "were also to some extent helpful in gaining

***{Below is Page: 85 }***

big-money support from Ernst Rohm's circle of wealthy gay
friends" (Rector:52).

*** {start comment 85-1}
Rector (page 57) speaks about Igra's allegations of documentation
of Hitler' prostitution: "Regardless of the assumed authenticity of
the allegations, in this case there surely can be no question that the
documents concerning Hitler's homosexual hustling were false -- if,
indeed, such documents ever really existed." The Pink Swastika author
cites Rector often, but ignores him on this.
There were also many Jews living in Hitler's flophouse. Are we to
conclude that Hitler was a closet Jew, or a "Jewophile" because of
that? Actually, Langer used information such as that to conclude that
Hitler was not an anti-Semite in his Vienna days, about 1910. Waite
criticizes Langer for this, pointing out that the memoirs of one of
Hitler's companions in Vienna state that Hitler had joined an anti-
Semitic group in 1908. Thus triumphs historical archival research over
psychoanalysis. (Then again... "memoirs" of the "Adolf-Hitler-was-a-
friend-of-mine" genre have proved in many cases to be extremely
unreliable.)
The quote about the flophouse appears to be inaccurate. The Basic
Books edition, which has different pagination, says, on page 205 "Even
in these days he lived in a flophouse that was known to be inhabited
by men who lent themselves to homosexual practices, and it was
probably for this reason that he was listed on the Vienna police
record as a 'sexual pervert.'" The correct quote sheds interesting
light on the matter. Instead of "homosexuals" they were "men who lent
themselves to homosexual practices" -- quite likely this refers to
young heterosexual men who earned money by having sex with better off
homosexuals. (Most probably by allowing those men to fellate them.)
Langer is not an historian and seems rather gullible in accepting
what "facts" -- such as the interview with Otto Strasser over the Geli
Raubal affair and the spurious Vienna documents -- are put on his
plate. That's understandable, for a psychoanalyst is used to hearing
all sorts of weird fantasies from his patients and then having to
concoct his analysis from their hidden inner meanings without being
able to investigate their veracity in any detail.
The above quote from Rector appears in a caption under a picture
of Hitler at age 30. Rector points out that "Der Schoene Adolf" was "a
descriptive and affectionate term used by girls and women."
*** {end comment 85-1}

Whether or not Hitler was personally involved in homosexual
relationships, the evidence is clear that he knowingly and inten-
tionally surrounded himself with practicing homosexuals from the
time he was a teenager. His later public pronouncements against
homosexuality never quite fit with the life-long intimacy -- sexual
or otherwise -- which he maintained with men he knew and ac-
cepted as homosexuals. Those who would suggest that Hitler
remained wholly or partly ignorant of the fact that the Nazi Party
was filled with homosexuals may themselves be blind to an essen-
tial character quality of Adolf Hitler. Hitler not only knew that
the Nazi Party was a virtual homosexual social club, it seems that
this was the way he wanted it.

*** {start comment 85-2}
To accuse a down-and-out teenager of "knowingly and intentionally
surrounding himself with practicing homosexuals" because he lived in a
flophouse where some of them also lived, is, of course, utterly
ridiculous. The accusation exemplifies the ridiculous nature of
virtually every assertion made by the author of The Pink Swastika.
*** {end comment 85-2}

Finally, in our look at Adolf Hitler, the man, we turn to Samuel
Igra, a Jew who fled Germany in 1939 after twenty years of ob-
serving Hitler and the Nazis:

For the purposes of the present investigations Hitler
is important for what he has represented...when
he embarked the German people on the policy that
brought about the world catastrophe. He was the
central figure around which a number of men
grouped themselves, from the 1920's onwards, in
a movement to gain supreme control of the Ger-
man people. As the movement developed they
were aided and abetted and supported financially
as well as politically by the industrial capitalists of
the Rhineland; but the initiative did not come from
the latter. It came from Hitler as the condottiere
[leader] of a band of evil men who were united
together by a common vice [homosexuality]
(Igra:26).

***{Below is Page: 86 }***

The Nazi Rise to Power

Hitler continued to capitalize on the political unrest of the
people to build the Nazi organization. The party's public image
was greatly enhanced by the recruitment of Hermann Goering, a
former World War I fighter ace who was revered as a war hero.
Goering was probably not a homosexual though he was said to
have been very fond of "painting his nails and putting rouge on his
cheeks" (Fuchs: 160). He joined the party after hearing a speech
by Hitler in which he vowed to rebuild Germany's military and
crush the Treaty of Versailles. Hitler immediately set him to the
task of training the SA as a military organization (Toland: 123), an
accomplishment that further increased Nazi power.
By the fall of 1922 Hitler had become the symbol of renewed
German nationalism to many in Germany, although the average
citizen had little knowledge of Hitler's personal life or the lives of
the Nazi leaders. At this point Hitler believed he would ultimately
assume power in Germany through military strength and was not
terribly concerned with portraying an image of morality. "The
Party newspaper, writes Edouard Calic, "explained that Hitler
wanted to organize the movement on a military basis to achieve
power, and that if it was necessary he would lead an uprising to
renounce the Versailles Treaty" (Calic:33). However, his attempt
to implement his plan in the infamous Beer Hall Putsch proved so
disastrous Hitler was forced to develop a different strategy.

A Change of Strategy

On November 8, 1923, Hitler attempted to take advantage of
a period of political turmoil to seize control of the government of
Bavaria. This ill-fated maneuver (later dubbed the Beer Hall
Putsch) not only failed militarily, it put Hitler in prison for nine
months, thus nearly ending the party. When he was finally re-
leased from Landsberg prison on December 20th, 1924, he an-
nounced that thereafter the Nazi Party would seek power through

***{Below is Page: 87 }***

legitimate political means (ibid:64), which meant competing for
seats in the German Parliament. This decision put the actions and
goals of the party to the test of public opinion. Immediately, Hitler
was confronted with this challenge. Shirer describes the internal
condition of the party:

...in those years when Hitler was shaping his party
to take over Germany's destiny he had his fill of
troubles with his chief lieutenants who constantly
quarreled not only among themselves but with him.
He, who was so monumentally intolerant by his
very nature, was strangely tolerant of one human
condition -- a man's morals. No other party in
Germany came near to attracting so many shady
characters... pimps, murderers, homosexuals...
Hitler did not care, as long as they were useful to
him. When he emerged from prison he found not
only that they were at each other's throats but there
was a demand from the more prim and respectable
leaders such as Rosenberg and Ludendorf that the
criminals and especially the perverts be expelled
from the movement. This Hitler frankly refused
to do. (Shirer: 173).
By the next elections, however, Hitler learned that public opin-
ion was not with him in the matter of homosexuality, despite
Germany's international reputation as a haven for homosexuals.
Incriminating letters which had been stolen from Roehm by a male
prostitute (Plant:60) were leaked to the Social Democrat news-
papers, severely hurting the Nazi election bid. This, of course,
exacerbated the conflict between Hitler's lieutenants, and led Hitler
to initialize the first in a series of public relations efforts to hide
Nazi perversions from the German people. The greater part of
these conflicts, interestingly, were between the homosexuals them-
selves who, according to Shirer "quarreled and feuded as only

*** {start comment 87-1}
The Pink Swastika author seems to be extraordinarily confused,
and obviously doesn't pay attention to the sources he quotes. As Plant
says, the incriminating letters about Roehm were not published until
1932. What did happen in 1925 is that Roehm was involved in a lawsuit
with the male prostitute who had stolen them. Roehm resigned from the
party before the incident because of disputes with Hitler over matters
having nothing to do with sex.
The issue of homosexuality didn't play a role in any election.
The major issues were the economy and law and order. Hitler wasn't
particularly interested in politics until after his putsch failed.
Their first major national activity was the 1928 election. That was
three years after Roehm scandal, and when Roehm was in South America.
The Nazis won only 2.6% of the votes in the 1928 election. Roehm, the
open homosexual, came back to Germany in 1930 and served very visibly
as Hitler's liaison with the SA. In the 1930 elections the Nazis
garnered 18.3% of the vote. In 1932 someone leaked the sex letters
from Roehm's 1925 lawsuit to the Socialist newspapers, who published
them. In the two 1932 elections the Nazis got 37.3% and 33.1% of the
vote. Obviously the Pink Swastika author is "all wet" in claiming the
letters "severely hurt" the Nazi election bid. The deteriorating
economy was the only factor in their success.
As the election results show, it was the Great Depression that
began in 1929, an economic issue, that voters cared about, not
homosexuality.
*** {end comment 87-1}

***{Below is Page: 88 }***

men of unnatural sexual inclinations, with their peculiar jealou-
sies can (Shirer: 172). He writes,

By 1926.. .the charges and countercharges hurled
by the Nazi Chieftains at one another became so
embarrassing that Hitler set up a party court to
settle them and prevent his comrades from wash-
ing their dirty linen in public. This was known as
the USCHLA from Utersuchung {sic}-und-
Schlichtungs-Ausschuss -- Committee for Inves-
tigation and Settlement. Its first head was a former
general, Heinemann, but he was unable to grasp
the real purpose of the court, which was not to
pronounce judgment on those accused of common
crimes but to hush them up and see that they did
not disturb party discipline or the authority of the
Leader. So the general was replaced by... Major
Walther Buch, who was given two assistants. One
was Urichs Graf, the former butcher who had been
Hitler's bodyguard; the other was Hans Frank, a
young Nazi lawyer... This fine judicial triumvirate
performed to the complete satisfaction of the
Fuehrer. A party leader might be accused of the
most nefarious crime. Buch's answer was, "Well,
what of it?" (ibid.:174).

Obviously, assigning Graf and Frank to this intra-party "court,"
in itself made it a sham (at least in regard to homosexual crimes),
since both were homosexuals. Walther may also have been one
himself The only purpose of this and later efforts ostensibly de-
signed to address charges of sexual perversion among the Nazis
was to hide the truth from the public. Here is the root of Nazi
"anti-homosexual" policies.

*** {start comment 88-1}
No evidence has been presented that Graf or Frank were
homosexuals. Frank was married and his two sons participated after the
war in a series of interviews with the children of high Nazi
officials. Walther Buch was at Hitler's side during the 1934 Roehm
purge and carried out his orders. When Heines was found in bed with
his chauffeur, Buch received orders from Hitler for "'ruthless
eradication of this plague-spot,'" as Konrad Heiden relates on page
372 of his 1936 biography of Hitler.
The Nazi court didn't have power to act on crimes. The Weimar
government didn't give law enforcement over to private groups. Many
sources quoted by the Pink Swastika author are encumbered with wartime
propaganda or post-war revenge. Looking back more calmly after 50
years of peace, Conan Fischer writes that Uschla was formed by Hitler
not to cover up indiscretions, but to strengthen his hold on the party
after Gregor Strasser and Josef Goebbels had challenged him.
Fischer writes on page 71: "Initially at least, Hitler tolerated
a greater degree of pluralism in party affairs. Of the twenty-three
party regions only Munich-Upper Bavaria was unreservedly under his
control, while Gregor Strasser was allowed considerable organisational
autonomy in northern Germany. This situation led to difficulties,
however, as Strasser exploited his freedom of action to promote a new
Nazi programme developed in co-operation with his brother Otto and the
young radical, Joseph Goebbels, which Hitler regarded as inopportune
in terms of its timing if not necessarily its contents.
"He could not allow this implicit challenge to his authority.
Matters came to a head in February 1926 at a meeting of party leaders
in Bamberg where he demanded unqualified loyalty from Strasser and the
other north German radicals such as Goebbels. The meeting was
dominated numerically by south German delegates loyal to Hitler, but
in any case the north Germans proved compliant. In return for this
both Strasser and Goebbels were given key party offices, the former
becoming Chief of the Propaganda Office on 16 September and the latter
Gauleiter of Berlin in November. Future organisational difficulties
were to be resolved through an arbitration committee, the Uschla,
whose members were appointed by Hitler."
One of Uschla's functions may have been to settle disputes
between party members before the issues had to be taken to court, but
there's nothing particularly sinister about a group trying to protect
its reputation by settling disputes internally. In First Corinthians
chapter five, St. Paul castigates the Christians at Corinth for suing
each other in court in front of unbelievers and tells them to settle
their disputes among themselves in private to avoid damaging the
reputation of the church.
*** {end comment 88-1}

As Nazi power grew, Hitler became increasingly dependent
on the support of the German population. And, understandably
enough, the German people were at the same time growing in-

***{Below is Page: 89 }***

creasingly disgusted with the debaucheries taking place in Ger-
man cities. This twofold influence on Hitler led him to take ever
more hard-line public stands against homosexuality in order to
cover up the truth about the party. The severity of his public
reactions to each new scandal (especially the later ones) mitigated
the impact of rumors which constantly circulated in German soci-
ety about Nazi leaders. Hitler's strategy regarding all moral is-
sues was to craft his rhetoric carefully "in order not to offend the
sensibilities of the people" (Mosse: 159).

*** {start comment 89-1}
The above is a misrepresentation of what Mosse says. Mosse refers
to the addition of the words "in order not to offend the sensibilities
of the people" to government decrees that affected morality. In the
Weimar Republic, the President was allowed to rule by issuing decrees
without requiring approval of the Reichstag in emergency situations.
In the turmoil preceding Hitler's attainment of power the government
had for a time bypassed the Reichstag by having President Hindenburg
issue decrees. Hitler manipulated the Reichstag into passing an
enabling law allowing him to rule be decree. Mosse doesn't say Hitler
"crafted his rhetoric," but that he simply added those formulary
words, which had been used in Wilhelmine and Weimar Germany, to all
decrees involving morality.
*** {end comment 89-1}

Roehm, of course, presented a particularly difficult problem
for the Nazis because of his militant support for what we know
today as "gay rights." His SA men began to be referred to by the
anti-Nazis as the "Brown Fairies" (Rector: 56). Shortly after
Roehm's exposure in the German press he fled Germany to take a
post in the Bolivian Army for several years until things settled
down. It is unclear whether he made this move in response to a
personal sense of disgrace about the publicizing of his pederastic
activities, or whether Hitler had convinced him to get out of the
public eye for the good of the party. In any case, Roehm's ab-
sence was only temporary. Plant writes,

In 1929 a party squabble threatened to tear the SA
apart; a rebel group under Captain Walter Stennes
had started a mutiny. Stennes taunted Roehm's
stalwarts at a rally, dismissing them as "sissies in
frilly underwear who couldn't order their boys
around." As the rebellion grew more serious, Hitler
ordered his old friend to return to Germany.
Roehm did not hesitate to heed his Fuhrer's call
and his armed squads quickly and ruthlessly sup-
pressed the mutineers (Plant:60f.).

*** {start comment 89-2}
Roehm had quit his party posts before the 1925 scandal. After the
1923 Putsch, Hitler no longer wanted the SA to be a secret military
group, but that's exactly what Roehm wanted, so Roehm resigned his
posts on May 1, 1925, as Konrad Heiden relates in his 1936 biography
of Hitler.
Roehm didn't "flee" to Bolivia because of the letters or any
other "exposure" in the press. He went because he needed a job. He
resigned from the party in 1925, the scandal occurred in 1925, but
Roehm didn't go to Bolivia until 1928. Konrad Heiden says on page 115
of A History of National Socialism that "Roehm had been officially
reconciled to Hitler in 1927, and in the following year had been
compelled for financial reasons to accept a commission in the Bolivian
Army, to which he is still theoretically attached." {Heiden wrote the
book before Roehm's death.} Heiden mentions in his Hitler biography
that in 1925 Roehm had been convicted of a minor political crime and
was jailed because he couldn't raise 300 Marks to pay his fine -- he
had even advertised in the party newspaper asking for financial help,
but none was given.
Plant's account of Roehm's return doesn't agree with others, but
then the matter's not really a part of the major theme of his book.
The 1929 rebellion was put down by Hitler himself by levying a tax on
party members and offering the Berlin SA money. Hitler then fired the
leader of the SA, Pfeffer, and assumed the post himself. He needed
someone to do the actual running of the group and someone who could
restore discipline, so he asked Roehm to come back. He didn't have any
authority to "order" Roehm back, but he could offer him a job, which
is why Roehm had left Germany in the first place. After Roehm returned
and resumed effective leadership of the SA, the Berlin group caused
trouble again, in 1930. The "ruthless" suppression was that much
later, on April 1, 1931, Stennes and his faction were finally expelled
from the party. {Heiden, op.cit.}
*** {end comment 89-2}

While Roehm was away, the Nazis had been fairly successful
at keeping their perversions out of sight. Most of the Nazis re-
mained "in the closet," or at least out of situations that their po-
litical enemies could use against them. This, of course, changed

***{Below is Page: 90 }***

when Roehm returned. Once again, stories of Roehm's exploits
were passed along the grapevine. It would be old news, however,
that hurt the Nazis again when Roehm's damaging letters were
published once more by the newspapers belonging to the Social
Democrats. These, along with articles on the homosexual prac-
tices of subordinate SA leaders, were published on the occasion
of Roehm's appointment to head the SA (Oosterhuis and
Kennedy:239n.). "Social Democrats and Communists," write
Oosterhuis and Kennedy, "suggested [in their newspapers] that
nepotism and abuse of power in the SA and the Hitler Youth had
contributed to making homosexuality an essential characteristic
of the fascist system" (ibid.:251). They were, of course, abso-
lutely correct.

*** {start comment 90-1}
The paragraph above is another misrepresentation. The most
notorious SA scandal, that involving Heines and the Schilljugend, had
happened in 1927, two years after Roehm quit the party. In fact, the
paragraph is self-contradictory. The Pink Swastika author states that
things were being kept "out of sight" while Roehm was away, but that a
flurry of scandalous articles was published on the occasion of Roehm's
appointment to head the SA. All those scandals didn't suddenly happen
overnight. While the SA was under the command of a heterosexual they
simply weren't significant news, but became newsworthy when Roehm was
given his post. What is more, other, reliable sources say that the
damaging letters weren't published until 1932, whereas Roehm was
appointed in 1930.
*** {end comment 90-1}

Hitler, confronted with this threat to the Nazi image, responded
with a dual strategy. He first offered a limited defense of Roehm,
saying, "His private life cannot be an object of scrutiny unless it
conflicts with basic principles of National Socialist ideology"
(Bluel {sic}:98). Hitler also attempted to draw a distinction between
the party and the SA by portraying Roehm's proclivities as an
aspect of military society. "[The SA] is not an institute for the
moral education of genteel young ladies, "said Hitler, "but a for-
mation of seasoned fighters" (Bluel {sic}:98). The implication seems
to have been that homosexuality was an odd quirk of military life
that should be overlooked in light of the value of these soldiers'
mission and experience. Furthermore, he promised expulsion from
the party for continued "tongue-wagging" and "letter-writing"
(Koehl:43).

*** {start comment 90-2}
Hitler did indeed say "The sole purpose of any inquiry must be to
ascertain whether or not the SA officer...is performing his official
duties....His private life cannot be an object of scrutiny unless it
conflicts with the basic principles of National Socialist ideology."
{Plant page 61} That's why heterosexual adultery and sexual debauchery
were overlooked and not acted against unless they affected job
performance.
*** {end comment 90-2}

Secondly, Hitler strengthened his rhetoric against homosexu-
ality in German society at large. An article that appeared in the
official Nazi newspaper in 1930 went so far as to threaten homo-
sexuals with extermination. Once again this was purely theatri-
cal. Adolf Brand, whose openly homosexual magazine, Der
Eigene, was by this time widely read in Germany, responded to
the Nazi article with one of his own. Brand writes,

***{Below is Page: 91 }***

Men such as Captain Roehm, are, to our knowl-
edge, no rarity at all in the National Socialist Party.
It rather teems there with homosexuals of all kinds.
And the joy of man in man, which has been slan-
dered in their papers so often as an oriental vice
although the Edda frankly extols it as the highest
virtue of the Teutons, blossoms around their camp-
fires and is cultivated and fostered by them in a
way done in no other male union that is reared on
party politics. The threatened hanging on the gal-
lows, with which they allege they want to exter-
minate homosexuals, is therefore only a horrible
gesture that is supposed to make stupid people
believe that the Hitler people, in the matter of male-
to-male inclinations, are all as innocent as pigeons
and pure as angels, just like the pious members of
the Christian Society of the Virgin... The public
threat against the homosexuals has in the mean-
time not frightened any youth-friend or man-friend
into deserting this party. One knows perfectly well
that all those public threats are only paper masks
(Brand in Oosterhuis and Kennedy:236f.).

Despite Brand's protestations Hitler's ruse was quite successful
in regard to the Nazis' political fortunes. The party fared well in
the elections of 1932, and on January 30, 1933, Adolf Hitler was
appointed Chancellor of Germany.

*** {start comment 91-1}
Once again, the asinine assertion that elections were determined
by the issue of homosexuality. As noted above in comment 87-1, where
this assertion first occurred, it was the Great Depression that caused
voters to swing toward the Nazis.
*** {end comment 91-1}

Not everyone in Germany, however, was pleased with Hitler's
ascension to power. Former Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher gave
voice to an inner fear that foreshadowed his own death: "This
pack of scoundrels, these criminals, these filthy boy streetwalkers!
Well, they better not come near me" (Rector:64). Schleicher was
later killed in Munich by Hitler's murder gang during the Roehm
Purge (Fest, 1975:465).

*** {start comment 91-2}
Once again, a misleading use of a quotation. Schleicher didn't
say those words because Hitler came to power. Rector says that he was
overheard to make the remark in a barber shop about the SA homosexual
faction. There's nothing to indicate they were said in reaction to
Hitler.
*** {end comment 91-2}

***{Below is Page: 92 }***

{Picture}
{Hitler standing with Goering, both in uniform}

Adolf Hitler with Herman Goering
YAD VASHEM
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 93 }***

{Picture}
{Goebbels in suit -- head & shoulders}

Paul Joseph Goebbels
YAD VASHEM
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 94 }***

Chapter Five

The Persecution of Homosexuals

*** {start comment 94-1}
With this chapter we come to what suggests itself as a possible
motivation for one of the authors of this book, namely the "misuse" of
the "Holocaust." Some Jews object when abortion protesters adopt the
term "Holocaust of the pre-born" or when Blacks talk of a "Black
Holocaust." The talk of a "Gay Holocaust" raises tempers far beyond
the use of the word in connection with abortion or the slave trade,
presumably because the Jewish holy books speak of homosexual acts as
an "abomination" (even though they do so in the context of idolatrous
temple prostitution). Other Jews, including some writers, feel that a
"Holocaust mentality" is counter-productive -- for example damaging
the future of Israel by hampering efforts to reconcile differences
with its neighbors.
The Pink Swastika author notes the disgraceful anti-gay riot that
occurred at Yad Vashem, Israel's Holocaust Memorial in May of 1994,
when gay Jews were physically assaulted as they attempted to hold a
remembrance ceremony for gay Jews who had died in the Holocaust (see
page 123 of The Pink Swastika). It seems likely that the principal
motivation of the Pink Swastika author is anger over the attempt of
some gays to "share" in the Holocaust. Such anger is not exclusive to
Jewish "Holocaust defenders." Some Blacks have accused gays of
"pimping off the Civil Rights movement," while they have seldom, if
ever, demonstrated anger at Latinos, Asians, American Indians, or
other groups who might have used the term "civil rights" in their
struggles. This demonstrates that their motivation is homophobia.
It's appropriate to introduce this issue at the beginning of a
discussion of the persecution of gays. Everything the author of The
Pink Swastika writes should be analyzed while keeping in mind the
outrage that is aroused in some by linking the "abomination" of
homosexuality with the "Holocaust."
The reader should be alerted to one valuable book that didn't
make the reading list of the Pink Swastika author. Guenter Grau edited
Hidden Holocaust? Gay and Lesbian Persecution in Germany 1933-45,
published by Cassell in 1995 (original German in 1993). This very
interesting book gives texts of various German documents relating to
the persecution. It is similar to a book written to refute "Holocaust
deniers" which documents the extermination of Jews. One can't help
noticing that, in apparent deference to "Holocaust" sensibilities, the
title of the book is posed as a question "Gay Holocaust?" rather than
an established fact.
There is another resource ignored by the Pink Swastika author.
Robert Proctor's Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Harvard U.
Press 1988) touches on Nazi attitudes toward and measures against
homosexuals.
The Nazis usually grouped Jews and homosexuals together as
menaces to the state, and some even tried to paint homosexuality as a
Jewish disease, holding Jews responsible for it. Grau's book notes
another interesting coupling, namely homosexuality and abortion. The
Gestapo's "Reich Office for the Combatting of Homosexuality and
Abortion" was headed by Josef Meisinger. In Hidden Holocaust? Grau
notes that after the start of the war Messenger was transferred to
Poland, where he instituted terrorist measures against Jews and Polish
intellectuals. He was too brutal even for the Nazis, and was
transferred to a post in Tokyo, where he had no policing duties.
Whether it is justified for gays, Blacks, or abortion protesters
to offend certain Jews by appropriating the term "Holocaust" is for
those groups to decide, but they should reflect carefully on it.
There's actually very little, if any, use by gays of the term
"Holocaust" -- they merely want it recognized that Hitler and his
henchmen did carry our a very active program to eradicate
homosexuality.
Gays should avoid using the term "Holocaust," for they have
nothing to gain by it and only stir up ill feeling without achieving
anything. At the same time, it has to be pointed out that neither
abortion protesters nor Blacks have evoked so much venom, even though
they have repeatedly and stridently appropriated the term "Holocaust"
for their cause. That suggests that much of the objection to the "Gay
Holocaust" is due to homophobia rather than to concern for the
Holocaust, and that in itself is disrespectful to the memory of 6
million Jews. Their memory should not be tarnished by perpetuating
intolerance of any minority.
*** {end comment 94-1}

Homosexualist revisionists assert that Hitler's ascension to
the Chancellorship marked the beginning of a homosexual Holo-
caust in Germany. For example, Plant writes, "After years of
frustration.. Hitler's storm troopers now had the opportunity to
smash their enemies: the lame, the mute, the feebleminded, the
epileptic, the homosexual, the Jew, the Gypsy, the communist.
These were the scapegoats singled out for persecution. These
were the 'contragenics' who were to be ruthlessly eliminated to
ensure the purity of the 'Aryan race.'" (Plant:51). Rector, an-
other revisionist, makes a similar statement: "Hitler's homophobia
did not surface until 1933-1934, when gays had come to affect
adversely his New Order designs -- out of which grew the simple
solution of murdering them en masse" (Rector:24).

*** {start comment 94-2}
The term "revisionist" is not at all appropriate in reference to
Rector and Plant. A "revisionist" attempts to rewrite history by
marshaling evidence to make a case that the interpretation of events
generally accepted by historians is wrong. Neither Plant nor Rector
tries to revise a generally accepted version of history. They both
merely shed light on aspects of it that have received little attention
in the past.
The term "revisionist" was perhaps popularized in reference to
the history of Communism, and before that to "revised" extensions of
Marxist theory. The Soviets revised existing history to bolster their
cause, and Communists accused each other of "revisionism." More
recently the pejorative connotation of "revisionist" has been
intensified as "Holocaust deniers" have re-evaluated documentation and
presented a case for denying that the Nazis ever carried out a
campaign to exterminate Jews using poison gas facilities.
The Pink Swastika author fits perfectly the definition of
"revisionist," in that he would set history on its head by having the
homosexual victims of Nazism become responsible for their own
persecution by allegedly having been responsible for the founding of
the Nazi party. Indeed, he goes further, claiming that homosexuals
bore main responsibility for the Holocaust and for brutalizing Jews in
the concentration camps. To lend any credibility to these assertions
in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, he has invented
the "butch/femme" dichotomy introduced earlier in this book. The
secret "butch" (masculine) homosexuals ran the Holocaust and the Nazi
government, and persecuted only the "femme" (effeminate) homosexuals
they allegedly despised.
One major difference between the persecution of homosexuals and
that of Jews, Gypsies, Jehovah's Witnesses, and certain other groups,
was that homosexuality runs through all groups everywhere, and that it
was difficult to identify homosexuals. Jehovah's Witnesses were
registered on membership rolls or could be rounded up when they
gathered in their churches (homosexuals were rounded up in raids in
gay bars and other gathering places, of course). Jews also appeared on
lists, and had in addition been entered into a government registry
long before anyone dreamt of the persecution that might ensue. Those
Jews not listed but suspected were rigorously examined for physical
features (circumcision, shape of nose, etc.) that allegedly indicated
Jewish blood. Homosexuals could be found only on police reports if
they had violated Germany's anti-homosexual law, or in roundups at gay
bars and other venues where they gathered, or on the basis of rumor
and suspicion. There were Jews who had been lucky enough not to appear
on any list and whose appearance didn't suggest to the Nazis that they
were Jewish. With appropriate identification papers they were able to
"pass" and survive. Their number was tiny, while the proportion of
homosexuals who "passed" and survived was large.
Right after the passage cited in The Pink Swastika, Plant adds:
"To the rampaging fascist gangs, the Jews were money-grubbing
subhumans. Many Germans knew this stereotype to be untrue. But
hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, wanted to believe it, or at
least did not protest when the Nuremberg laws of 1935 deprived
Germany's Jews of their citizenship and turned them into targets for
persecution. Homosexuals were less easy to scapegoat and harass.
Unlike the Jews, they could not be readily identified and registered -
- which enabled many homosexuals to "pass" undetected during the
twelve years of the Third Reich.
"At first Nazi attacks against homosexuals were interpreted by
many gays solely as prompted by anti-Semitism, directed at {Magnus}
Hirschfeld and {Kurt} Hiller {Hiller was Hirschfeld's successor at the
Institute of Sex Research}. Just as many Jews, even after the
Nuremberg laws of 1935, still hoped that 'things would quite down,'
that Hitler would not carry out the methodical oppression he had
threatened since 1925, the year Mein Kampf was published, most
homosexuals too did not read the danger signals correctly. Perhaps
some found reason for optimism in the widely known fact that one of
the most influential Nazi leaders, Ernst Roehm, was himself a
homosexual. Perhaps it was thought that Roehm would offer protection.
If so, it was an exceedingly dangerous delusion. For it would not be
long before Hitler would order Roehm's murder and the massacre of the
SA's leadership."
Hitler assumed power on January 30, 1933. On February 23,
pornography and homosexual rights organizations were banned. On March
23, Kurt Hiller was arrested and sent to Oranienburg concentration
camp. Hirschfeld escaped because he was out of the country on a
lecture tour at the time. After nine months Hiller was released and
escaped to Prague, and from there to London. Steakley (page 103, op
cit -- see bibliography) says that at his release Hiller was "on the
verge of death from brutal treatment."
*** {end comment 94-2}

The fact is that homosexuals were never murdered "en masse
or "ruthlessly eliminated" by the Nazis. Yet many homosexuals
were persecuted and some did die in Nazi work camps. What is
the truth about Nazi persecution of homosexuals?
There are several incidents in Nazi history which are most
often cited as evidence of their persecution of homosexuals. This
list includes a series of increasingly harsh public pronouncements
and policies against homosexuality by Hitler and Himmler, the
sacking of the Sex Research Institute of Berlin, the Roehm Purge

***{Below is Page: 95 }***

(also known as "The night of the Long Knives"), and the intern-
ment of homosexuals in work camps. We will look at each of
these incidents in turn.

Anti-Homosexual Policies

The law against homosexual conduct had existed in Germany
for many years prior to the Nazi regime as Paragraph 175 of the
Reich Criminal Code, to wit: "A male who indulges in criminally
indecent activity with another male, or who allows himself to par-
ticipate in such activity, will be punished with imprisonment
(Burleigh and Wipperman {sic}: 188). When Hitler came to power he
used this law as a means of tracking down and punishing those
homosexuals who, in the words of one victim, "had defended the
Weimar Republic, and who had tried to forestall the Nazi threat"
(ibid.: 183). Later he expanded the law and used it as a conve-
nient tool to detain other enemies of the regime.
In February of 1933, Hitler banned pornography, homosexual
bars and bath-houses, and groups which promoted "gay rights"
(Plant:50). Ostensibly, this decree was a blanket condemnation
of all homosexual activity in Germany, but in practice it served as
just another "reason" to find and destroy anti-Nazi groups and
individuals. "Hitler," admits Oosterhuis and Kennedy, "employed
the charge of homosexuality primarily as a means to eliminate
political opponents, both inside his party and out" (Oosterhuis
and Kennedy:248).

*** {start comment 95-1}
This is simply "revisionism." It's rather remarkable that
Oosterhuis and Kennedy would make such a statement in a book entitled
Homosexuality and Male-bonding in pre-Nazi Germany, and one suspects
that clarifying context is being suppressed by the Pink Swastika
author.
The Nazis did, in fact, make "sweeps" to try to round up
homosexuals, carrying out raids of taverns where they heard rumors of
gays congregating after the gay bars had been closed down. Grau, on
page 132, presents a newspaper story reporting one such raid which is
worth quoting. He calls it "A 'cleansing operation' against
homosexuals in Hamburg." The report is from the Essen National-Zeitung
{National Newspaper, city of Essen}, 28 August 1936.

"Berlin, 28 August. A special unit of Secret State Police has started
work on a large-scale cleansing operation against homosexual
practices.
"The rise of this type of offence due to the loosening of morals
after the world war meant that energetic action had to be taken in the
summer of 1934, soon after the National Socialists took power. The
tougher sanctions which the law of 28 June 1935 introduced for this
type of offence, together with vigorous action by the police, led to a
sharp decline in such abuses. A special unit of the Secret State
Police {Gestapo} was established for cleansing operations in Berlin
and many other towns. This unit has now also begun activity in
Hamburg, and in the shortest time a large number of so-called 'traffic
pubs' [Verkehrslokale {local taverns}] have been raided. Several
hundred people were arrested. And further arrests are imminent.
"Those arrested so far come from nearly every occupational group
and layer of the population -- which proves how wrong is the
widespread idea that this scourge is mainly an offence committed by
so-called intellectuals. The wide haul from the Secret State Police
searches demands rapid sentencing of the guilty. In Hamburg a special
department was set up to bring the charges before the Express Jury
Court. The accused were sentenced to terms ranging from one year to a
year and eight months.
"According to the judicial press agency in Bonn, 69 charges of
homosexual offences and crimes are pending with the Bonn prosecution
office against people from Bonn and the surrounding area. Here too
proceedings are being taken against people from all sections of the
population. Some 30 individuals have already been dealt with by the
Bonn district Court, which passed jail sentences of between a year and
eighteen months.
{This is a far cry from a "Holocaust," but it must be remembered that
1936 is long before the systematic roundup and imprisonment of Jews
and other victims. The infamous Kristallnacht pogrom didn't occur
until the end of 1938. It must also be remembered that even at that
early date there was severe mistreatment of prisoners at some
concentration camps, and that even less than a year there might have
resulted in death.}
On pages 50-51 Grau quotes from a report by a member of the
'Adolf Hitler' SS Bodyguard on a raid carried out on 11 March 1935.
"On 9.3.35 the storm company under my command provided a
detachment of 20 men which was allocated in support of Gestapo agents
for the round-up of homosexuals. At 21.15 hours the unit left barracks
in two lorries and reported for duty at 22.00 hours to Police
Inspector Kanthack. Apart from our unit 10-12 police officers had been
assigned for the planned round-up, some of them having already been
deployed to ensure that things went according to plan. A few of them
came back ahead of our operation. During this time Inspector K. Told
me what was planned.
"At 22.45 hours we left the Gestapo station and went with several
vans to the 'Weinmeister Kaluse' pub in Weinmeisterstrasse, where many
homosexually inclined people were supposed to be hanging around. As
previously discussed, two of our men occupied each of the two exits
from the pub with orders to let no one out but to admit anyone wishing
to enter. Eight previously assigned men cordoned off the area in front
of the bar past the other part of the pub. Two men searched the
toilets. Inspector K. and his officers took away from the tables
everyone who seemed suspicious. They had to go and stand by the men in
front of the bar, and from there they were loaded into the vans and
taken by our men under guard to the Gestapo station.
"Among those arrested was s woman who was supposed to have had
Soviet Russian rabble-rousing leaflets on her. From the Gestapo
courtyard the detainees were taken, again under guard, to the corridor
of the fourth-floor apartments used for such cases. Here our men
sorted them in alphabetical order and made them wait under guard with
their faces to the wall for questioning; this was begun immediately by
most of the previously mentioned officers. After questioning and until
it was decided whether they were guilty, these people went to another
part of the corridor where they were again kept under guard by some of
our men.
"After the questioning of the first detainees had begun,
Inspector K. continued the round-up with some of his people who were
not immediately needed for the interrogation and with the rest of our
men. The second place where homosexuals were to be arrested was a
beer-pub in the Cottbusser Damm. The cordoning off and searching
followed in the way described before. From here nearly two van-loads
were taken to the Gestapo station and dealt with in the same way.
Immediately afterwards Inspector K. wanted to raid the halls of
residence on Landsbergerstrasse with six of our men and four
detectives. Nothing came out of this, however, because -- as he said
later -- the action against people in there had been delayed by eight
days. On the basis of a telephone call, we were supposed to search
another pub en route, where mainly SS and SA men with homosexual
inclinations hung out. This action also failed to produce results.
After we had returned to the Gestapo station, the questioning began
with vigour and one of the detectives had to go to police headquarters
with details of all those arrested so far in order to check whether
any of the criminal offences were involved.
"[....}
"Following this the next action began, again with four detectives
and roughly eight of our men, who raided the 'Milch Bar' on
Augsburgerstrasse and another bar on the corner of Kantstrasse and
Fasanenstrasse. Here the haul was one van-load. When we had again
taken the people under arrest to the Gestapo station, Inspector K.
would have liked to arrest a certain figure whose full name he did not
actually know. So he took to the road with two detectives and three of
our men plus myself. First we searched a big beer-pub on the
Schiffbauerdamm, and after this had proved fruitless we went to
Schoeneberg and drew up in front of the pub 'Die Insel'. Inspector K.
and his officers went in there alone, while we men in uniform occupied
the entrance. After this search again proved fruitless, the round-up
was brought to an end and the sorting out of the people under arrest
began at the Gestapo station. On 10.3.35 I conducted the first
transport of the guilty to the Columbiahaus, with a guard of 8 SS men.
After all the questioning was over, those without any proof against
them were released. For this our unit formed a line up to the exit and
everyone due for release had to pass through it. By around 10.00 hours
everyone had been released, except for the ones who were immediately
guilty. These we took to the Columbiahaus on our way back to barracks,
where we arrived at about 11.15 hours."
{End of text... the ellipsis above, [....] is Grau's indication of
material he skipped.}
Note that this "witchhunt" was made on ordinary bars, all gay
bars having been closed down. That is why only "suspicious" men were
picked up, and why none at all were arrested at some locations. There
was no intent to arrest anti-Nazi groups and individuals using false
charges of homosexuality as an excuse. The only person detained for
any reason besides homosexuality was a women found accidentally who
happened to be carrying Russian propaganda leaflets. There was only
one person specifically sought out, and the police didn't even know
his name. This raid was quite clearly a hunt for homosexuals, and a
fairly thorough one, since people were grilled at Gestapo headquarters
and many released. It was not the use of homosexuality as an excuse to
round up political enemies, and there was no list of names to be
rounded up.
No evidence has been cited by the Pink Swastika author or his
cited source to back the assertion that the homosexual laws were
employed by Hitler mainly as a cloak for a round-up of political or
other opponents.
*** {end comment 95-1}

The masculine homosexuals in the Nazi leadership selectively
enforced this policy only against their enemies and not against all
homosexuals. Rector lends credence to this notion, citing the
fact that the decree "was not enforced in all cases" (Rector: 66).
Another indication is that the pro-Nazi Society for Human Rights
continued to participate in German society for several years after
the decree. In The Racial State, Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang
Wipperman {sic} remind us that Roehm was a leading member of the
SHR, and we know from Anthony Read and David Fisher that the

***{Below is Page: 96 }***

SHR was still active in Germany as late as 1940 (Read and
Fisher:245). Furthermore, Oosterhuis and Kennedy write that

*** {start comment 96-1}
Burleigh and Wippermann say that Roehm belonged to the League for
Human Rights, not that he was a "leading" member.
This is certainly no evidence that the SHR was still operating in
Germany.
Read and Fisher talk about the progress in the French courts of
the Herschel Grynszpan case. Grynszpan was the Jewish youth who had
killed Ernst vom Rath in Paris and given the Nazis an excuse for the
Kristallnacht pogrom against the Jews in 1938.They write of the time
he was being held in a French prison awaiting trial just after the
Germans began their invasion of France: "By then, Herschel had been in
custody for twenty months, longer than any juvenile in French legal
history, in spite of continuous efforts by Moro {his lawyer} and
others to get him freed. The last attempt had been in April 1940, when
Victor Basch, president of the League of Human Rights, had pleaded for
'liberty or judgment....'" Read and Fisher don't elaborate on the
League, but if it were a German organization they would likely have
identified it by its German name, just as they use French for names of
French organizations -- and it hardly seems that a group inside
Germany would dare to or would be allowed to agitate in behalf of a
Jew who had killed a German diplomat in a country with which Germany
was at war. The League may have been French, or English or American.
It may have had nothing to do with homosexuality at all, but may have
been concerned with the rights of Herschel as a juvenile, or it may
have been one of a number of groups set up to champion his cause. And
if it were the homosexual group, it's quite possible it was being run
by Germans living in exile in France. Unfortunately Read and Fischer
don't give adequate detail to allow a positive identification.
*** {end comment 96-1}

"Although he was well known as a gay-activist, [Adolf] Brand
was not arrested by the Nazis" (Ooosterhuis {sic} and Kennedy: 7).
Some of Brand's files were confiscated by the Nazis in their at-
tempt to gather all potentially incriminating evidence.

*** {start comment 96-2}
Steakley gives Brand's birth date as 1874, but lists only a
question mark for the date of his death. The truth is that all of
Brand's material, not only files but also the stock-in-trade of his
magazine, was confiscated in five separate raids from early May to
late November of 1933. Brand was effectively bankrupted, and a letter
of his, in which he despairs being able to earn a living and support
his family, is quoted in Grau, op cit pages 34-6. As stated above
Hiller was surprised to be released from the concentration camp after
that and escaped from Germany. Brand may well have done the same, and
disappeared from history.
These events happened very early in the Nazi period, during their
first year in power. They were still in a shaky position in the world
and had to show moderation in many areas where they became
increasingly extreme as their military power grew. Steakley notes that
853 men were convicted of homosexual charges under p175 in 1933 and
948 in 1934, but that in 1935 the number rose to almost 4000, to 5321
in 1936, and to almost 9000 in 1937.
An illustration of Nazi concern for world opinion dates even as
late as the 1936 Olympics. During the games they forbade outward
displays of anti-Semitism. Grau relates that police were instructed
not to enforce the homosexual laws against foreigners in any way, no
matter what they did. Himmler issued a decree on July 20, 1936 "For
the coming weeks I forbid the taking of action, including
interrogation or summons, against any foreigners under 175 without my
personal approval."
*** {end comment 96-2}

In 1935, Paragraph 175 was amended with Paragraph 175a
which criminalized any type of behavior that could be construed
as indicating a homosexual inclination or desire (Burleigh and
Wipperman {sic}: 190). (Interestingly, the new criminal code address-
ing homosexuality deleted the word "unnatural" from the defini-
tion) -- (Reisman, 1994:3). This new law provided the Nazis
with an especially potent legal weapon against their enemies {sic} It
will never be known how many non-homosexuals were charged
under this law but it is indisputable that the Nazis used false accu-
sations of homosexuality to justify the detainment and imprison-
ment of many of their opponents. "The law was so loosely for-
mulated," writes Steakley, "that it could be, and was, applied
against heterosexuals that the Nazis wanted to eliminate...the law
was also used repeatedly against Catholic clergymen"
(Steakley: 111). Kogon writes that "The Gestapo readily had re-
course to the charge of homosexuality if it was unable to find any
pretext for proceeding against Catholic priests or irksome critics"
(Kogon:44).

*** {start comment 96-3}
The Pink Swastika author distorts what Steakley says by leaving
out context. Steakley adds "But the law was undoubtedly used primarily
against homosexuals, and the court system was aided in the witchhunt
by the entire German populace, which was encouraged to scrutinize the
behavior of neighbors and to denounce suspects to the Gestapo. As the
numbers in comment 96-2 show, the number of prosecutions increased
tenfold after the change in the law.
Grau gives the texts of the various versions of p175 and an
explanation. "p" before "175" indicates the paragraph sign in the
following.
Former p175 (Reich Penal Code of 1871):
p175
"An unnatural sex act committed between persons of male sex or by
humans with animals is punishable by imprisonment; the loss of civil
rights may also be imposed."

New 175 enacted 28 June 1935 and effective from 1 September 1935:
An amendment to the Penal Code, Article 6:
"Sex offence between males
"(1) p175 of the Penal Code is given the following wording:
"p175
"A male who commits a sex offence with another male or allows himself
to be used by another male for a sex offence shall be punished with
imprisonment.
"Where a party was not yet twenty-one years of age at the time of the
act, the court may in especially minor cases refrain from punishment.
"(2) The following rule shall be inserted after p175 of the Penal Code
as p175a:
"p175a
"Penal servitude up to ten years or, where there are mitigating
circumstances, imprisonment of not less than three months shall apply
to:
"1 a male who, with violence or the threat of present violence to body
and soul or life, compels another male to commit a sex offence with
him or to allow himself to be abused for a sex offence;
"2 a male who, by abusing a relation of dependence based upon service,
employment or subordination, induces another male to commit a sex
offence with him or to allow himself to be abused for a sex offence;
"3 a male over 21 years of age who seduces a male person under twenty-
one years to commit a sex offence with him or to allow himself to be
abused for a sex offence;
"4 a male who publicly commits a sex offence with males or allows
himself to be abused by males for a sex offence or offers himself for
the same.
"(3) The former p175 of the Penal Code shall be inserted as p175b
after deletion of the words 'between persons of male sex or'."

Grau makes the following comments:
"1. The amendment to the old version of p175.
"The concept of 'unnatural sex act' was replaced with the
considerably broader one of 'sex offence'. The former had applied only
to intercourse-like acts, defined by a ruling of the supreme court
[the Reichsgericht] as anal, oral and thigh intercourse; self-
gratification in the presence of, against or with another man did not
count. Evidence could seldom be produced (since the men were usually
dealt with together and they knew the scope for interpretation), so
that before 1935 criminal proceedings were initiated in relatively few
cases.
"In the new version, the existence of an intercourse-like act was
no longer required. Nor was it necessary, therefore, to prove that a
criminal act had taken place -- it became impossible to stop
proceedings by means of the law. A 'sex offence' between men now
designated not only intercourse-like acts but any kind of self-
gratification in the presence of another man. An offence was committed
when the member of one male touched the body of another 'with sexual
intent', so that even the snuggling together of two naked male bodies
came under this definition. Ejaculation was not required to complete a
criminal offence.
"2. The introduction of a new p175a.
"Abuse of a relation of dependence based upon service or
employment, sex acts with young people under 21 years of age, and
homosexual prostitution were considered 'serious sex offences' and
punished with up to ten years' penal servitude or not less that three
months' imprisonment. According to Clause 2, the person subjected to
compulsion or dependence was also liable to punishment -- a rule
previously unknown in criminal law. In minor cases, according to
Paragraph 2, the court might refrain from punishing people who were
not yet 21 years of age at the time of the act, but this did not apply
to 'intercourse-like acts' committed with other juveniles or persons
under age.
"In addition to the extension of criminal categories and the
raising of sentences, the amendment of 28 June 1935 introduced the
fundamental novelty of a so-called analogy section, p2. This read:
'Whoever commits an act which the law defines as an offence, or which
deserves punishment according to the basic principle of a criminal law
or healthy public feeling, shall be punished. If no definite criminal
law is directly applicable to the act, it shall be punished in
accordance with the law whose basic principles are most appropriate to
it.'
"The legal sources which judges now had to use in reaching a
verdict were no longer just the written law but equally the 'unwritten
source of law', the 'basic principle of a criminal law' and 'healthy
public feeling'. The legal maxim 'no punishment without a law' was
thereby abandoned and new room created for judges' discretionary
decision.
"After 1935 there was a huge rise in the number of legal
judgements under p175, 175a. The court practice of judges followed an
extreme interpretation and extension of the new categories."
{end}
Actually the 1935 Nazi penalties were not especially severe when
compared with laws in the United States, even as could be found in
1996. When puritan fundamentalists object to being compared with the
Nazis they have somewhat of a point: they're not "as bad as" the
Nazis, they're worse.
The penalties did not remain so relatively light (by American
standards)for long. They were successively strengthened. As Plant
notes on page 117, In 1940 Himmler added a "Two Strikes and you're
Out" or "Habitual Sex Offender" directive. Anyone convicted of having
seduced more than one homosexual partner had to be transferred to a
concentration camp after serving his prison sentence. Only now is the
United States catching up with that.
The fact that the official legal penalties were rather light says
nothing. The brutality and extermination were carried out
clandestinely in the concentration camps. There were no laws setting
death or torture penalties for Jews or Gypsies either, yet everyone
knows how they were treated in the camps.
*** {end comment 96-3}

The charge of homosexuality was convenient for the Nazis to
use against their political enemies because it was so difficult to
defend against and so easy to justify to the populace. Since long
before the Nazis, homosexuals generally lived clandestine lives,
so it was not unusual for revelations of their conduct to come as a
surprise to their communities when it became a police matter.
This is not to say that actual homosexuals were not prosecuted
under the law. Many were. But the law was used selectively
against the "Femmes." And even in this case, many effeminate
homosexuals, especially those in the arts Community, were given
protection by certain Nazi leaders (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:248).
Plant writes,

*** {start comment 96-4}
The Pink Swastika author has no basis for his revisionist remarks
about the Nazis using charges of criminal homosexuality mainly against
political opponents, or that it was used only "selectively" against
certain types of homosexuals. The most celebrated cases of using false
accusations of homosexuality against political opponents didn't
involve any legal charges. Before the Nazis attained power Goebbels
used homosexuality to incite the Berlin SA to mutiny so that Stennes
would be removed as its leader. Hitler used false charges against
General Fritsch (later exonerated) as an excuse to remove him from
Army leadership so Hitler could install a general more willing to
follow his instructions. But he also used heterosexual sex charges in
the same way: General Blomberg was disposed at the same time as
Fritsch because of the true charge that his wife had once been a
prostitute.
Shortly after attaining power the Nazis outlawed all opposition
parties and didn't have to resort to subterfuge to act against their
political enemies. They could act quite directly against opponents and
didn't have to trump up charges of homosexuality or of anything else.
The effectiveness of false charges of homosexuality is dubious in any
case, given the fact that the vast majority of the mature male
population would be, as in every country, married with children,
making charges of homosexuality strain public credibility, and raising
fears that any family man might be the next victim. Their political
opponents in concentration camps were identified by their own
triangular patches, and they were quite different from the pink
triangles given to homosexuals.
*** {end comment 96-4}

***{Below is Page: 97 }***

The most famous example is that of the actor
Gustaf Grundgens... Despite the fact that his ho-
mosexuaI affairs were as notorious as those of
Roehm's, Goering appointed him director of the
State Theater... [And] On October 29,
1937...Himmler advised that actors and other art-
ists could be arrested for offenses against para-
graph 175 only with his personal consent, unless
the police caught them in flagrante (Plant: 116).

*** {start comment 97-1}
Grau reproduces a request for permission to arrest an actor.
The allegation that p175 was used selectively against "femmes" is
absurd -- as absurd as the term "femmes" itself, which is actually a
lesbian term denoting a woman, not one very often used by gay men.
It's not unusual that exceptions would be made. One need think
only of the famous "Schindler's list" in the famous 1990s movie of
that name. Even Jews could be exempted from the rules if they were
useful enough. That's hardly proof that anti-Semitism was a ruse for
public show, or that the Holocaust was an act committed by "butch"
Jews only against "femme" Jews.
*** {end comment 97-1}

The Hitler Youth offers more examples which expose the
meaninglessness of the Nazis harsh rhetoric against homosexual s.
We have already noted Koehl's observation that Himmler "miti-
gated his penalties privately" and tried to keep every incident of
homosexual molestation of the Hitler Youth boys by the SS as
secret as possible" (Koehl:51f.). But Koehl goes on to cite the
records of the RJF, the security division of the Hitler Youth ad-
ministration. "[During the first six months of 1940," writes Koehl.
"[there were] 10,958 crimes committed by Hitler Youths, the most
common were theft (5,985), [and] homosexuality (901)" (ibid.:84).
When he compared the number of homosexual offences to the list
of expulsions from the organization (an absurdly mild punishment
for a supposed capital crime), however, Koehl found a low rate of
expulsions for homosexuality:

Since the RJF Report listed 900 cases of homo-
sexual crimes during a six month period alone, and
only a third of that number were expelled during a
twenty-five month period by court action, it sug-
gests that the RJF was more hesitant to uphold
Article 175 of the Criminal Code than its official
propaganda would have the public believe... [One]
young delinquent with a record of minor thefts,
for which he had spent eight weeks in jail, was not
expelled from the HJ [Hitler Youth]. In Septem-

***{Below is Page: 98 }***

ber 1940... [officials] surprised him and several
prison workers in a wild homosexual orgy in broad
daylight on a roadside. With sensational evidence
like this in hand, the... leader then sought to have
the culprit expelled from the HJ. But it took some
time before this occurred, suggesting that the en-
forcement of Article 175 was lax (Koehl:85ff).
*** {start comment 98-1}
These statements indicate an ignorance of paragraph 175 (see
comment 96-3 above). Paragraph 175 didn't make homosexual acts capital
crimes. It wasn't until 1941 that some types of offenses by some
classes of people were made capital. Paragraph 175 offenses were
punished by jail sentences and, in some cases, as with multiple
offenses, confinement in concentration camps, which is where the real
brutality occurred.
The Hitler Youth were between the ages of 14 and 18, and the
harshest penalties of paragraph were reserved for men over the age of
21. Depending on the nature of the activity, paragraph 175 allowed the
court to let offenders under the age of 21 off without punishment.
Without details, the "orgy in broad daylight on a roadside" suggests
nothing more than group masturbation, a common enough occurrence in
youth groups such as the Boy Scouts. That wouldn't be an "intercourse-
like" activity as Grau says the German court had defined it, and
according to Grau the law didn't require punishment for youthful
culprits. That being the case, there's no question of paragraph 175
being ignored. It was simply enforced according to the letter of the
law.
The 900 HJ cases would need clarification to evaluate whether the
33% expulsion rate is lenient. The Nazis often gave figures of
accusations and charges to show how many offenders they were catching
and how effective they were, but conviction rates were quite low. For
example, Grau, on page 172, reproduces a report on arrests and
convictions. In 1937, of 32,360 adults arrested, only 8271, or 26%
were convicted, while in 1938 the conviction rate for 8562 arrests
rose to 30%. If the HJ figure were actually 900 accusations, then the
expulsion rate would be normal.
*** {end comment 98-1}
The increasing indifference of Hitler Youth officials toward
homosexuality was an attitude reflected in the larger society as
well. In 1937 the Reich Minister of the Interior issued a change
of policy regarding Paragraph 175. Under the new ruling only
four-time repeat offenders could be jailed or sent to camps for
homosexual offenses. This was reaffirmed in 1940 by Himmler
(S Katz:146).

*** {start comment 98-2}
There's no evidence of "increasing indifference." Certainly
neither the Pink Swastika author nor his sources have presented any.
Without further details it is impossible to evaluate the
statement about four-time repeat offenders. Grau quotes an official
report which says "...from 1940 any homosexual who seduced more than
one partner was handed over to a concentration camp." Depending on
details and definitions, this would indicate a very severe worsening
of penalties. Concentration camps were frequently places of severe
physical abuse, and many died there. This raises grave questions on
the assertion that Himmler lightened the penalties. The writer of the
report suggested that the concentration camp policy was partly
responsible for a drop in the numbers of men arrested for these
offenses. Plant also mentions this harsh penalty -- see comment 96-3
above.
Grau reproduces two directives from early 1937 re-enforcing the
application of p175 and saying nothing about exemption for those who
are not repeat offenders. On the contrary, the concept of preventive
detention is introduced. These directives transmitted a secret
directive issued by Himmler, so there is no question of publishing
harsh measures for public consumption while being lenient in private.
Grau reproduces a preventive detention directive issued in December of
1937 which mentions offenders sentenced at least three times to either
imprisonment or penal servitude as candidates for preventive
detention. Perhaps the Pink Swastika author has confused preventive
detention with the implementation of paragraph 175.
Grau mentions on page 132 that after the Nazis took power there
was a downward trend "in the fines handed down by courts. In
comparison with which there was a marked increase in sentences of
imprisonment or penal servitude. Men with previous convictions were
treated with particular severity...." It may well be that
qualifications in the law allowed for punishment less than mandatory
imprisonment. Furthermore, what was written in law never mattered to
the Nazis, who often ruled by whim. Himmler might well have issued
some sort of directive, but the author of The Pink Swastika has proved
so unreliable in so many instances that his assertion, even of
something appearing in a reference, cannot be taken at face value.
*** {end comment 98-2}

There is one additional reason why the Nazis arrested homo-
sexuals and raided even the homes of their supporters. They were
looking for incriminating evidence against themselves (the Nazi
leaders). Blackmail of homosexuals by estranged partners and
prostitutes was a simple fact of life in Germany. "[H]omosexuals
were particularly vulnerable to blackmailers, known as Chanteure
on the homosexual scene," write Burleigh and Wippermann.
"Blackmail, and the threat of public exposure, resulted in frequent
suicides or suicide attempts" (Burleigh and Wipperman {sic}: 184). The
Nazi leaders were quite familiar with this phenomenon. Igra re-
ports that Heinrich Hoffman {sic}, the official Nazi photographer, gained
his position by using information about Hitler's perverse abuse of
his (Hoffman's {sic}) daughter, Henny, to blackmail the future Fuehrer
(Igra:74). (Henny Hoffman {sic} was later married to reputed homo-
sexual Baldur von Schirach, probably to quell rumors about his
exploits with Hitler Youth boys). Heiden relates another story in
which Hitler bought an entire collection of rare political writings
to regain possession of a letter to his niece in which he openly
revealed his "masochistic-coprophil inclinations" (Heiden:385).
Once he was in power he had other ways to solve these kinds of
problems.

***{Below is Page: 99 }***

{Picture}
{Officials watching a parade.}

Hitler Youth Chief Baldur von Schirach (saluting)
and Julius Streicher (bald man in center) review a parade
of Hitler Youth in Nuremberg, 1933 YAD VASHEM
{Picture caption}

The Sacking of the Sex Research Institute
The Nazis' hunt for incriminating evidence, as well as the se-
lectivity of the Nazi violence, was obvious in the attack on Magnus
Hirschfeld's Sex Research Institute on May 6th, 1933. As noted
previously, the Sex Research Institute of Berlin had been founded
by Hirschfeld in 1919 as a center for the "study" of homosexual-
ity and other sexual dysfunctions. For all intents and purposes, it
served as the headquarters for the effeminate branch of the Ger-
man "gay rights" movement. For this reason alone, the "Butch"
homosexuals of the Nazi Party might have destroyed the insti-
tute. Indeed, throughout the preceding years the Nazis had

***{Below is Page: 100 }***

increasingly harassed Hirschfeld personally. Victor Robinson,
Hirschfeld's biographer, wrote in 1936,

Although the Nazis themselves derived great profit
from Hirschfeld's theories (and called on him per-
sonally for help) they continued his persecution
relentlessly; they terrorized his meetings and closed
his lecture halls, so that for the safety of his audi-
ences and himself, Hirschfeld was no longer able
to make public appearances (Haeberle:368).

Homosexualist James Steakley acknowledges the "Butch/
Femme" aspect of the incident, saying that some German homo-
sexuals "could conceivably have approved of the measure, par-
ticularly if they were Nazi sympathizers or male supremacists"
(Steakley: 105).

*** {start comment 100-1}
The attentive reader expecting a quotation from Victor Robinson
will have been surprised find a citation from Haeberle. The quotation
is slightly distorted, but not in a material way (the original says
"to make a public appearance"). What is puzzling is the mysterious
appearance of "Victor Robinson." Haeberle doesn't mention Robinson as
Hirschfeld's "biographer." Haeberle says the quotation was written by
Hirschfeld himself in his "Autobiographical Sketch." Robinson was, in
fact, not a biographer, but the editor of Encyclopedia Sexualis, in
which Hirschfeld's autobiographical sketch was published. Another
example of the unbelievably sloppy "scholarship" of the Pink Swastika
authors.
Steakley in no way acknowledges any "Butch/Femme" conflict of the
proportions fabricated by the Pink Swastika author. The whole
"Butch/Femme" issue has been blown out of proportion in order to
rationalize the persecution of homosexuals with the Pink Swastika
author's false premise that homosexuals were the guiding light of the
Nazi Party. Steakley's merely speculating on how Germany's homosexuals
reacted to the persecution of Hirschfeld: "It may be that many German
homosexuals viewed the destruction of the Berlin Institute as an anti-
Semitic act rather than as an expression of anti-homosexual sentiment.
Some could conceivably have approved of the measure, particularly if
they were Nazi sympathizers or male supremacists; Hirschfeld's reform
efforts had long been disparaged in some homosexual circles...."
*** {end comment 100-1}

However, the attack against the Institute was not motivated
solely by the Nazi enmity against effeminate homosexuals. It was
an attempt to cover up the truth about rampant homosexuality
and other perversions in the Nazi Party. Sklar writes that "Hitler
attempted to bury all his earlier influences and his origins, and he
spent a great deal of energy hiding them... [In this campaign to
erase his past] Hitler ordered the murder of Reinhold Hanish, a
friend who had shared his down and out days in Vienna [where
Hitler is suspected of having been a homosexual prostitute]"
(Sklar:21). Hitler also knew that Hirschfeld's facility had exten-
sive records that could be damaging to himself and his inner circle.
This was the reason for the raid, according to Ludwig L. Lenz,
the assistant director of the Sex Research Institute, who was in
charge on the day of the raid. His description of the situation,
part of which was quoted previously, is given in full here.

[O]ur Institute was used by all classes of the popu-
lation and members of every political party.. We
thus had a great many Nazis under treatment at
the Institute. Why was it then, since we were com-

***{Below is Page: 101 }***

pletely non-party, that our purely scientific Insti-
tute was the first victim which fell to the new re-
gime? The answer to this is simple...We knew too
much. It would be against medical principles to
provide a list of the Nazi leaders and their perver-
sions [but].. not ten percent of the men who, in
1933, took the fate of Germany into their hands,
were sexually normal...Many of these personages
were known to us directly through consultations;
we heard about others from their comrades in the
party...and of others we saw the tragic results: I
refer here especially to a young girl whose abdo-
men was covered with pin scratchings through the
sadism of an eminent Nuremberg Nazi; I refer also
to a thirteen year old boy who suffered from a se-
rious lesion of the anal muscle brought about by a
senior party official in Breslau and to a youth from
Berlin with severe rectal gonorrhea, etc., etc....Our
knowledge of such intimate secrets regarding mem-
bers of the Nazi Party and other documentary
material -- we possessed about forty thousand con-
fessions and biographical letters -- was the cause
of the complete and utter destruction of the Insti-
tute of Sexology (Haberle {sic}:369).

Burleigh and Wipperman {sic} report that the ransackers had "lists"
of materials they were looking for (Burleigh and Wipperman {sic} : 189)
and that they carted away two truckloads of books and files. The
materials taken from the Institute were burned in a public cer-
emony, captured on film, on May 10th. The spectacular and oft
replayed newsreel footage of this event has caused the burning of
books to become synonymous with Nazism. What information
went up in smoke on that day will never be known, but we can be
sure that the pile of burning paper contained many Nazi secrets.
According to homosexual sources who were in Germany at the
time, the Nazis destroyed twelve thousand books and thirty-five
*** {start comment 101-1}

Despite the claim of the Pink Swastika author, the Lenz quote is
not given in full. Only about two-thirds is given, and even that is
selectively quoted. The Pink Swastika author has deceptively changed
it to cover up the omissions by not preserving the paragraphs or
punctuation. He leaves out an incident with a Nazi woman patient who
wanted to call Hirschfeld "Kirschfeld" because it sounded "more
Aryan." (It isn't wise, when trying to smear homosexuals, to let
readers know that Hirschfeld's clients were overwhelmingly
heterosexual and largely female.) Also missing is Lenz's statement
that not just files, but everything "not nailed down," including
furniture and pictures on the wall, was dragged out and burned, and
his lament that even "trade union buildings of the socialists, the
communist clubs and the synagogues" weren't treated with such
passionate hatred when they were later raided and closed. Haeberle
correctly identifies Lenz's comments on the Nazis' motive as
"speculation" and then raises an interesting point of his own: would
the Nazis really have burnt such material that could have been used to
destroy enemies and to blackmail fellow Nazis and keep them in line?
"Is it not rather more likely that they were saved for use by the
Gestapo?"
The Pink Swastika author doesn't address an obvious conflict of
Lenz's "speculation" with material from Steakley. It's curious that
the conflict should have escaped the author's attention, for he quotes
from the very pages where the conflicting information appears. Lenz
says "everything" was destroyed. The Pink Swastika author states that
"twelve thousand books and thirty-five thousand photographs" were
destroyed, and cites Steakley as the source of those numbers. What he
covers up is that Steakley actually says "More than 12,000 books were
removed from the Institute's library of 20,000 volumes, together with
a large part of its unique collection of 35,000 pictures." In others
words, not everything was destroyed, suggesting that Lenz's
speculations were highly exaggerated.
This is yet another example of the deceptive "scholarship" of the
Pink Swastika author.
Burleigh and Wippermann don't "report" on the raid but quote an
account of a witness. Nothing is said of "secrets" or personal files,
only of books and manuscripts.
Finally, it's ironic to see the Pink Swastika author
characterizing the burning of books as "synonymous with Nazism." A
phenomenon of the early 1990s was fundamentalist Protestant ministers
-- surely members of the anti-gay movement -- staging public burnings
of books, magazines, and even phonograph records they didn't like.
*** {end comment 101-1}

***{Below is Page: 102 }***

thousand photographs. The building itself was confiscated from
the SHC and turned over to the Nazi Association of Jurists and
Lawyers (Steakley: 105).

The Roehm Purge

The event in history most frequently cited as evidence of Nazi
persecution of homosexuals is known variously as the Blood Purge,
the night of the Long Knives, and the Roehm Purge. Steakley
writes that "[t]he indisputable beginning of Nazi terror against
homosexuals was marked by the murder of Ernst Rohm on June
28, 1934, 'the night of the long knives'" (Steakley:l08). It was
on this night (actually over an entire weekend), that Adolf Hitler's
closest aides orchestrated the assassinations of hundreds of his
political enemies in one bloody sweep. Included in this purge
were Roehm and several of the top officers of the SA.
We have emphasized that the leadership of the SA was mostly,
if not entirely homosexual. The fact that SA leaders were the
primary targets in the massacre could therefore be construed as a
sort of "moral cleansing" of the Nazi ranks, which, in fact, Hitler
claimed it was. But Hitler lied. The Roehm Purge was driven by
political, not moral concerns. Hitler feigned disgust and outrage
about the homosexuality of the murdered SA leaders to justify
himself to the German people; it was a tactic he had used previ-
ously to allay public suspicions about the sexual deviancy of his
inner circle. The importance of this fact is asserted in many lead-
ing works by both mainstream and homosexualist historians. The
following are excerpts from four different historians who have
examined the issue:

Hitler eliminated his closest friend Roehm and cer-
tain SA leaders as potential rivals. The strictly
political motivation of this ruthless power play was
initially too obvious to be entirely denied, but later
it was conveniently obscured by charges of homo-

***{Below is Page: 103 }***

sexual depravity (Haberle {sic}:369f.).

The formal accusations against Roehm and those
arrested with him centered on their homosexual
activities, which Hitler had of course known about
for fifteen years and shrugged off, it being alleged
that these activities disgraced the party. For those
victims without any homosexual background, "the
Great Blood Purge" continued all over Germany,
as Nazi leaders got rid of all their most hated en-
emies, as well as the inevitable "mistakes"
(Garde:726f.).

Ernst Roehm wasn't shot because the Nazi Party
felt outraged by the abrupt discovery that he was
"having" his storm troopers -- that had been known
for ages; but because his sway over the SA had
become a menace to Hitler. In the Hitler Youth
the "dear love of comrades" was evilly turned into
a political end. And if the Nazi hierarchy was well
larded with homosexuals, so was Wilhelm II's court
and so was the Weimar Republic (Davidson: 152).

Hitler himself, of course, had been well aware of
Rohm's sexual orientation from the earliest days
of their long association So strong was Rohm
that the Wehrmacht [German Army High Com-
mand] was concerned that he might seize control
of the army. In 1934, Hitler became fearful that
the Wehrmacht was plotting a coup against him to
prevent such a takeover. To forestall this danger,
Hitler had Rohm and about one thousand other
men murdered one weekend in June 1934, the fa-
mous "night of the Long Knives" (Crompton:79f.).

*** {start comment 103-1}
Crompton goes on to add, "Hitler gave as an ostensible reason for
the killings his 'discovery' that Rohm and the SA were themselves
plotting a coup against him, though no one has ever taken this excuse
seriously. Later, in justifying his act, Hitler also used the issue of
homosexuality against Roehm. Shortly after Roehm's death, he issued an
order to the effect that, to preserve 'moral purity,' homosexuals were
to be expelled from the SA and the Nazi Party. He went out of his way
to reassure mothers that he was concerned for the moral welfare of
their sons. Privately, Hitler was less moralistic. In conversation
with Nazi leaders, he took the position that homosexuality was
undesirable for eugenic reasons, since it was a contagion that
attacked 'the best and most manly of characters, solely eliminating
from the reproductive process those very men on whose offspring a
nation depended.'"
*** {end comment 103-1}

***{Below is Page: 104 }***

There is some dispute among historians about whether Roehm
had planned a coup against Hitler after Hitler's refusal to replace
the regular army with Roehm's troops. This takeover of the army
had apparently been part of the Nazis' original plan for the maxi-
mization of their political strength. Upon his appointment as Chan-
cellor, Hitler was confronted with new and different challenges
which required new and different alliances. For some time it ap-
peared that Hitler would remain true to his pact with Roehm.
From the time Hitler assumed control of the German government
in January of 1933, until the spring of 1934, he allowed the SA to
grow from 300,000 to over 3 million members (Plant:54). Dur-
ing this period of rapid growth, Roehm's rivals within the Nazi
inner circle grew increasingly alarmed, as did the powerful indus-
trialists and military leaders.
Tension between the SA and the army increased. General
Walther von Brauchitsch, speaking for the majority of his fellow
officers, said, "[t]hat gang of homosexuals, thugs and drunks
should be allowed no part of [German rearmament]" (Gallo:87).
For their part, the SA taunted the regular army soldiers, singing
"The grey rock will be drowned in a sea of brown" (ibid. :87),
meaning that the grey uniformed army would be swallowed up by
the Brownshirts. Strasser writes,

At a meeting of the Cabinet, to which he belonged,
[Roehm] demanded the incorporation of the Brown
Shirts into the regular army, the Brown Shirt of-
ficers to retain their ranks. In other words he de-
manded supreme command of the Reichswehr, the
S.S., and the S.A.. He confidently believed that
he had Adolf's support...but Hitler remained
silent...Blomberg, the Minister of National De-
fense, suddenly declared that the only course open
to President Hindenberg {sic} would be to refuse out-
right. "The discussion is closed," Hitler then said,
without daring to look his old friend in the face.
Roehm, speechless with fury, walked quickly from

***{Below is Page: 105 }***

the room. After June 30, General von Reichenau
declared in an interview with the Petit Journal that
Roehm's death sentence was virtually signed that
day (Strasser, 1940:178).

As the conflict came to a head, SA conspirators created a "hit
list" of Army officers who were to be killed (ibid.:237) and alleg-
edly selected Standartenfuehrer Julius Uhl to assassinate Hitler
himself ( ibid 237). It may be, however, that these allegations
were invented as part of a fall-back rationale for the purge. It is
well known that Himmler, Goering and Himmler's deputy,
Reinhard Heydrich, worked behind the scenes to limit Roehm's
power; and it has been reported by some sources that they gener-
ated rumors of a Roehm plot to drive a wedge between Roehm
and Hitler. In any case, the Roehm Purge was not motivated by
the homosexuality of its victims. The great majority of victims
were not homosexuals it all. Otto Strasser, whose brother, Gregor,
was murdered that night lists some of the casualties in
Hitler and I:

Klausener and several other Catholic leaders were
executed, as well as [Vice Chancellor] von Papen's
secretaries. At Hirschberg, in Silesia, all the Jews,
all the members of the Stahlhelm, and a few com-
munists were arrested...beaten with rifle butts...and
eight people were murdered...[V] on Kahr, an old
man of sixty three... was taken from his bed, taken
to Dachau, and tortured to death... His crime had
been his failure to support the Munich putsch in
1923. Ballerstaedt...who had been instrumental
in Hitler's being sentenced to three months im-
prisonment, was murdered by a special killer squad.
[And] death was the penalty paid by Father
Staempfle for having edited Mein Kampf, and
therefore being familiar with the author's weak-
nesses (ibid.:200).

***{Below is Page: 106 }***

Igra provides us with a long and detailed account of the power
struggle which led to the purge, beginning with a refutation of the
idea that it represented a policy of extermination of homosexuals
by Hitler:

We shall find that, far from eliminating the sex per-
verts from his party, Hitler retained most of them,
and that he moved against those whom he did elimi-
nate only with the greatest reluctance and after he
had been relentlessly pushed by outside forces and
circumstances. On June 14 and 15 Hitler was in
Venice to see Mussolini It soon became common
knowledge that the German Dictator and his en-
tourage had made an unfavorable impression upon
the Italians...Mussolini was never a stickler for
puritan morality, to say the least, but there was
one vice which the Italians particularly loathe; they
call it il visio tedesco, the German vice. The con-
duct of some members in Hitler's entourage at
Venice disgusted the Italians. Mussolini protested
against the moral character and political
unreliability of the leading personnel in the Nazi
Storm Troops and warned Hitler that he would
have to sacrifice his favorite colleagues if he wished
to save his own personal prestige and that of his
regime. Among those colleagues, Roehm, Heines
and Karl Ernst were mentioned.
What chagrined [Hitler] the most was that he
knew Mussolini had been prompted... by... [Ger-
man] President Hindenberg {sic}... On June 21, Hitler
went to Neudek, Hindenberg's {sic} country seat... [He]
was literally dumbfounded when confronted on the
steps of the Hindenberg {sic} family home by General
Blomberg and Goering, both in uniform. They
informed him that the President would not receive
the Chancellor, and that if the heads of the SA were

***{Below is Page: 107 }***

not dismissed martial law would be declared,
whereupon Goering would take over civilian con-
trol as Chief of Police, and Blomberg, as Minister
of War, would take over military control.
Hitler was still recalcitrant and conceived the
idea of rallying the Storm Troops around him, as a
gesture of defiance against those gentlemen of the
right.. But an event occurred...which led Hitler to
change his plan. ..He was summoned to Krupp's
headquarters and there was received by Goering,
and the heads of the Krupp firm and other
industrialists... [T]hey delivered their ultimatum:
Either Hitler should get rid of his companions or
the Goering-Krupp-Blomberg combination would
withdraw their support for the regime. Hitler ac-
cepted the alternative, but in his own way. He
would double-cross Roehm, but he would also
double-cross his taskmasters to the Right. He
would eliminate a few of the elements that had
proved objectionable to the Right, but he would
maintain the bulk of them. Besides, he would take
the opportunity of the general massacre to remove
those against whom he had a grievance -- General
Streicher, General Bredlow, Gregor Strasser,
etc.(Igra:77f.).

The Roehm Purge, then, was not a "moral cleansing" of the
Nazi ranks, but a realignment of power behind the German gov-
ernment which was primarily forced upon Hitler by powerful po-
litical elements whose support he needed to maintain control. Igra
goes on to point out that not only did the majority of the SA
homosexuals survive the purge, but that the massacre was largely
implemented by homosexuals. He cites Strasser that the "Chief
Killers of Munich [were] Wagner, Esser, Maurice, Weber and
Buch." These men "were all known to be sex perverts or sexual
maniacs of one type or another," concludes Igra (ibid. :80). Plant

***{Below is Page: 108 }***

records that the larger campaign of assassinations across Ger-
many was orchestrated by Reinhard Heydrich, also a homosexual
(Plant: 56). Igra addresses Hitler's justification for the purge:

*** {start comment 108-1}

Plant doesn't say that Heydrich was a homosexual. There's
absolutely no evidence to substantiate such a charge. Heydrich was a
notorious womanizer, whose naval career was ended because of an
affair, and who later, even after marrying, used to take companions
out for nights of drinking and sex with women.
On the very same page (56), Plant says the following:
"In Munich, Hitler ordered the SA regulars to the 'Brown House,'
screaming that they were all 'homosexual pigs,' though he well knew
that only a few in Roehm's immediate entourage were homosexual."
This is an example of the use of selective quotation by the Pink
Swastika author. Plant is deemed valuable for one item, but what he
says in the very next paragraph, namely that only a few of the SA
leaders in Roehm's immediate entourage were homosexual, is ignored,
because it doesn't fit -- indeed directly contradicts -- the Pink
Swastika author's attempt to "prove" that the SA leadership was all
homosexual.

Igra is thoroughly unreliable. It's difficult to find his book,
just as it is now and always will be difficult to find The Pink
Swastika. Neither The Pink Swastika nor Igra have even the most basic
scholarly and ethical qualifications to be selected by most libraries.
Hitler made use of anyone he could in his climb to power. Roehm
provided valuable services in obtaining secret help from the German
Army for the Nazis in the early days, and in organizing street gangs
to counteract the similar street gangs formed by the Communists and
other movements in Germany. He was a man of great talent -- a talent
so great that even after a falling out and separation of five years,
Hitler felt impelled to call him back from South America to reorganize
the faltering SA. By coincidence, Roehm happened to be homosexual,
something we're told he didn't realize himself until five years after
joining the Nazis and one year before his break with Hitler.
Hitler didn't like homosexuals. He never liked them. He used
those few homosexuals who provided needed talent and skills he
couldn't get from heterosexuals, and tolerated them as long as they
were useful. He was quick to get rid of homosexuals whenever their
usefulness was at an end. The final break with Roehm had been building
since Hitler attained power in 1933, but problems had developed for
several years before that. He used Roehm's homosexuality and that of
some of his companions in the SA as a clever excuse to help justify
the Blood Purge and gain support for it in public opinion.
As the heterosexual Heinrich Himmler grew in stature, and as
Himmler's heterosexual SS grew, the need for homosexual Roehm and his
heterosexual SA declined. The atrocities of the heterosexual SS and
its heterosexual leaders, Himmler and Heydrich, don't have to be
repeated here. Their six million and more victims speak for
themselves. Roehm may have been homosexual, but he was not anti-
Semitic, and the world would be much better off if he and his small
company of homosexuals had triumphed over his heterosexual rivals in
the SS.
A historian cited by the Pink Swastika author, Charles Bracelen
Flood, describes some of men in the alleged list of homosexuals in
Hitler's close company: (page 188-199) "...Hermann Esser, the handsome
young former left-wing journalist, now a party speechmaker, who was
said to live off one or more women...Christian Weber...fancied himself
as a lady-killer." These "rumors" are hardly consistent with
homosexuality.
*** {end comment 108-1}

In his defense before the Reichstag a week later
Hitler talked of "traitors." That was his alibi.. In
his speech to the Reichstag he admitted that one
of the motives for ordering the massacre was to
get rid of the moral perverts in his party and that
they were traitors because they practiced
homosexualism. But under the dictatorship it was
not possible for anyone to put Hitler a question.
Nobody asked him to explain how it was that, if
his purpose was to get rid of homosexuals, he re-
ally didn't rid himself of them but used them as the
instruments of his own murder lust and still re-
tailed most of them as members of his personal
entourage, as well as in key positions of the party
organization and the government. Otto Strasser,
in his book, The German St. Bartholemew's {sic} Night
(which has not been published in English), men-
tions sixteen of these highly placed homosexualist
officials who survived the massacres of June 30
and retained their posts (Igra:82).

*** {start comment 108-2}
It's unfortunate that the alleged "sixteen" "highly placed"
homosexual officials aren't named -- and that they're mentioned in a
hard-to-obtain book in a foreign language. In Der Fuehrer (page 753),
Konrad Heiden, a source frequently cited by the Pink Swastika author,
mentions only a single member of Roehm's clique, Count Helldorf, who
survived. His survival was because he collaborated with Hitler in
plotting against Roehm and acted as an internal spy in the SA. (And
Heiden doesn't speak of Helldorf's sexuality, though some other
authors say he was homosexual.)
What homosexuals allegedly "highly placed" elsewhere in the
German government might have survived is not clear. Igra doesn't name
names, and so his allegations can't be checked.
*** {end comment 108-2}

Following the purge, Hitler received a telegram from
Hindenberg {sic} "expressing his 'profoundly felt gratitude.'" "'You
have saved the German people from a grave peril,' the President
wired" (Fest, 1975:470). Likewise, "Defense Minister von
Blomberg congratulated Hitler for the successful completion of
the "purge.' (ibid.: 470). The army, too, was pleased by Hitler's
move. Only a week after the purge an anti-Nazi Reichswehr of-
ficer told the French military attache in Berlin that the army was
25% pro-Nazi before the purge, but 95% pro-Nazi after the purge
(Gallo:289).

*** {start comment 108-3}
The Pink Swastika author either fails to see the significant
point of the homosexual charges in the Roehm purge, or wishes to
divert attention from it.
No, the Roehm purge wasn't instigated primarily to "clean house"
and get rid of homosexuals, but to get rid of the political threats
from the Roehm and Strasser factions of the party. Strasser's
insistence on maintaining the original socialist positions of the
party and Roehm's desire to take over the German Army were growing
liabilities now that Hitler had attained power. These elements of the
party upset German industrialists, the Army, and the general
population. In addition, Hitler had more than once had to fight for
his own survival as party chief, and his position was in some jeopardy
as long as these potential rivals retained power.
Cleansing the party of homosexuals was a secondary function of
the purge. As the Pink Swastika author has himself noted elsewhere,
there was discontent among the Nazis, the Army, and the general public
because of the homosexual activity of Roehm and his small clique of
friends within the SA. As long as Hitler needed Roehm's organizing
talents, he had to tolerate his behavior and that of the friends Roehm
protected, covering up as best he could the occasional scandal that
cropped up.
The purge occurred in 1934, but as long as seven years before
that, in 1927, Hitler had railed against the homosexual elements of
the SA, as the Pink Swastika author earlier noted. In 1934, Hitler
removed more than one thorn from his flesh, just as in 1927 he had
expelled from the Party Roehm's homosexual friend Heines. (Whose re-
admittance in 1930 at Roehm's insistence was the price Hitler had to
pay for getting Roehm's talent to revitalize the SA.) Roehm was no
longer needed to attain or maintain power in 1934: indeed, he had
become a liability and a threat to Hitler. It was time to rid the
party of the once-tolerated vermin who were no longer of use.
*** {end comment 108-3}

***{Below is Page: 109 }***

{Picture}
{Hitler & Mussolini in front of a statue}

No hard feelings. In 1937, three years after the purge, Hitler
hosts Mussolini on a tour of the House of German Art. The
statue behind them is of two muscular naked men holding hands
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 110 }***

After the Purge

While it is certainly true that several of the most prominent
homosexuals in the Nazi regime were killed on the "night of the
Long Knives" the fact of history is that Adolf Hitler did not purge
his regime of homosexuals in this incident or at any subsequent
time. On the contrary, a simple review of the historic record re-
veals that Hitler continued not only to surround himself with ho-
mosexuals, but to place them in key positions in the Third Reich.
Judith Reisman notes that "Kaximierz {sic} Mocazarski, a Polish
resistance fighter confirmed that homosexuals "remained party
members... got promotions... were protected by the top [Nazi]
brass' and served on the battlefield and in prisons" (Reisman,
1994:3). Of the thirteen corps commanders of the SA, all homo-
sexuals, only seven were killed in the Roehm Purge (Gallo: 16).
The rest, along with the probable thousands, perhaps tens of thou-
sands of homosexuals remaining in the SA, were quickly reas-
signed by Hitler, who put the entire SA under the authority of
Heinrich Himmler's SS. Many of these sadistic, brutal men had
been useful to Hitler since the beginning, and he made certain that
their talents would remain available to him. It is likely that some
of these SA survivors were among the participants in Geobbels {sic}
dinner-party-turned-orgy in 1936 (Grunberger:70).
*** {start comment 110-1}
How on earth would a "Polish resistance fighter" know about
homosexuals in the Nazi party? Is there no more credible witness to
substantiate this assertion of the Pink Swastika author? Those
familiar with Reisman's "scholarship" will not be surprised at this
elevation of back-fence gossip to "scholarly research." Her "credits"
include co-authoring a book slurring Dr. Alfred Kinsey with the same
sort of deceptive writing techniques and unsubstantiated innuendo that
the Pink Swastika author and Samuel Igra, his favorite "historian"
use. She's also worked with Dr. Paul Cameron -- very fittingly, as he
was thrown out of his professional group, the American Psychological
Association, for just the sort of authorship he shares with Reisman,
Igra, and Abrams and Lively, the Pink Swastika authors (unfortunately
only Cameron belonged to a respectable organization capable of
throwing such a person out).
On page 6 of Gallo's book, a quote from Baron Pomoeo Aloisi,
Mussolini's private secretary says seven of thirteen SA corps
commanders were shot. A following quote Gallo attributed to Mussolini
says of the SA "a majority of its leaders were pederasts, beginning
with Roehm." Thus, Gallo does not support the Pink Swastika author's
allegation that all were homosexuals, though citing Gallo in this
manner confuses the reader into believing that he gave the information
written by the Pink Swastika author.
*** {end comment 110-1}
Aside from the SA, Hitler retained all of the sexual deviants
of his inner circle, including Goering, Streicher, Frank, Emile and
Weber. Hess was to remain until 1941, when he left of his own
accord on his ill-fated "peace" mission to England. Hitler later
openly rewarded some of these men with top jobs in the govern-
ment. Rector, for example, writes that "Hitler knew about
[Walther] Funk, a 'notorious' homosexual, when he appointed
him Reich Minister of Economics on February 5, 1938" (Rector:
63). SS Lieutenant-General Albert Foerster, the homosexual who
is mentioned in Langer as a possible sexual partner of Hitler
(Langer: 178), and whose "black record of atrocities against the
Poles" earned him a death sentence in later war trials, was ap-
pointed Reich Regent of the Danzig Free State just prior to World

*** {start comment 110-2}
One hates to be repetitious, but repeated lies require repeated
refutations. Note that the Pink Swastika author glides smoothly from
"homosexuals" to "sexual deviants," hoping the reader won't notice and
trying to paint the above list of people as all homosexuals. There's
no evidence that Goering was either a homosexual or a sexual deviant.
His two wives and his daughter certainly didn't find such qualities in
him. He was an extraordinarily vain man who, much like a modern
politician, wore make-up to improve his appearance. He wore clothing
such as caftans that, though the common dress of some Orthodox Jews,
caused people to make jokes about him as a transvestite. Streicher and
Emile and the unidentified Weber may well have had some "deviancy,"
but it wasn't homosexuality. (In addition, they never attained "top
jobs in the government.") There's no evidence Hess was homosexual. He
was married and his son worked long and hard to try to get him
released from Spandau Prison where he was sent after World War II.
(One can't help noting in passing that while heterosexual Heinrich
Himmler was plotting the death of six million Jews, the allegedly
homosexual Hess flew to England to try to stop the Nazi insanity.)
Rector does say Funk was homosexual, but doesn't cite a source.
In this passage he's commenting on a male prostitute and criminal
named Schmidt who made charges against Funk and General von Fritsch,
among many others. The Army didn't believe Schmidt's charges, and
Himmler later had him executed at Sachsenhausen concentration camp as
an inconvenient embarrassment who knew details of Himmler's attempt to
purge rivals by smearing them with false charges of homosexuality. A
point Rector makes in his book is that allegations of homosexuality
were flung about recklessly against enemies to try to damage their
reputations, and that such charges are not to be taken seriously
absent reliable witness. The Pink Swastika author is all too ready to
accept slander and innuendo as fact, provided only that he can name an
author and cite a page.
It's a gross distortion to say that Walter Langer mentions
Foerster as a possible homosexual partner of Hitler. Langer says (page
195 of the 1972 Basic Books edition) that Hermann Rauschning reported
that Foerster told him of Hitler's alleged "impotence as far as
heterosexual relations go without actually implying that he indulges
in homosexuality. It is probably true that Hitler calls Foerster
'Bubi,' which is a common nickname employed by homosexuals in
addressing their partners. This alone, however, is not adequate proof
that he has actually indulged in homosexual practices with
Foerster...." The term "Bubi" is not peculiar to homosexuals, but is
also used by heterosexual men to express an affectionate relationship
to each other.
Wistrich gives a brief biography of Foerster on page 77, but says
nothing about homosexuality.
Wistrich also gives a brief biography of Graf von Helldorf (see
top of page 111 of The Pink Swastika, immediately below this comment).
He mentions absolutely nothing about homosexuality, but says Helldorf
was a major figure in the 1944 plot to assassinate Hitler.
Strasser merely refers to Helldorf as a "pervert" without
elaboration, leaving his meaning unclear and not providing any
reference or context to substantiate or clarify the remark, and not
indicating whether homosexuality was involved in the alleged
perversion.
*** {end comment 110-2}

***{Below is Page: 111 }***
War II (Wistrich: 178{sic}). And Graf von Helldorf, one of Rossbach's
original homosexual Brownshirts (Strasser, 1940:26), was ap-
pointed by Hitler to the post of police president of Berlin in 1935
(Snyder: 145).

Heinrich Himmler and the SS

Heinrich Himmler is an extremely important figure in Nazi
history. He joined the Nazis in the early years of the party and
"participated in the Munich Beer-Hall Putsch of November 1923
as a standard-bearer at the side of Ernst Roehm" (Wistrich: 138).
After holding a number of mid-level positions in the party he was
appointed "head of Hitler's personal bodyguard, the black-shirted
Schulzstaffel {sic} (58), at that time a small body of 200 men
(ibid.: 138). Over the next dozen years Himmler's "astonishing
capacity for work and irrepressible power-lust showed itself in
his accumulation of official posts" (ibid.: 138), eventually winning
him the most powerful position in the Third Reich under Hitler
himself.
The role of Himmler is also critically important to the asser-
tions of homosexual revisionists. "Heinrich Himmler, Reichsfuhrer
SS and head of the Gestapo," writes Steakley, "richly deserves a
reputation as the most fanatically anti-homosexual member of the
Nazi leadership" (Steakley: 111). Indeed, if one were to accept
Himmler's public pronouncements against homosexuality at face
value, he would certainly deserve this distinction. For example,
in a speech in which he commemorated the Roehm Purge, he said:

Two years ago...when it became necessary, we did
not hesitate to strike this plague with death, even
within our own ranks...in our judgment of homo-
sexuality -- a symptom of degeneracy which could
destroy our race -- we must return to the guiding
Nordic principle: extermination of degenerates"
(ibid.:111 f.).

***{Below is Page: 112 }***

However, as we have demonstrated, homosexuality was not
the reason for the Roehm Purge. And if we look at other evi-
dence we find that Himmler's practice regarding homosexuals was
far different than his rhetoric would imply. Once again we must
consider the Friedlander distinction between "Butches" and
"Femmes." He, together with the masculine homosexuals of the
Community of the Special, called effeminate homosexuals "de-
generates." Clearly, in this speech, Himmler rhetorically lumped
the masculine Roehm with all homosexuals, but it is probable that
the distinction would have been lost on this particular audience
anyway.

*** {start comment 112-1}
Whatever the main purpose of the Roehm purge, it was also
presented at the time as a purge of homosexuals -- and indeed it was.
The fact is that the homosexual leaders of the SA were purged, and
that power passed from the SA to the indisputably heterosexual SS.
That is the context of Himmler's remarks. Whatever temporary use the
Nazis might have made of individual homosexuals who had talents they
needed (Roehm, Funk), the official Nazi position and the attitude they
fostered in all of Germany's educational and other institutions was
the attitude expressed by Himmler. The Pink Swastika author knows that
his thesis of homosexual responsibility for Nazi atrocities falls flat
when confronted with unquestioned heterosexual villains like Heinrich
Himmler, Adolf Eichmann, and Josef Mengele, and he has to try to
defuse this land mine under his feet by grasping at even the vaguest
gossip and innuendo to try to make a case that, deep down, these
heterosexuals were really either homosexuals themselves or
sympathizers of homosexuals.
*** {end comment 112-1}

Himmler may have been a homosexual. Filmmaker Walter
Frenz, who worked closely with the Nazi elite including a stint as
Hitler's private filmmaker, is reported to have traveled to the East-
ern front with Himmler "whose pederastic proclivities he cap-
tured on film" (Washington City Paper, April 4, 1995). Himmler,
like Hitler, was closely associated with homosexuals during his
entire adult life. His path to Nazi leadership, however, was not,
like that of so many others, through the German "gay rights"
movement. It was, instead, through the occult movement, and
his Nazi career was defined by his passion for the occult. We
have seen how Himmler was profoundly influenced by Guido von
List and Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels, the homosexual gurus of na-
tionalistic and anti-Semitic occultism. It was List's dream of a
hierarchical male supremacist social order which formed the blue-
print for the SS. And it was from List that Himmler appropriated
the "SS" symbol. From Lanz, Himmler adopted other occult
themes. Wistrich writes,

For him, the SS was at one and the same time the
resurrection of the ancient Order of the Teutonic
Knights with himself as Grand Master, the breed-
ing of a new Herrenvolk aristocracy based on tra-
ditional values of obedience, courage and loyalty,
and a vast experiment in modern racial engineer-
ing (Wistrich: 140).
*** {start comment 112-2}
The quote is slightly inaccurate. It should read ...loyalty, and
the instrument of a vast experiment...."
*** {end comment 112-2}

***{Below is Page: 113 }***

Lanz originated both the revival of the Teutonic Knights theme
and the plan for German racial engineering. The latter idea mani-
fested itself in Germany in 1936 as the "State-registered human
stud Farm known as Lebensborn [meaning "fount of life"j, where
young girls selected for their perfect Nordic traits could procre-
ate with SS men" (ibid.: 138). By 1945 over 11,000 births had
resulted from the program (Conway:273), which Himmler was
later to claim as his greatest contribution to the Third Reich. But
the plan, down to some of its details, must be attributed to Lanz.
Goodrick-Clarke writes,

The similarity between Lanz's proposals and the
latter practices of Himmler's SS Lebensborn ma-
ternity organization... indicate the survival of these
mental reflexes over a generation. Lanz's advo-
cacy of brood mothers in eugenic convents
(Zuchtkloster), served by pure-blooded Aryan
stud-males (Ehehelfer), was revived in the Third
Reich (Goodrick-Clarke:97).

Himmler's opposition to homosexuality was directly proper-
tannate to the attitudes of homosexuals about procreation. For
him, the individual's highest duty to the state was the improve-
men of the race through proper breeding. Himmler was obsessed
with creating a race of "supermen." But in his view, some of the
most perfect specimens of Aryan manhood were being lost to this
effort due to homosexuality. Himmler felt this "loss" more keenly
in light of the fact that Germany had lost two million men in World
War I. He also believed there were two million homosexuals in
the population. "This meant," write Burleigh and Wippermann,
"that Germany's 'sexual balance sheet' had gone into deficit be-
cause 'four million men capable of sex' had either died or had
renounced their duty to procreate' on account of their sexual
proclivities" (Burleigh and Wipperman {sic} :192).

*** {start comment 113-1}
It should be pointed out that Burleigh and Wippermann are quoting
from a speech Himmler delivered to a conference of SS officers in
1937. In that speech he announced that homosexuals uncovered in the SS
would be publicly degraded, imprisoned, and upon release sent to
concentration camps where they would be shot "while attempting to
escape." Himmler added "Thereby, I hope finally to have done with
persons of this type in the SS."
*** {end comment 113-1}

Himmler's solution to this problem was, logically enough, not
the extermination of the delinquent males. Instead he placed great

***{Below is Page: 114 }***

hope in the use of medical "treatments" to "reclaim" homosexu-
als for the race. One experiment involved implanting artificial
glands in homosexual subjects to introduce additional male hor-
mones to the body. Other efforts paired homosexual prisoners
with female prostitutes (ibid.: 195f). while the idea of forced
medical experiments is abhorrent, the fact that Himmler invested
time and resources in such projects shows that he had a very dif-
ferent view of homosexuals than of other prisoners, even of those
effeminate homosexuals who were held in such contempt by the
Nazi "Butches." Himmler was determined to rehabilitate rather
than dispose of them.

*** {start comment 114-1}
The Nazis sought "cures" for all their undesirables, not just
homosexuals. For example, having Jewish blood could be "cured" by
having had enough exposure to Christianity in one's past. A Jewish
relative, if far enough in the past, was considered not to have any
further tainting influence. In the general population, the removal of
"Jewish influences" for two prior generations was deemed adequate,
while for higher roles, such as SS membership, more generations of
removal from Jewish influence in one's family had to be demonstrated.
The Nazis usually lumped homosexuals together with Jews in their
pantheon of demons. Both groups were considered enemies of the state,
but it was far more difficult to deal with homosexuals than with Jews.
The Jews could be isolated rather easily, and were largely without
ties outside their group. Homosexuals, on the other hand, could crop
up anywhere -- even in the best of Nazi families. Just as public
opinion had shut down the euthanasia program before World War II when
concerned relatives of some of those killed began to raise questions,
so the prosecution of homosexuals could not be too extreme, as there
were too many heterosexual family members who would object. The
euthanasia program resumed more quietly after wartime secrecy
prevailed, and in the same way detention and medical experiments on
homosexuals could intensify after the onset of war. The manpower
shortage made treatment preferable to extermination. In the same way
Jews were sometimes preserved in the early days of the war if they
could provide useful manpower (those not of use were killed very
quickly).
Whatever "softness" Himmler might have exhibited toward
homosexuals, it wasn't because he had any sort of "soft spot" for
them. Faced with a critical shortage of manpower, and having killed
off Jews who could have provided it, he had to look where he could for
workers.
*** {end comment 114-1}

Himmler began his Nazi career as an aide to Ernst Roehm, a
fact which clearly refutes the idea that he was a priggish anti-
homosexual zealot. On the contrary, Himmler's service to Roehm
was not performed grudgingly. Himmler voluntarily wrote his
own oath of loyalty to Roehm and repeated it ceremoniously each
year in Roehm's presence. Gallo records a portion of a letter
written to Roehm by Himmler: "As a soldier and a friend, I wish
you all you could desire in obedience and loyalty. It has been and
always will be my greatest pride to be counted among your most
faithful followers" (Gallo:45). Obviously, Himmler's attitude had
changed considerably by the time he helped to orchestrate the
Roehm Purge, but for many years he had been pleased to serve
the most brazen and outspoken homosexual in the Nazi Party.

*** {start comment 114-2}
The Pink Swastika author is either being disingenuous or is
hopelessly naive to attribute to Himmler any sincerity. Nobody else
would. Himmler was an unscrupulous sycophant who would say anything to
ingratiate himself with his superiors. In plotting behind Roehm's back
to take over his power it was only logical that Himmler would do
whatever he could to try to make Roehm trust him. It should also be
noted that Roehm-the-open-homosexual-of-the-Nazi-movement didn't exist
before 1924, that he left the party in 1925, and then the country,
returning only in 1930. The idea that Himmler had faithfully served an
"outspoken homosexual" for "many years" is not supported by the facts.
(Additionally, Hitler's major method of controlling his subordinates
was to divide them and have them report through multiple, parallel
chains of command, thus setting up conflicts that only he could
resolve. That Himmler nominally served under Roehm doesn't mean very
much when he took personal orders directly from Hitler without going
through Roehm.)
*** {end comment 114-2}

As long as a man performed his procreative duties to the state,
Himmler had no problem with his other sexual practices. This
attitude is easily recognized in the case of his second-in-command,
Reinhard Heydrich, whose own contribution to the Third Reich
deserves special attention.

***{Below is Page: 115 }***

Reinhard Heydrich: "The Blonde Beast"

In an organization which exemplified evil, Reinhard Heydrich
was considered the quintessential member. "Tall, slim, blonde-
haired, with slanting, deep set blue eyes," writes Wistrich,
"Heydrich with his military bearing and ice-cool hardness seemed
to epitomize the "Nordic-Aryan type' of Nazi mythology"
(Wistrich: 134). Himmler selected Heydrich as his right hand-man
in 1931, and within a few short years he was feared by everyone
but Hitler himself (Rector:61). Wistrich describes him well:

...ruthless, cold and calculating, without any com-
punction to carrying out the most inhuman mea-
sures, Heydrich made himself indispensable to the
masters of the Third Reich...His cynicism and con-
tempt for human beings led him to exploit the bas-
est instincts...in weaving his gigantic spider's web
of police surveillance in the Third Reich. He filed
extensive dossiers, not only on enemies of the Party
but also his rivals and colleagues. The 'Blonde
Beast,' who controlled the sole intelligence ser-
vice after 1935, specialized in devious methods of
blackmail alongside weapons of open terror and
persecution. His hand was most probably in the
Tukhachevsky Affair -- which led to the purge of
Red Army generals in the Soviet Union - and he
fabricated the scandalous intrigue which brought
down the leading German generals von
Blomberg. . and von Fritsch... [He] masterminded
the mock attack on the Gleiwitz radio transmitter
which provided Hitler's excuse for invading
Poland... [But] The most satanic consequence of
this accumulation of power was revealed in
Heydrich's implementation of the order for the
wholesale extermination of European Jewry
(Wistrich: 134f.).

***{Below is Page: 116 }***

Like so many of the Nazis, Heydrich had been a member of
the Freikorps and "was strongly influenced in his early years by
the racial fanaticism of the volkish circles" (ibid.: 134). Heydrich
also shared the sexual vice that marked Hitler's circle of power.
Heydrich's career was guided and dominated by his relation-
ship with an older homosexual friend, Freidrich {sic} Karl von Eberstein,
son of Count Ernst von Eberstein, Heydrich's godfather. Freidrich {sic}
von Eberstein was Heydrich's senior by ten years and had served
in the navy during World War I. More importantly, von Eberstein
was one of the original Nazi leaders in the SA and was a personal
friend of Adolf Hitler (Calic:33). While von Eberstein had been
instrumental in helping Heydrich obtain a commission in the navy,
he was also the reason Heydrich was relieved of his post in 1931
by Admiral Raeder. Raeder had dismissed him for "conduct un-
becoming an officer and a gentleman" (Wistrich: 134) after he
learned of the homosexual relationship between Heydrich and von
Eberstein. Immediately von Eberstein moved to procure Heydrich
a place in the Nazi leadership. Historian Callum MacDonald writes,

While Heydrich was serving on the Naval staff in
Kiel, von Eberstein had been leader of the Nazi
Sturmabteilung or SA, in Munich and upper
Bavaria...In 1931, however, von Eberstein joined
another organization, the Schutzstaffel or SS...On
the recommendation of von Eberstein, now an of-
ficer on Himmler's staff Heydrich became a mem-
ber of the Nazi Party, number 544,916, in June
1931. He joined the SA in Hamburg and was soon
involved in bloody street battles against the com-
munists and other opponents of the Nazis. He took
this step on the understanding that his association
with the beerhall brawlers was to be purely tem-
porary and that von Eberstein would use his influ-
ence to secure a speedy transfer to the SS... [Later,
Hitler] began to look for someone capable of or-
ganizing the SS intelligence service on a profes-

***{Below is Page: 117 }***

sional basis and was handed Heydrich's file by von
Eberstein (MacDonald: l6f.).

*** {start comment 117-1}
Allegations about Eberstein's alleged homosexuality appear to be
pure fabrication. In four biographies of Heydrich, there is no mention
of it. G. S. Graber mentions homosexuality several times about other
Nazis, such as Ernst Roehm, but never in regard to Heydrich or
Eberstein. Indeed, after discussing the homosexuality of Roehm and his
inner circle, at whose office Heydrich was to report for work, Graber
says (page 55) "None of this was then known to Heydrich. When he
reported for duty at the Brown House he must have been disagreeably
surprised." A homosexual would hardly have been "disagreeably"
surprised to join others. Biographer Guenther Deschner also has no
mention of homosexuality regarding Heydrich or Eberstein.
Edouard Calic is not a source for the material where he is cited
in The Pink Swastika. Calic says absolutely nothing about
homosexuality in regard to Heydrich and Eberstein. (See comment 118-
1.)
Author Callum MacDonald provides a summary of Heydrich's early
career in the work cited by the Pink Swastika author. Based on what
MacDonald writes, the Pink Swastika's account of Heydrich's alleged
homosexual activity appears to be pure fabrication.
Heydrich was only 15 years old when, at the end of World War I,
he joined the Maeracker Freikorps, a notorious one, but not one
associated with homosexuality. He later claimed to have served as a
runner (messenger). He was a member for only a short time, though he
and his father joined a local volunteer defense force trained by some
of the Freikorps troops.
MacDonald says nothing about Eberstein being homosexual. What is
clear is that Heydrich in no way was "guided or dominated" by him.
There was a ten year difference in their ages, and they were located
in different parts of the country, Heydrich in Kiel in the far north,
Eberstein in Munich in the far south. They did correspond by mail.
MacDonald doesn't state whether Eberstein helped Heydrich join the
navy, but in any case that would certainly have been the older
Eberstein, Heydrich's godfather, not the allegedly homosexual son.
The influence and guiding light of Heydrich's naval career was
Admiral Canaris, later an anti-Hitler conspirator, not Eberstein.
MacDonald says (page 13) "Moreover, his mentor, Canaris, had a long
association with naval intelligence and may have recommended a posting
to some form of secret work." MacDonald says absolutely nothing about
any alleged homosexual relationship between Heydrich and Eberstein as
a cause for Heydrich's dismissal from the Navy. Heydrich was a
notorious womanizer and had already been brought up before a naval
court of honor on a charge of mistreating another young lady. A second
charge, coming after Heydrich's engagement was announced, involved a
woman who claimed Heydrich had promised to marry her. The wronged
young lady's family were friends of Admiral Raeder, head of the German
Navy, and this time Heydrich did not escape. He was thrown out of the
Navy by Raeder. Since MacDonald supplies this information just a few
pages before the quote of the Pink Swastika author, it's hard to see
how the confusion could arise in any honest manner.
After his dismissal from the Navy, a continued career using his
military training and experience was difficult. He, his wife, and her
family were ardent Nazis, and he had a friend in Hitler's
headquarters, the younger Eberstein. He asked him to look for a job
for him. Eberstein did help him get a job in the SS and brought him to
Himmler's attention as a candidate for the intelligence job. (It was
Himmler, not Hitler, who "began to look for someone..." -- another
error on the part of the Pink Swastika author.)
It should also be noted that Wistrich mentions nothing of
homosexuality in regard to Heydrich. At publication of his book,
Wistrich was teaching at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. He mentions
Funk's alleged homosexuality, and Funk's great offense against Jews
was to "launder" currency and gold taken from concentration camp
victims. It would seem that in the case of Heydrich, architect of the
death of millions of Jews, Wistrich would surely have mentioned
homosexuality had he found the slightest hint of it.
*** {end comment 117-1}

In 1931 , when Ernst Roehm was faced with accusations of
homosexuality under Paragraph 175, it was Heydrich who came
to his defense (Lombardi: 12). Despite this action, or perhaps
because of it, Heydrich very soon discovered he had enemies within
the Party. These men, led by Moulin-Eckart, began looking for
information to use against him. They uncovered the truth of
Heydrich's homosexuality and attempted to blackmail him with
it. His enemies, however, would quickly learn that Heydrich was
not a man to cross. According to Calic,

Moulin-Eckart condemned himself to death... What
he learned about Heydrich's [Jewish] origins was
unimportant compared with the evidence he gath-
ered concerning relations between Heydrich and
von Eberstein...Heydrich's adversaries underesti-
mated the danger of what they planned to do.
Revealing the true reason for Heydrich's dismissal
from the navy might set off a scandal that would
jeopardize Hitler's efforts to increase his support
in the Reichwehr. {sic} Worried about the effects of
such a revelation, the party leadership finally be-
gan circulating a story to counteract it: Heydrich
had been dismissed from the navy because he re-
fused to marry a woman after having an affair with
her (Calic:64).

Heydrich's mentor in the navy, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, was
also alleged to be homosexual -- by Heydrich's successor in the
position of Chief of the SD-SS, Ernst Kaltenbrunner (Rector:62).
Rector questions this allegation because Kaltenbrunner "once said
that 80% of the Abwehr [German Military Intelligence] were sexu-
ally perverted" and believed it "to be a center of every form of
vice" (ibid.:62). This allegation, however, seems quite consistent

***{Below is Page: 118 }***

with what we have come to know of certain segments of the Ger-
man military, though the specific statements are perhaps exagger-
ated. Heydrich and Canaris were very close during Heydrich's
tenure in the navy (MacDonald: 12), but Canaris later came to
fear the man he had trained in intelligence tactics, and kept a dos-
sier on Heydrich's homosexuality as insurance to protect his own
career (Stevenson: 349). Much later Canaris was discovered to
be a leader in the attempt to assassinate Hitler and was executed
at Flossenberg concentration camp on April 9, 1945.

*** {start comment 118-1}
Once again the Pink Swastika author fails to see the irony in the
gossip he peddles. One alleged homosexual Nazi flew to England to try
to stop the war. Here another alleged homosexual plotted to kill
Hitler. Even if these men were homosexuals -- something not at all
demonstrated -- they seem all to be opponents of Hitler rather than
ardent followers.
The source of the Stevenson citation given above is not
immediately apparent from the Pink Swastika bibliography.
The alleged material from Calic is an astounding fabrication.
Calic says absolutely nothing about homosexuality.
Calic's "real reason" for Heydrich's dismissal from the navy was
political reasons, and that his "relationship" with Eberstein was one
of Nazi politics. He says, on pages 55-56:
"But even if there actually was such a woman {whom Heydrich
wronged and who caused his dismissal}, and even if Heydrich's refusal
to marry her actually was the basis of charges brought against him, we
cannot exclude the possibility that his dismissal was politically
motivated. The great confidence shown in him by Hitler and Himmler as
soon as he arrived at the Brown House {offices of the Munich SA/SS},
the respectful way he was treated in the headquarters of the Nazi
party -- all this suggested that the Nazi leadership wanted to reward
him for services rendered to the party.
"If someday it is established by unquestionable documentary
evidence that Heydrich appeared before a naval court of honor because
of his misconduct toward a woman, that will not disprove the statement
he often repeated during his years in the Third Reich: that he was
dismissed from the navy for political reasons."
The fact is that Heydrich had become an admirer of Hitler, and
Eberstein served the Nazi Party in Munich. Calic suggests that while
in the navy, Heydrich was working for the Nazis, spying on his fellow
officers and giving information to the Nazis. This is made quite
evident if the whole passage from Calic is presented, not the mangled
version in The Pink Swastika. Here is what Calic actually says on page
64:
...."In doing this, Moulin-Eckart condemned himself to death.
"What he learned about Heydrich's origins was unimportant
compared with the evidence he gathered concerning relations between
Heydrich and Karl von Eberstein. That was forbidden territory because
Hitler had publicly declared that he would use only legal means to
achieve power. Spying on officers of the armed forces was severely
punished by the law and regarded as an act incompatible with the
principles of patriotism. Moulin-Eckart, and others who wanted
Heydrich out of the way, would not have missed a chance to use that
argument in their struggle against him within the party. According to
Hans von Kessel, Heydrich's adversaries underestimated the danger of
what they planned to do. Revealing the true reason for Heydrich's
dismissal from the navy might set off a scandal that would jeopardize
Hitler's efforts to increase his support in the Reichswehr. Worried
about the effects of such a revelation, the party leadership finally
began circulating a story to counteract it: Heydrich had been
dismissed from the navy because he refused to marry a woman after
having an affair with her. That is Kessel's thesis. Is there
documentary proof of it? No. But logic and common sense speak in its
favor."
The Pink Swastika author has deliberately falsified what Calic
writes. Calic says absolutely nothing about homosexuality. His "real
reason" is that Heydrich may have been spying on naval officers and
relaying the "dirt" to the Nazis in Munich via his friend Eberstein.
That is the "relationship" with Eberstein. Moreover, Calic clearly
states that this version is unsupported speculation by Hans von
Kessel, a German journalist whose brother was killed in Heydrich's
"Night of the Long Knives" purge of the SA in 1934.
At this point, it's worthwhile to address another of the rumors
about Heydrich, namely his alleged Jewish origins. That's an
allegation MacDonald deals with. That rumor had dogged Heydrich since
he was a young boy, as it had dogged his father and hampered his
career. Heydrich's grandmother had married a man named Suess after his
grandfather's death. The family name of Heydrich's father was
sometimes recorded as "Heydrich-Suess" combining the names of his true
father and his stepfather. The man Suess was not Jewish, and in any
case wasn't a blood relative of Heydrich. But the name fostered
rumors.
As for Heydrich's alleged work in the charge against Roehm,
that's something he very obviously would be involved in as head of
intelligence, and nothing about his personal sexual proclivities can
validly be read into it. Roehm and Himmler both stood as godparents
when Heydrich's first son was baptized in 1933. Heydrich saw Roehm as
the head of his organization and as a friend of the leader of his
country -- a good person to be on friendly terms with for a young man
looking to advance his career. As Roehm fell from grace, Heydrich was
quick to drop him, showing that his loyalty was not to Roehm but to
his own career.
*** {end comment 118-1}

Heydrich's loyalties to Hitler never wavered. Rector writes
that "Hitler considered him the ideal Nazi, and Nazi inner circles
regarded Heydrich as a likely successor to Hitler even though
Hermann Goering was officially slated for the post of Fuehrer"
(Rector:62). Hitler's support gave Heydrich nearly unlimited
power. As Snyder writes, "Heydrich could order immediate ar-
rests and preventative detention, and he could send any persons
to concentration camps at any time. He was the absolute master
of life and liberty in the Third Reich" (Snyder:3 17).

The Grynszpan Affair -- Kristallnacht

Perhaps the single most infamous incident orchestrated by
Heydrich was the November 9, 1938 pogrom known as
Kristallnacht ("Crystal night"), in which hundreds of Jews were
killed and synagogues and businesses were destroyed across Ger-
many. "In fifteen hours," writes Snyder, "101 synagogues were
destroyed by fire, and 76 were demolished. Bands of Nazis sys-
tematically destroyed 7,500 Jewish owned stores. The pillage
and looting went on through the night. Streets were covered with
broken glass, hence the name Kristallnacht" (ibid. :201). Michael
Berenbaum, in The World Must Know, adds that ninety-six Jews
were killed and thirty thousand were arrested and sent to the camps.
Jewish cemeteries, schools and homes were destroyed. As a final
insult, the Jews were held responsible for the damage and collec-
tively fined one billion Reichsmarks (Berenbaum:54).

***{Below is Page: 119 }***

The Nazis characterized this wave of terror as the German
people's spontaneous response to the assassination of German
Embassy Councilor, Ernst vom Rath..{sic: ..} While the "spontaneous"
rioting was actually a calculated act of terrorism, the incident that
allegedly sparked it was not planned. Ernst vom Rath's murder
was a legitimately spontaneous occurrence which the Nazis ex-
ploited to justify an attack on the Jews which they had undoubt-
edly been planning for some time. Interestingly, however, the one
common element in the story of the assassination and the story of
Kristallnacht is homosexuality.
Ernst vom Rath was a high-level SA official who had received
a diplomatic posting to the German embassy in Paris. While serv-
ing there he had taken up with a seventeen-year-old male prosti-
tute by the name of Herschel Grynszpan, a Polish Jew (Read and
Fisher: 33). In partial payment for his services, Grynszpan had
extracted a promise from vom Rath that his parents would be
spared the consequences of a recent law that "revoked the citi-
zenship of Polish Jews who had been living abroad for more than
five years and who still retained Polish citizenship" (Rector:57).
But vom Rath apparently failed to keep his promise; Grynszpan's
family, along with thousands of others "were herded into camps
in a no-man's land along the border region of Zbonszyn in freez-
ing weather" (ibid.:58). In retaliation, Grynszpan shot vom Rath
on the night of November 7, 1938. Two days later the Nazis
staged the "night of Broken Glass."

*** {start comment 119-1}
The account of the Grynszpan affair is astonishing in its
inaccuracy and distortion.
It's astonishing because of how greatly it disagrees with what
was actually written by the sources cited in The Pink Swastika. It's
hard to understand how the Pink Swastika author imagined he could get
away with what he has written.
But more astonishing is what the Pink Swastika author, himself
proudly Jewish and living in Jerusalem (see his introduction), has
done to tarnish the reputation of Herschel Grynszpan, a hero of the
Jewish people who stood up to the Nazis when nobody else would. There
is absolutely no evidence that Grynszpan was ever involved in
homosexuality, or that he even knew Ernst vom Rath before he shot him.
Grynszpan was considered a hero, and Dorothy Thompson of the United
States led a campaign to raise money for his defense. (She
specifically insisted that no Jews contribute, so that the Nazis could
not hold her efforts against Germany's Jews.)
Rector's is a thinly researched book and a poor source for
anything. He cites no sources in his information on Grynszpan. While
he does say "Here, however, the charge of homosexuality was possibly
true," he immediately qualifies even that tentative statement with "At
least, no evidence has been brought forward affirming or refuting that
the Grynszpan case was due to a homosexual love affair that had a
tragic ending...." The Pink Swastika author had available to him the
more thoroughly researched work of Read and Fisher -- he quotes from
them -- yet chose to use a dubious account from Rector. The reason is
simple: Read and Fisher, rather homophobic in their comments,
completely exonerate Grynszpan of any homosexual involvement, while
Rector, even though something of a homosexual apologist at times,
suggests there may have been some truth in the allegation. The obvious
thing is for The Pink Swastika to use the author whose tentative
comment can be passed off as proof that yet another Nazi "high-level"
member of the SA was a homosexual.
Did Grynszpan know vom Rath? When he went to the German Embassy,
he didn't ask for vom Rath, but for the ambassador, saying he had some
important information to give him. It was pure coincidence that he was
led to vom Rath. Here's what Read and Fisher say on page 6: "He asked
to see the German ambassador. As he did so, a casually dressed man in
his fifties strolled past them on his way out of the embassy -- Count
Johannes von Welczeck, the ambassador himself. Although he overheard
Herschel's request, Welczeck ignored it: There were plenty of staff on
duty to handle such visitors, and in any case, he was off on his
morning constitutional. His silence saved his life." Another author
adds that in addition vom Rath was filling in for a colleague who
would have been the one to see Grynszpan but was not yet at work.
How then did the idea of homosexuality arise? The Read and Fisher
account begins on page 231 and is backed in its main by independent
research of other authors such as Hannah Arendt. The issue of a
homosexual relationship was raised by de Moro-Giafferi, one of
Grynszpan's high-priced lawyers hired by Dorothy Thompson's defense
fund, and described as "the best lawyer in France."
In recounting Moro's defense of Grynszpan, Read and Fisher say
(page 241f.) "Moro's new strategy was ingenious and, to say the least,
unconventional. It involved nothing less than a deliberate defamation
of the characters not only of Ernst vom Rath but also of Herschel
himself. Moro proposed that Herschel should now declare to the
examining magistrate that he and vom Rath had been lovers and that he
had shot him in a jealous rage because the diplomat had found another
lover, or -- in an alternative scenario -- because vom Rath had
refused to pay Herschel for his services as a male prostitute....There
would be two immediate and highly desirable consequences of the new
approach. In the first place, the Nazis could hardly seek to vent
their rage upon German Jews because a Jewish boy prostitute and his
Nazi client had fallen out. And in the second place, it would make the
Reich a laughingstock: Even though the lawyers acting for the partie
civile might be able to do something to defend the late vom Rath's
name in court, the world's press would have a field day at Germany's
expense....But it was not to be. In spite of the fact that Moro made
it clear to him that this unhallowing of his crime would be to his own
advantage, Herschel indignantly refused to cooperate."
In any event, Herschel was never brought to trial. By July, 1939,
when the trial could have been ready to begin, international tensions
were so high (the war started a month later) that the French
government was in no hurry to rush things.
*** {end comment 119-1}

The Nazis were unable to find Grynszpan until 1940 when he
was finally hunted down and seized by the Gestapo (ibid:58). When
at last they had him in their possession, however, their planned
high-profile courtroom prosecution went up in smoke. "At the
last moment the trial was canceled on Hitler's orders: Grynszpan
had threatened to reveal a homosexual relationship with Rath"
(ibid. :58). The Nazis were furious. "Vom Rath had been sold to
the world as an official martyr, shot down in the service of the
Fuehrer He had even been given a state funeral at which Hitler
himself had been a mourner. Was he now to be portrayed in the

***{Below is Page: 120 }***

world's press as a queer with a taste for seventeen-year-old boys?"
(Read and Fisher:252).

*** {start comment 120-1}
The implication that the Nazis were somehow searching for
Grynszpan, but were unable to find him for a long time is laughable.
He was in French custody until the German invasion in April 1940. The
Germans began looking for him only after they occupied Paris, and they
located him within a couple weeks. He was in German hands a couple
weeks after that (Read and Fisher, 248).
The Nazis don't seem to have plans in 1940 for a public trial of
Grynszpan. Read and Fisher say that in their first interrogations of
Herschel he didn't mention anything about homosexuality, claiming
instead that he had gone to the German Embassy to shoot himself as a
protest but had instead shot vom Rath because he called him a dirty
Jew. Grynszpan was transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp
where the Nazis kept special prisoners such as Pastor Martin
Niemoeller, an outspoken opponent of the Nazis. Read and Fisher say
that the young Grynszpan was there referred to as "bubi" by the
guards. In view of Langer's quote cited above about "bubi" allegedly
being a term of affection used by homosexuals, it's thoroughly amazing
that the Pink Swastika author failed to concoct a story about
Grynszpan having homosexual love affairs with his jailers at
Sachsenhausen. (See comment 110-2 above.)
The Nazis could have tried Grynszpan in 1940 without the
"homosexual defense" being raised, but they missed their chance. They
drew up a case and indicted Herschel on October 30, 1941. The German
court raised objections to the case because the murder had been
committed in France, not Germany. Hitler settled the matter by saying
that the shooting of vom Rath was not a simple murder but an act of
treason against the Reich, and plans for the trial proceeded. But by
that point Herschel, now 20 years old, had learned a bit more of the
art of survival. He took a cue from Moro, his French defense lawyer,
and raised the "fag defense" -- that he had been having a homosexual
affair with vom Rath -- and gave a remarkably detailed account of how
vom Rath picked him up off the street one day and seduced him. The
account was extremely detailed, down to the light-colored overcoat vom
Rath had allegedly worn and the Paris location at which the seduction
had allegedly occurred.
Of Herschel's claim to have been seduced by vom Rath, Read and
Fisher say "The whole story was, of course, a total fabrication.
Investigation revealed that Ernst vom Rath was not a homosexual, had
never owned a light-colored overcoat, and could not have picked
Herschel up in the Place de la Republique when Herschel claimed he
had, because he was known to have been out of Paris at the time."
Grynszpan nonetheless stuck to his story and told investigating
psychologists that vom Rath had promised that his parents would not be
deported to Poland.
Grynszpan's introduction of the "fag defense" put an end to any
thought of a public show trial for the moment. Read and Fisher say (p
252) "Although Herschel's story could easily be demolished by the
prosecution, its potential as an anti-Nazi smear was enormous. Vom
Rath had been sold to the world as an official martyr, shot down in
service to the fuehrer. He had been given a state funeral at which
Hitler himself had been a mourner. Was he now to be portrayed in the
world's press as a queer with a taste for seventeen-year-old boys?"
(It would have been particularly bad that he had violated Germany's
racial laws by having sex with a Jew.)
That last quote from Read and Fisher will be noted as the same
used by the Pink Swastika author immediately above. With a large
measure of tongue in cheek, one notes with amazement that the Pink
Swastika author found this quote while totally ignoring the
immediately preceding material in which Read and Fisher expose
Grynszpan's story as a fabrication.
*** {end comment 120-1}

Of course, the Nazis claimed that the confession was a lie, but
apparently there must have been enough evidence to support the
story, or the prosecutors could have easily refuted it. Instead,
they delayed the trial. Read and Fisher explain:

The delay gave Goebbels the time to create a new
myth about the late Ernst vom Rath, and he set
about it in a highly ingenious manner. He arranged
for the letters of French prisoners of war to be
specially vetted by one of his men, who seized the
more passionate and erotic messages. The letters
were then doctored to make it appear that they
had all been written to vom Rath by various mis-
tresses, with the aim of producing them in court as
written evidence of his heterosexuality. At one
stroke, Goebbels would have created a new Don
Juan, a German womanizer irresistible to
Frenchwomen (ibid:253).

Clearly the Nazis could produce no legitimate evidence that
vom Rath was a heterosexual. But even their falsified evidence
went unused because, in the meantime, the Justice Ministry had
obtained additional information that made a public trial impos-
sible. "[A] story had been circulating in public that Herschel had
in fact been vom Rath's male whore and procurer for some time
in 1938, and that vom Rath had been known in Parisian homo-
sexual circles as 'the ambassadress' and 'Notre Dame de Paris'"
(ibid. :253). Additionally, it was learned that vom Rath's brother
"had been dismissed from the service for homosexual offenses"
(ibid. :253). This was too much for even Hitler's propaganda
machine to overcome, so the trial was again postponed.
Grynszpan's young life began and ended in tragedy associ-
ated with homosexual perversion. His home town of Hanover

***{Below is Page: 121 }***

(perhaps not coincidentally the birthplace of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs)
was a center of homosexuality," according to Read and Fisher:
There were no fewer than 500 male prostitutes on
the police books in 1918, and the chief criminal
inspector put the number of homosexuals in the
city at about 40,000, out of a total population of
450,000. The Grynszpan's {sic} neighborhood earned
particular notoriety during the early year's of
Herschel's childhood through the activities of one
Fritz Haarman, known as 'the Butcher of
Hanover,' who picked up his victims, mostly ado-
lescent boys, in the railway station, and took them
home...when he had finished with them, he
strangled them, butchered their corpses, and sold
the flesh as meat. He was executed in 1925
(ibid.:33).

Grynszpan never did go to trial, though he remained in Nazi
custody. Interestingly, the organization which came to his aid
during this time was the Society for Human Rights, the homo-
sexual "rights" group which had once boasted Ernst Roehm as a
member (and obviously was still operating somewhat openly un-
der the Third Reich --ibid. :245). Victor Basch, then head of the
SHR "had pleaded for liberty or judgment'" in an effort to get
him freed, but to no avail (ibid.:245). After 1942 Grynszpan just
disappeared, probably killed secretly by the Gestapo.

*** {start comment 121-1}

The above reference to the SHR is too astounding to be a simple
mistake. It was touched on in an earlier comment where the Pink
Swastika author first mentioned it, but the facts bear repeating.
There are other misstatements of fact in addition to the mention of
the SHR. The Pink Swastika author clearly intends the reader to
believe that while Grynszpan was in a Nazi concentration camp in 1941
and 1942 a homosexual organization was working openly in Germany for
his release. As a reference he offers Read and Fisher, page 245. But
what Read and Fisher say is quite different. Read and Fisher are
actually talking about the period in 1940 when Grynszpan was still in
a French prison, which is to say before July of 1940. They say: "By
then, Herschel had been in custody for about twenty months, longer
than any juvenile in French history, in spite of continuous efforts by
Moro and other to get him freed. The last attempt had been in April
1940, when Victor Basch, president of the League of Human Rights, had
pleaded for 'liberty or judgment' -- but this, like all the others,
was ignored."
In his attempt to smear homosexuals the Pink Swastika author has
changed the time frame and the location of the events given in Read
and Fisher. He also confuses the League for Human Rights with the
Society for Human Rights. While Read and Fisher don't identify the
League for Human Rights, it was likely was a French organization, not
a German one, and had nothing to do with homosexuality. (See comment
96-1 above.)
*** {end comment 121-1}

Kristallnacht, the "spontaneous" incident which Grynszpan's
act had supposedly sparked, has also been described as being de-
fined by homosexuality. As all of Europe struggled to understand
the cause for this horror, an answer was offered by British Con-
sul-General, R.T. Smallbones. Smallbones was a "self-confessed
Germanophile" who had served in Germany, from 1932 to 1939
and "had developed great admiration and respect for the sterling
qualities of the people" (ibid.: 127). "His opinion, therefore," writes

***{Below is Page: 122 }***

Igra, "rests on first-hand experience of the German people for a
long period of years" (Igra:7). He continues:

[Smallbones authored] a British White Paper,
'Concerning the treatment of German Nationals
(including the Jews) in Germany," in which the
following statement is made: "The explanation of
this outbreak of sadistic cruelty may be that sexual
perversion, and, in particular, homosexuality, are
very prevalent in Germany. It seems to me that
mass sexual perversion may offer an explanation
of this otherwise inexplicable outbreak"...I am con-
vinced that this explanation is the correct one
[writes Igra]. For, as a matter of fact, the wide-
spread existence of sexual perversion in
Germany...at the time the Hitler movement rose
to power.. is notorious. And authorities on crimi-
nal sociology are agreed that there is a causal con-
nection between mass sexual perversion and the
kind of mass atrocities committed by the Germans
(ibid:7).

Heydrich, the man most responsible for this atrocity, met his
death in May, 1942, at the hands of two Czechoslovakian resis-
tance fighters. A bomb was tossed into his car, shattering his
spine. He died on June 4, 1942. In retaliation "the Germans took
savage revenge, after the manner of the old Teutonic rites, for the
death of their hero" (Shirer: 1288f). Over 1,500 people were
immediately executed and thousands more followed, including the
entire population of Lidice (ibid.: 1289). The Lidice massacre was
orchestrated by Heydrich's replacement, Kurt Daluege, formerly
a unit leader in Rossbach's notorious homosexual Freikorps
(Wistrich:43).
*** {start comment 122-1}
Wistrich mentions absolutely nothing about homosexuality in
connection with Daluege. The Pink Swastika author tries to spread the
false rumor that Rossbach's Free Corps was made up exclusively of
homosexuals, and that therefore anyone connected with it must have
been homosexual.
*** {end comment 122-1}

***{Below is Page: 123 }***

Chapter Six

Homosexuality in the Concentration Camps

We have now arrived atone of the most sensitive topics in our
discussion of homosexuality in Nazi Germany. Revisionists have
attempted to define homosexuals as a class of people who were
"targeted for extermination" by the Nazis. One homosexual group
went so far as to stage a high-profile "pilgrimage" to the Yad
Vashem Holocaust Memorial in Jerusalem in May of 1994. They
were met by a delegation of Jewish Holocaust survivors who were
so overcome with outrage that some of them had to be restrained
from physically assaulting the contingent of (mostly American)
political activists. One man cried "My grandfather was killed for
refusing to have sexual relations with the camp commandant. You
are desecrating this place (The Jerusalem Post, May 30, 1994).
Yet, as we have noted, many homosexuals did in fact die in
Nazi concentration camps. We do not diminish the tragedy of any
life lost under the Nazi reign of terror; however, we must reject
the implication that homosexuals as a class should be given moral
equivalency to the Jewish people and other victims of genocide.
There are five reasons why we must reject this claim of the revi-
sionists.
First, regardless of Himmler's anti-homosexual rhetoric, ho-
mosexuals as a class were never targeted for extermination, as
their continued role in the Third Reich demonstrates. Second,

***{Below is Page: 124 }***

those homosexuals who died did so as the result of mistreatment
and disease in slave-labor camps -- not in the gas chambers. Third,
though we cannot condone the form of punishment meted out by
the Nazis, homosexuality was a legitimate crime of long-standing
for which individuals were being jailed both before and after the
Nazi Regime. This is in contrast to the internment of Jewish people,
whose ethnicity is morally (and in pre-Nazi Germany, legally) neu-
tral. Fourth, the actual number of homosexuals in the camps was
a tiny fraction of both the estimated number of homosexuals in
Germany and the estimate of the camp population. The camp
homosexual population, estimated at 5,000-15,000 by Joan
Ringelheim of the US Holocaust museum (Rose:40), contained
an undetermined percentage of non-homosexuals falsely labeled
as homosexuals (see section titled "Anti-homosexual Policies"
above). Homosexuals who died were "a small fraction of less
than 1 percent" of homosexuals in Nazi occupied Europe (S.
Katz: 146), compared to more than 85 percent of European Jewry.
Fifth and last, many of the guards and administrators responsible
for the infamous concentration camp atrocities were homosexu-
als themselves, which negates the idea that homosexuals in gen-
eral were being persecuted and interned.

*** {start comment 124-1}
Homosexuality had never been punishable by internment in
concentration camps in Germany. Anyone punished served a sentence in a
normal prison and was then released. Preventive detention in
concentration camps was an innovation of the Nazis. Jews had at first
been kept in camps for similar reasons. There was no extermination of
Jews before the war, when their population in Germany was small, and
only limited numbers of them were kept in camps. In contrast,
homosexuals who were caught increasingly faced the threat of
preventive detention. That so few homosexuals were ever interned is
due to the fact that so few were ever caught.
The extermination of Jews and Gypsies came only after Hitler's
military success had brought under his control millions of them.
Originally the extermination was to clear conquered areas of potential
enemies and to open up land for resettlement by Germans. There was no
such extensive persecution and annihilation of homosexuals only
because they could not be found. Had three million homosexuals
suddenly fallen into Nazi hands as a group, things would surely have
been quite different.
The number of homosexuals found in camps as guards and
administrators was minuscule. In Treblinka, for example, only one has
been clearly identified, but then only about 30 Germans in total were
involved with that camp (along with a couple hundred Ukrainian
guards). See Steiner's book, Treblinka, quoted by the Pink Swastika
author, for information. The homosexual commandant at Treblinka was
quickly replaced by a heterosexual, who immediately set to work to
upgrade and perfect the efficiency of the killing operation.
The great architects of the holocaust, Adolf Eichmann and
Heinrich Himmler, and the notorious medical experimenter Dr. Josef
Mengele were all undisputedly heterosexual. Even Heydrich has never
convincingly been connected with any homosexual activity, though his
womanizing and his life with his wife and children are will known.
*** {end comment 124-1}

The Nazi system of concentration camps began with Dachau
in 1933, but by the fall of the Third Reich the number of sites
which had held prisoners in German occupied territory surpassed
10,000 (Parshall:57). It is not generally known that only six of
these camps were the notorious "death camps." In his introduc-
tion to Jean-Francios {sic} Steiner's Treblinka, Terrence des Pres ad-
dresses this distinction:

The first Nazi camps, which were set up soon af-
ter Hitler came to power in 1933, were designed
as places of detention and as training grounds for
the SS. Dachau and Buchenwald were among the
most notorious, and although we cannot forget that
thousands of people perished in these places, we
should keep in mind that camps of this kind were

***{Below is Page: 125 }***

not intended or equipped to be instruments of
genocide...however, as the Nazi policy of exter-
mination took shape with the Jews as primary tar-
get, the major "killing centers," as they came to be
called, began to operate...The great killing centers
were six: Auschwitz-Birkenau, Sobidor {sic}, Chelmno,
Belzec, Maidenek {sic}, and Treblinka (Steiner:x-xi).

We make this point simply to show that the internment of
homosexuals in the concentration camps was not equivalent to
that of Jews and other racial groups who were, under Nazi policy,
targeted for extermination. As terrible as life could be in the work
camps, it offered better chances than being herded into gas cham-
bers or shot in front of mass graves.
An additional point that deserves mention here is that the uni-
form pattern of brutality for which the camps are known was es-
tablished as a deliberate and calculated policy by the SA under
Ernst Roehm in 1933. Heiden writes that "[t]he S.A. had
learned...that the will of an imprisoned mass must be broken by
the most loathsome cruelty" (Heiden:565). He later adds that
"[t]rightening reports also trickled through from the concentra-
tion camps, and the public began to realize that the Fuhrer's picked
troops had organized artificial hells in Dachau...Rohm admitted
publicly that these things seemed unbearable to many people, but
said he saw no reason for stopping them" (ibid.:732f.). Though
Roehm was soon killed, his system of mass torture and degrada-
tion endured.

***{Below is Page: 126 }***

The Guards and Kapos

There is one aspect of life in the concentration camps that is
seldom noted by historians, yet is profoundly significant in this
discussion. That aspect is the unique status of homosexuals in the
camps. For while any prisoner could be chosen as a Kapo (a slave
overseer), none other of the interned groups except homosexuals
had counterparts among the Nazi guards and administrators (for
example, there were no Jewish guards or administrators).
Examples of the homosexuality of the concentration camp
guards can be found in many of the personal accounts of Holo-
caust survivors. Elie Wiesel, sent to the Buna factory camp in the
Auschwitz complex, for example, acknowledges this in his book
Night:

The head of our tent was a German. An assassin's
face, fleshy lips, hands like wolf's paws. He was
so fat he could hardly move. Like the leader of
the camp he loved children. (Actually this was not
a disinterested affection: there was a considerable
traffic in young children among homosexuals here,
I learned later) (Wiesel:59).

In Treblinka, the narrative account of the Treblinka uprising,
Steiner records the story of another Nazi administrator, taken from
interviews with survivors:

Max Bielas had a harem of little Jewish boys. He
liked them young, no older than seventeen. He
had a kind of parody of the shepherds of Arcadia,
their role was to take care of the camp flock of
geese. They were dressed like little princes...Bielas
had a little barracks built for them that looked like
a doll's house...Bielas sought in Treblinka only the
satisfaction of his homosexual instincts
(Steiner: 117f).

*** {start comment 126-1}
Wiesel never really tells what he "learned later," unless he
means an incident he relates about an act of sabotage. He says, "The
Oberkapo of the fifty-second cable unit was a Dutchman, a giant, well
over six feet�.he had a young boy under him, a pipel, as they were
called � a child with a refined and beautiful face, unheard of in this
camp. One day, the electric power station at Buna was blown up�.The
Oberkapo was arrested immediately. He was tortured for a period of
weeks, but in vain. He would not give a single name. He was
transferred to Auschwitz. We never heard of him again. But his little
servant had been left behind in the camp in prison. Also put to
torture, he too would not speak. Then the SS sentenced him to death,
with two other prisoners who had been discovered with arms�.[At the
execution�] the third rope was still moving, being so light, the child
was still alive� For more than half an hour he stayed there,
struggling between life and death, dying in slow agony under our
eyes." Whether this is what Wiesel meant, or whether something else,
the Bantam edition of his book has nothing else about homosexuality or
possible homosexuality in it.
Steiner relates this information in conjunction with the death of
Max Bielas, who was stabbed by a prisoner. In the ensuing
investigation Kurt Franz exposed Bielas's "harem" of Jewish boys as
stated above. He added that "The boys were very happy. They called him
Max and seemed very fond of him. Whenever he came to see them they
rushed to meet him with cries of joy." Steiner doesn't actually say
that Bielas had sexual relations with the boys. Franz also offered
some ideas on how to improve the operation of the death camp, and as a
result received a promotion and complete authority to run the camp.
Steiner says "When he returned to camp, before lying down for a few
hours, Kurt Franz had his epaulettes sewn on and Max Bielas' little
boys executed. The S.S. man who was assigned this task came back sick.
His name was Menda. Until that day he had been a model executioner."
The boys certainly didn't fare very well under the heterosexual Franz,
but then the Pink Swastika author no doubt thinks they were better off
dead.
The heterosexual Franz paid attention to the heterosexual
inclinations of the camp inmates. Steiner relates that just as Bielas
had saved some boys, so Franz began to save women with the idea of
improving the efficiency of the prisoners who carried out the
executions and did the other dirty work around the camp. He kept
twenty women in the two sections of Treblinka. Steiner says "Their
arrival transformed the camp. Fights broke out around these frightened
women....he decreed that deserving kapos and Hofjueden would be
allowed to marry these women." Later on mass orgies were organized and
Steiner says of the women "soon their quarters lacked only a red light
over the door." A possible homosexual saved some boys from the gas
chamber, while the heterosexuals opened a whorehouse at the same time
they were killing hundreds of thousands of people.
The heterosexual Franz's most memorable work, however, was
increasing the efficiency of the killing process so that more Jews
could be handled. For example, he realized that people would inhale
more of the gas and die more quickly if they were out of breath when
they entered the chamber. Accordingly they were now forced to run from
the undressing room to the gas chamber.
*** {end comment 126-1}

***{Below is Page: 127 }***

Walter Poller, a German political prisoner who was interned
in the Buchenwald concentration camp, also noted the homosexu-
ality of certain guards. In Medical Block Buchenwald (1960)
Poller describes the camp practice of mass beatings, and reports
on the perverse pleasure these guards derived from the torment
of the prisoners:

If the camp doctor happened to pass by after a
mass whipping, and knew that a certain type of
homosexual Scharfuhrer [platoon leader] and SS
officer stood at a certain gate, he arranged a little
special entertainment for them, which he called a
medical examination (Poller: 103).

Poller leaves the details of these "medical examinations" to
our imagination. But this brief glimpse into the ranks of the SS
guards, however, reveals much about the camps. Poller's distinc-
tion between "types" of homosexual SS officers, for example,
implies that there were more than a few such guards. Further-
more, their homosexuality was a matter of public knowledge. Both
of these suppositions are supported in another passage which tells
of the retaliation against the Jewish prisoners following the at-
tempted assassination of Hitler in July, 1944:

Two Scharfuhrer came along the empty camp roads
at about nine o'clock. One of them was...an
Oberscharfubrer [commander of platoon leaders]
known to the prisoners by the nick-name of
"Anna," because of his undisguised homosexual-
ity. They entered one of the Jewish barracks, and
there indiscriminately chose five Jews and brought
them outside. From a second barracks they
brought out eight more. From a third they selected
another seven...the twenty Jews were...[marched]
off under Anna's orders...Some time later we heard
a burst of firing from the direction of the stone

***{Below is Page: 128 }***

quarry. It was now clear that the earthly existence
of our...Jewish comrades had ended (ibid,: 136f).

Plant, a revisionist himself, also admits that "a few SS guards
were homosexual" and that they "made some younger inmates,
usually Poles or Russians, their dolly boys' (Pielpel)" (Plant: 166).
These homosexual antics were not carried out in secret. Plant
writes that such guards would "occasionally compete with Kapos
for these teenagers. They even drew lots to determine who should
go to whom" (ibid.:166). Primo Levi, in Survival in Auschwitz
notes that "young attractive homosexuals" had a much higher
survival rate than average prisoners (Levi:81). Though they con-
stituted one of the smallest numerical minorities in the camps
(Plant: 153), homosexuals apparently were disproportionately ap-
pointed as Kapos. Medical Doctor Edmund Bergler writes "[i]t
is.. well known that the capos in Hitler's concentration and exter-
mination camps were only too frequently recruited from the ranks
of homosexual criminals...I had firsthand information on this point
from a patient who had spent six years in the infamous camp at
Dachau (Bergler:279). Jan D. (now an American citizen whose
identity we wish to protect), prisoner #3514 in Auschwitz and
Gross Rosen from 1940-1945 said, "The most cruelty inflicted on
the Concentration Camps prisoners was done by they 'Capos' (work
detail supervisors), mostly German criminals and homosexuals"
(Private letter).

*** {start comment 128-1}
The misquotation from Plant is a classic example of deliberate
distortion by selective quotation.
The Pink Swastika author quotes Plant thus:
Plant, a revisionist himself, also admits that "a few SS
guards were homosexual" and that they
"made some younger inmates, usually Poles or Russians, their
'dolly boys' (Pielpel)"(Plant: 166)
What Plant actually say is:
First, a few SS guards were homosexual. Although they risked
everything, they
made some younger inmates, usually Poles or Russians, their
"dolly boys" (Pielpel).
The important difference is Plant's acknowledgment that such
behavior was not condoned, and that such guards "risked everything"
(including death). The Pink Swastika author had to hide that, for it
would contradict the lie he is trying to peddle, which is that the
Nazis condemned homosexuality only in public, while indulging in it
themselves in private because many of them were homosexuals.
The fact that a man locked up and deprived of women chooses
younger men for sex partners doesn't make him a homosexual. This is
quite a common reaction among heterosexuals, and is endemic in prison
systems. Their heterosexuality, their basic desire for women, is what
drives them to play the active role and to choose for their victims
prisoners who are young and closest in appearance to the women they
actually desire.
Even outside prisons, in other societies and in other ages in our
own society, there was not the great stigma attached to same-sex
relations that we have seen during 1500 plus years of rabid
fundamentalist Judeo-Christian homophobia.
Scientifically speaking, it's the man who's incapable under any
circumstances of having sex with another male who is abnormal and
unnatural. Psychological conditioning imposed by a homophobic society
has changed the course of his nature.
It's simply not valid to conclude that "capos" were homosexuals
because they found male sex objects.
In the death camps, the capos were Jews, as were all other
workers, and there were no homosexuals that we know of. For this, see
Steiner's Treblinka, quoted by the Pink Swastika author.

*** {end comment 128-1}

These testimonies are supported by Raul Hillberg {sic}, author of
The Destruction of the European Jews and former member of the
(U.S.) President's Commission on the Holocaust. Rector cites a
December 10, 1979 Village Voice article in which Hillberg {sic} said
"that homosexuals were highly valued prisoners, and that many
kapos -- inmates who administered the barracks and dispensed
instant discipline (beatings and killings were common) were gay"
(Rector: 139). Because of this Hillberg {sic} believes that any inclusion
of homosexuals in any memorialization of Holocaust victims
"would be a travesty" (Hillberg {sic} in Rector: 139).

*** {start comment 128-2}
First it should be noted that the "scholar" who wrote The Pink
Swastika can't even spell Raul Hilberg's name correctly.
The above passage is a deliberate distortion of Rector's book and
of Hilberg's position. The Pink Swastika author hides the fact that
Rector says in the very same passage that Hilberg submitted a letter
of clarification after the cited article. Rector quotes from Hilberg's
letter: "The unqualified assertion that homosexuals were highly valued
prisoners is not an accurate recapitulation of my thinking.
Concentration camp inmates were not highly valued by definition. It
may be said, however, that even misery is relative. Apart from the
question of the position of homosexuals in the hierarchy of the camp
population, and without regard to such subsidiary points as
homosexuals in work gangs and homosexuals among 'prominents,' it may
be safely be concluded that homosexuals as a group were better off
than the Jews." Rector quotes Hilberg elaborating on the "travesty"
comment: "I have no precise statistics of practicing homosexuals at
the time of the Nazi regime, but it is evident to me that only a
relatively small percentage of them could have been arrested, let
alone mistreated to death. In no sense may it be claimed, therefore,
that they were being 'exterminated,' and any attempt to consider them,
along with the Jews, as victims of the Holocaust is, I repeat, a
travesty."
Hilberg denies that homosexuals were "highly valued prisoners."
He says they were only relatively better off than Jews. He directly
contradicts the Pink Swastika author on the reason he doesn't consider
homosexuals victims of the Holocaust: not because of what they
allegedly did in the camps, but because he believes there was no
attempt to exterminate homosexuals as a group.
The Pink Swastika author covered up Hilberg's letter explaining
his Village Voice comments in order to deceive the reader on Hilberg's
position, and actually put false words in Hilberg's mouth.
*** {end comment 128-2}

There seems to have been a great dichotomy between the

***{Below is Page: 129 }***

experiences of homosexuals in the camps. While on the one hand, Lautmann reports that 44% of
homosexuals received desk jobs
(Lautmann in Plant: 168), Plant claims that homosexuals were
treated more harshly than the members of other groups, citing
Kogon's Dachau memoir, The Theory and Practice of Hell. To
some extent this may simply reflect the differences between camps
and the philosophies of their administrators. But the enduring
"Butch/Femme" conflict clearly had a substantial bearing on the
treatment of homosexuals. Plant writes of one survivor who re-
ported that "the guards lashed out with special fury against those
who showed 'effeminate traits'" (Plant: 172). And Rector records
an interview with a former Pink Triangle named Wolf (a pseud-
onym) in which the issue of effeminacy was raised. "The ones
who were soft, shall I say, were the ones who suffered terribly,"
said Wolf. Rudolf Hoess, the infamous commandant of Auschwitz,
who may himself have been a "Butch" homosexual, defined "genu-
ine homosexuals... [by their] soft and girlish affectations and fas-
tidiousness, their sickly sweet manner of speech, and their alto-
gether too affectionate deportment toward their fellows" (Hoess
in Rector: 137f.). These "genuine homosexuals" were considered
incorrigible and held in special barracks, while many non-effemi-
nate homosexuals were released (ibid.: 137).

*** {start comment 129-1}
What was at work in the camps was just plain heterosexual
homophobia. The fictitious "Butch/Femme" conflict is being confused
with the actions of heterosexual men who despised effeminate males
(even if they didn't know whether they were heterosexual or
homosexual) and felt they could dehumanize them further by using them
as sex objects, conveniently obtaining sexual release for themselves
in the process. We see this heterosexual hatred of effeminate
mannerisms in males today, all around us.
Alleged favoritism in jobs can probably be explained simply by
the skills the prisoners brought to camp with them. The brawny
construction worker is less likely to be suited to an office job than
is an effeminate man who worked in an office in civilian life.
There's no evidence to suggest that Hoess was in any way
homosexual. That's a fantasy of the Pink Swastika author, who surely
would have presented evidence if he had found any -- apparently even
his favorite "historian" Samuel Igra didn't have any rumors about
Hoess. Historian Robert Wistrich, in "Who's Who in Nazi Germany," says
that Hoess was, "to all appearances a kindly, unselfish, introverted
family man and animal-lover," and that "he had lived with his wife and
five children" at Auschwitz.
*** {end comment 129-1}

Wolf's testimony about the homosexual behavior of the SS
guards also reveals the sadistic characteristic of the "Butches."
"In the cell next to mine was a young male prostitute from Steglitz
who the SS forced into [sexual acts]" (Rector: 156). he also de-
scribed a game the SS played each evening. "There were holes in
the walls and they would reach through the holes and play with
the genitals of the men sleeping close to the holes. Then they
would say that they had caught them jacking off, and they would
beat them" (ibid.:l56). During his imprisonment Wolf was also
forced to witness an execution of six political escapees who had
been recaptured by the guards. "They were stripped naked, tied
to the table spread-eagle face up, and beaten to death with clubs,
one by one," he reported. "You could see that the SS execution-
ers became sexually stimulated while beating the screaming

***{Below is Page: 130 }***

prisoners to death" (ibid. :157).

*** {start comment 130-1}
"Wolf" is not testifying about the "homosexual behavior" of the
SS guards. That is a deliberate lie on the part of the Pink Swastika
author. It is a lie because in that very place, Wolf is asked "Were
there any gay SS guards?" by his interviewer, to which he responds
"No, they were more-or-less straight, I think. They were all rotten
people, except for one SS leader." An experienced homosexual such as
Wolf is certainly more able to pick out genuine homosexual behavior
than a deliberate liar such as the Pink Swastika author has shown
himself to be over and over again.
Another salient fact covered up by the Pink Swastika author is
that during the events related above Wolf was in Lichtenburg Prison,
where he says the prisoners were all homosexual except for some
political ones. Wolf relates that they were routinely subjected to
special brutality, but the Pink Swastika author seems to consider that
irrelevant.
Nobody denies that the SS had more than its share of sadists, but
that has nothing to do with homosexuality. The anecdote regarding the
political prisoners shows that the motive was sadism, not
homosexuality. The most famous sadist of all time, the Marquis de
Sade, was a heterosexual. In the mid-1990s a famous Canadian murder
trial involved a man and wife who engaged in sadistic murders of young
women. The typical adult bookstore of the late twentieth century
stocks large amounts of heterosexual sadistic pornography.
*** {end comment 130-1}

This extreme savagery exhibited by the Butch homosexuals
of the camps was not rare, but some accounts of brutality are
more gruesome than others. At Auschwitz, for example, Kapo
Ludwig Tiene became the most prolific mass murderer of all time
by strangling, crushing and gnawing to death as many as 100 boys
and young men a day while he raped them (ibid.:143). It is not
clear if Auschwitz's Commandant Hoess was homosexual, though
we know that he had at one time been a close friend of Edmund
Heines (Snyder:301), the procurer of boys for Roehm's pederastic
orgies.

*** {start comment 130-2}
Of course, the case has not been made that any homosexuals were
involved in the "extreme savagery." Only those who want to believe and
to be led in their belief by the Pink Swastika author's lack of proof
will think that brutality was a homosexual activity. Homosexuals were
overwhelmingly the victims of homophobic heterosexual sadists. That is
the simple fact supported by the evidence presented by the cited
authors. The entire "Butch/Femme" fantasy has been invented precisely
to try to provide a rationale for denying the truth of the sadist's
heterosexuality.
Rector says that Tienes was a notorious sex murderer, who was
deliberately and "gleefully" installed in the highest position of the
prisoner hierarchy at Auschwitz. The SS sadists were greatly
entertained by his gory deeds in the camp. Plant continues after that
anecdote with the following:
"That was but one example of SS humor. Jews, to cite another
example, were regularly appointed as kapos because the SS was bemused
by the sight of a Jew beating other Jews with a club, whip, or
truncheon. The beatings were frequently fatal. This occurred daily,
month in and month out, year after year in all the KZs {Concentration
camps} except Theresienstadt."
Would the Pink Swastika author, himself Jewish, conclude the same
things about "sadistic Jews" that he tries to make the reader believe
about "sadistic homosexuals"?
*** {end comment 130-2}

Perhaps the most grotesque story of all, however, is told by
Rector in his chapter on the camps, grotesque not because it is
bloodier, but because it reveals how widespread and acceptable
this level of perversion had become among the Nazi elite. He
writes,

As for the SS, their behavior was typical among
those who engaged in sexual bestiality An ex-
ample is a film, in color with a sound track, that
was secretly made for the pornographic enjoyment
of a select coterie of Nazis showing a wild drunken
orgy of beautiful boys and handsome young men
being whipped, raped and murdered by the SS
(Rector: 144). (Note: Rector adds that this film is
still today "very discreetly and very privately shown
to only an inner circle of certain homosexuals in
Europe").

*** {start comment 130-3}
If true, this is good evidence of sadism, but not of
homosexuality. Homosexuals make love to other men, they don't beat,
rape, and murder them.
*** {end comment 130-3}

No study of homosexuality in the Nazi concentration camps
would be complete without mentioning a book called The Men
with the Pink Triangle. In recent years this book has become a
standard text for revisionists because it is purportedly the only
autobiography written by a former pink triangle prisoner. The
book itself, however, written by Heinz Heger, cannot be consid-
ered reliable. It is presented as an autobiography, yet translator

***{Below is Page: 131 }***

David Fernbach admits in his introduction that Heger's account is
not his own but is the story of "an anonymous victim of the Nazis,
an Austrian" (Heger:9). And though it contains quite a number
of anecdotes about homosexuality among the SS guards which
would otherwise be useful in this discussion, these stories have a
distinct quality of sexual fantasy to them. We are asked to believe
that nearly every male authority figure whom "Heger" encounters
requires him to perform oral sex, for example. Other ostensibly
true-life histories of camp survivors are sober chronicles of en-
slavement and degradation, but "Heger's" account is almost whim-
sical in places and includes numerous implausible scenes, such as
one in which "Heger's" Kapo lover countermands an order to
punish "Heger" which comes from the camp commandant him-
self. For this reason we will not credit the many examples of
homosexual sadism reported in this work.

*** {start comment 131-1}
There is no indication in the copy of the book seen that it
claims to be Heger's autobiography. The fact that the translator notes
that it is not Heger's own story belies that charge by the Pink
Swastika author. If Heger claimed the work as his autobiography, how
would the translator know that it was actually the experience of an
anonymous camp inmate?
Heger doesn't say that his protagonist is forced into oral sex by
"nearly every male authority figure" he encounters. Quite the
contrary, he's fortunate enough to be protected by criminal capos in
return for satisfying their sexual needs. (In much the same way some
Jews prolonged and eased their lives in the death camps by doing the
dirty work. They aren't to be blamed for what they did, and neither is
Heger's protagonist.) Heger does relate an incident in which his
protagonist was forced to perform oral sex, but that was by two fellow
prisoners on a transport train who were being sent up for murder. And
they beat him to force him to do it. The Pink Swastika author has a
peculiarly warped idea of morality if he considers murderers to be
"male authority figures."
The Pink Swastika author is a rabidly homophobic Jew living in
Jerusalem. That's mentioned because it probably explains his venomous
fury at Heger's book. Heger's protagonist relates that Jews and
homosexuals were grouped together and treated equally badly in the
camps where he was. For example, on page 50, he relates of stone
quarry at the Flossenbuerg camp, "The work of quarrying, dynamiting,
hewing and dressing was extremely arduous, and only Jews and
homosexuals were assigned to it. The quarry claimed very many victims,
with the SS and Capos often deliberately contributing to the large
number of accidents." It must rankle the Pink Swastika author in the
extreme to be classified with people he hates so passionately.
It's too bad the Pink Swastika author is suddenly so concerned
about the credibility of sources that he merely tantalizes his readers
with the idea of salacious anecdotes. Needless to say, his crying is
all crocodile tears. Elsewhere he accepts the wildest rumors, such as
those of Samuel Igra, when they support his case, but becomes very
scrupulous with anything that might contradict him. Of course this
charade of denouncing "false" scholarship is excellent for enhancing
his own reputation for "reliability."
Despite the obvious absurdity of the Pink Swastika author's game-
playing, his allegation of "homosexual sadism" can't be allowed to
stand. Randomly opening Heger's book presents on page 83 an account of
SS torture of a homosexual prisoner: "He's a bum-fucker, isn't he, let
him have what he wants", growled one of the SS men, taking up a broom
that stood in the corner and shoving the handle deep into the
prisoner's anus."
There's nothing "homosexual" about such sadism. The
"homosexuality" is totally within the mind of the Pink Swastika
author. And that is a very warped mind, for from other comments above
it appears that he does not consider forced oral sex a form of
degradation or enslavement.
*** {end comment 131-1}

Before we leave the subject of guards and Kapos, we can find
one of the few mentions of lesbians in Nazi history connected
with the prison system. In Paris Under the Occupation, Histori-
ans Perrault and Azema describe the activities of the French Ge-
stapo. They identify "Sonia Boukassi, a drug addict, and Violette
Morris, onetime French weight-lifting champion, both lesbians,
[as] the chief women's interrogators" in the notorious torture
chambers of La Carlingue (Perrault and Azema:38).

*** {start comment 131-2}
Perrault doesn't specifically accuse the lesbians of torture,
whereas the others he mentions in his list are accused of direct
torture. Since he was careful to identify the two lesbians but doesn't
identify anyone else as homosexual, may we dare to presume that all
the others, the real torturers, were heterosexual?
*** {end comment 131-2}

The Prisoners

Homosexual prisoners did not integrate well into the prison
populations, writes Eugen Kogan {sic}. The prisoners ostracized "those
whom the SS marked with the pink triangle" (Kogan:44) (sic). Kogan (sic)
attributes this dislike to the fact that the homosexual population
included "criminals, and especially blackmailers...Hostility toward
them may also have been partly rooted in the fact that homosexu-
ality was at one time widespread in Prussian military circles, as
well as the SA and the SS" (ibid:44). Kogan {sic} implies that the
prisoners associated homosexuality with their tormentors and thus

*** {start comment 131-3}
It should first be pointed out that the author's name is "Kogon,"
not "Kogan."
Kogon's comments are made in a different order from that
presented by the Pink Swastika author. He mentions ostracism by other
prisoners last, not first. When he begins talking about homosexuals in
the camps, within five sentences he says "Hostility toward them may
have been partly rooted in the fact that homosexuality was at one time
widespread in Prussian military circles, as well as among the SA and
the SS, and was to be mercilessly outlawed and erased." The
implication is that he is talking about the official position against
homosexuals, not about the attitudes of other inmates. It will be
noted that the critical wording has been left out by the Pink Swastika
author, who tries in his book to deny that the Nazis wanted to
eliminate homosexuals.
In addition to mentioning that homosexuality was to be
"mercilessly outlawed and erased" in text suppressed by the Pink
Swastika author, Kogon says with reference to the attitudes of the
other prisoners, "Homosexual practices were actually very widespread
in the camps. The prisoners, however, ostracized only those whom the
SS marked with the pink triangle." In no way does Kogon imply that the
other prisoners "saw the pink triangles as objects of fear and hatred"
as the Pink Swastika author asserts. Quite the contrary. They were
simply afraid of guilt by association. They ignored, and perhaps
themselves participated in clandestine homosexual activity, but were
careful to make a public show of condemning those publicly marked by
it in order to please their captors and ward of accusations against
themselves.
*** {end comment 131-3}

***{Below is Page: 132 }***

*** {start comment 132-1}
The Plant quote below is out of context. But then Plant himself
is guilty of some inadvertent distortion in leaving the impression
that a guard who masturbates while torturing an inmate is homosexual.
Likewise it is just an assumption that a guard who has sex with an
effeminate young male is homosexual rather than a heterosexual taking
advantage of the only sexual outlet he can find in a place where
"race-mixing" -- sexual relations with local Slavic women -- was also
a terrible crime punishable either by death or by being sent to a
concentration camp. Here is Plant's text at this point, which should
be contrasted with what the Pink Swastika author presents below:
"There were additional factors complicating the lives of gay
prisoners. First, a few SS guards were homosexual. Although they
risked everything, they made some younger inmates, usually Poles or
Russians, their 'dolly boys' (Pielpel). They would also occasionally
compete with Kapos for these teenagers. They even drew lots to
determine who should go with whom. Naturally, it enraged the other
inmates to watch as these youngsters received extra food rations and
were exempted from tough work assignments in exchange for sexual
favors. There were also some SS guards who took special pleasure in
occasionally masturbating while torturing prisoners. For such acts,
the gay inmates were, so to speak, held accountable by the non-gay
inmates: homosexual guards, however hostile, were seen by non-gay
prisoners as belonging to the homosexual underclass. Thus, homosexual
prisoners were often tainted by the crimes of homosexual guards --
even though they themselves were often the victims."
*** {end comment 132-1}

saw the pink triangles as objects of fear and hatred. Plant sup-
ports this view, noting that "homosexual prisoners were often
tainted by the crimes of the homosexual guards -- even though they
themselves were often the victims" (Plant: 167). There is evidence,
as well, that the homosexuals in the camps alienated their fellow
prisoners because of the predatory nature of their sexual drive.
Polish sociologist, Anna Pawelczynska, in Values and Violence in
Auschwitz, describes this situation:

Sometimes a confirmed homosexual would lead a
prisoner of normal inclinations into homosexual
practices. Such relationships were usually deeply
immoral or deeply demoralizing. A prisoner-
functionary's [Kapo's] desire to satisfy his or her
pederastic sexual needs could also manifest itself
in various brutal forms of terror and blackmail used
to bring the partner into compliance
(Pawelczynska:98).

*** {start comment 132-2}
Here's what Pawelczynska actually says:
"Spatial segregation of the sexes also led to the spread of
homosexuality among the healthier and better nourished prisoners in
the camp. Authentic, emotional relationships of a homosexual nature
developed and in camp conditions it was possible to actualize them.
Through an erotic union loving couples consummated all their mutually
protective feelings, expressed through mutual concern and often great
risk-taking in defense of the beloved. Besides the sphere where
eroticism constituted an element of mutual love, numerous situations
arose that resembled ordinary marriages of convenience. In such
marriages the emotionally committed partner often took care of the
uncommitted partner. Sometimes a confirmed homosexual would lead a
prisoner of normal inclinations into homosexual practices. Such
arrangements were usually deeply immoral or deeply demoralizing. A
prisoner-functionary's desire to satisfy his or her pederastic sexual
needs could also manifest itself in various brutal forms of terror and
blackmail used to bring the partner into compliance."
*** {end comment 132-2}

Pawelcznska's {sic} record also refutes Plant's suggestion that ho-
mosexual prisoners were "utterly disunited" and therefore pow-
erless. She cites the use of prostitution as a form of currency
among the homosexual prisoners. This was likely a common means
of getting favors from the homosexual guards as well. She writes,

...paid prostitution existed in the camp and the
choice of erotic partners was dictated by one's
ability to pay -- either in the form of help in gain-
ing a better place in the camp structure or, at each
visit, in the form of food or better clothes. Homo-
sexual erotic availability became a coin of incom-
mensurate worth, in return for which the chance
of biological survival could be won depending on
the client's possibilities (ibid. :99).

*** {start comment 132-3}
Here is seen the extreme depth of distortion to which The Pink
Swastika will sink. Here's how this paragraph from Pawelczynska
actually begins:
"Besides couple-relationships, paid prostitution existed...."
The homophobia of the Pink Swastika author, himself a Jew, is so
extreme that he will even falsify the history of Auschwitz, a hallowed
venue of the Holocaust, in order to smear homosexuals by denying all
existence of loving relationships in the camp. How extreme it is to
leave off just three words.
In addition to pointing out the egregious distortion of the text,
it should be noted that the "chance of biological survival" is what
kept many Jews alive longer than their fellows they helped exterminate
in the death camps. Is it to be held against those Jews that they
carried bodies from the gas chambers to the crematoria and extracted
gold teeth from the corpses in order to live a little longer? Is
prostitution somehow worse than cutting the hair off women you know
are in a few minutes to die a horrible death in a gas chamber?
Of course the point the Pink Swastika author really wants to make
is not about prostitution, but that there were Kapos and a few guards
who were willing to have sex with males. In the case of the Kapos, men
deprived of all female companionship, this can't be considered
evidence of homosexuality, since many heterosexuals have engaged in
homosexual activity in certain circumstances. In some cases guards
might be similarly motivated, but in any event all the authors stress
that the number of guards involved in homosexual activity was very
small.
It's worth including another of Pawelczynska's comments on camp
sexual activity that follows the paragraph just misquoted by the Pink
Swastika author. She says:
"A unique situation developed during the period when rather
numerous male work crews would come to work in the women's camp. More
or less permanent bisexual relationships started up among the women
prisoner-functionaries (especially the Blockaeltesten [block elders]),
who had food supplies and separate quarters, and the men who were
interested in the material aid (regardless of the allure of an erotic
relationship). These liaisons played yet another role which was very
important for improving relations within the women's camp. The group
of prisoner-functionaries in the women's camp allowed their sexual
partners to acquire a very large influence over them. The men used
their influence to shelter the mass of women prisoners from the
functionaries' aggression and also to see that camp functions were
handed out to the prisoners."
Sex occurred in Auschwitz wherever the opportunity was present,
and the type of sex depended on the type of opportunity available.
This was not the special province of homosexuals.
*** {end comment 132-3}

***{Below is Page: 133 }***

There is one other distinction between homosexual and other
prisoners. Toward the end of World War II, many homosexuals
were released from the concentration camps and drafted into the
Wehrmacht (Shaul :688). Researcher Steven Katz cites records
that "indicate that 13% of all homosexual camp inmates were re-
prieved and released" (S. Katz: 146). This, of course, happened
as the Nazis frantically increased their "production" in the death
camps, trying to exterminate every last Jew in Europe before the
Allies could liberate the camps.

The Final Solution

There is perhaps no more terrible expression in human speech
than the "Final Solution." In it is contained an evil so profound as
not to be easily assimilated by the human mind. How could people
be so filled with hate, we wonder, that they would seek to exter-
minate whole races of fellow human beings from the face of the
earth? In our struggle to answer this question, we find science
inadequate and must look to a deeper source of human knowl-
edge. Only in a spiritual context can we truly understand the
meaning of the "Final Solution," the Holocaust of the Jews. It is
not surprising, then, that the roots of Nazi evil are found in the
neo-pagan revival of the late 1800's, which manifested itself in
the glorification of occultism and the subversion of the Judeo-
Christian foundations of German culture.
We have addressed many elements of the neo-pagan revival
in previous chapters, but to find the specific roots of the Holo-
caust we must revisit the occult figure, Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels.
As we learned, Lanz, the homosexual male supremacist, was called
"the man who gave Hitler his ideas," by Austrian psychologist
Wilhelm Daim. Anti-Semitic pamphlets by Lanz and Guido von
List shaped Hitler's early hatred of the Jews. It was Lanz who
originated the concept of Himmler's Lebensborn, the Aryan breed-
ing colony. And it was Lanz, again, who can be seen behind Hitler's
answers to "the Jewish question." Goodrick-Clarke writes,
*** {start comment 133-1}
If the Pink Swastika author could look in a mirror and see from a
distance the attitude toward homosexuals that springs from every page
of his book, he would know how people could "be so filled with
hate...that they would seek to exterminate whole races of fellow human
beings...." As Jews were demonized by the Nazis, so homosexuals are
being demonized by fundamentalists, including those of the Jewish and
Protestant Religious Right responsible for The Pink Swastika.
The Anti-Semitic pamphlets that shaped Hitler's early hatred of
the Jews are no different from the anti-gay pamphlets of Paul Cameron
and others of the Religious Right that are circulated today to inspire
hatred of homosexuals. The only difference is the target.
*** {end comment 133-1}

***{Below is Page: 134 }***

The similarity between Lanz's proposals... and the
Nazi plans for the disposal of the Jews and the
treatment of the enslaved Slav populations in the
East [is unmistakable]. Lanz's specific recommen-
dations for the disposal of racial inferiors were
various and included: deportation to Madagascar;
enslavement; incineration as a sacrifice to God; and
use as beasts of burden. Both the psychopathol-
ogy of the Nazi Holocaust and the subjugation of
non-Aryans in the East were presaged by Lanz's
grim speculations (Goodrick-Clarke: 97).

*** {start comment 134-1}
Goodrick-Clarke says "....to the enslaved Slav populations in the
East, indicate the survival of these mental reflexes over a
generation." Whether that is equivalent to the [is unmistakable]
substituted by the Pink Swastika author is left for the reader to
decide.
*** {end comment 134-1}

We are all too familiar with the Nazi enslavement of "non-
Aryans" and with their incineration of the Jews in the death camps,
but these atrocities, though they agree perfectly with his ideas, do
not by themselves prove any special influence by Lanz. In the
Nazis' "Madagascar Plan" (which was nothing more than a pro-
posal to put all the Jews on the island of Madagascar), however;
we find an indisputable connection to Lanz. In Harvest of Hate:
The Nazi Program for the Destruction of the Jews of Europe,
historian Leon Poliakov writes about the "Madagascar Plan," but
reveals that he was unaware of Lanz' influence:

Goering had mentioned the "Madagascar Ques-
tion" during the.. .meeting of November 12, 1938.
Himmler had been dreaming of it since 1934, as
one witness testified. Putting all the Jews on a
large island -- moreover; a French island -- would
satisfy the Nazi love of symbolism. At any rate,
the idea was put forth by the Minister of Foreign
Affairs... [and] was accepted by Himmler as well
as by the Fuehrer himself. Great inventions al-
ways have several originators; other more or less
famous dignitaries can claim the honor of father-
ing this "philanthropic solution." For example,
Philip Bouhier; Chief of the Fuhrer's {sic} personal

***{Below is Page: 135 }***

chancellery...hoped to become the governor of the
island (Polialov {sic}:43).

*** {start comment 135-1}
This attempt to lay everything at the door of Lanz is ludicrous.
At first, the Nazis didn't try to incinerate the Jews, certainly
not as a sacrifice to any god. They simple buried them. The burning
started when the Nazis began to worry that the mass graves would be
discovered. Steiner's Treblinka, cited elsewhere by the Pink Swastika
author, has details of this for that camp.
While some specific Nazi might at an early date have thought
about Madagascar as a place for the Jews, the official position was
that the Jews should leave Germany and go to Palestine. The German
slogan wasn't always just "Juden raus!" but "Juden raus nach
Palestine!" During the April 1, 1933, boycott of Jewish businesses,
Nazi pickets handed out an imitation "one way ticket to Palestine" to
Jewish-looking passers-by. The Nazis worked with the Zionists toward
that end in the 1930s, and even maintained some contact during the
war. Kurt Tuchler, an executive of the German Zionist organization,
took Baron Leopold Itz Edler von Mildenstein of the SS on a six-month
tour of Jewish settlements in Palestine. When Tuchler visited
Mildenstein's office after the tour, in 1934, he was welcomed by
Jewish folk tunes played by Mildenstein, who had on his wall maps
showing the increasing strength of Zionism in Germany. Mildenstein
wrote a report about the Jewish settlements in Palestine which
Goebbels ran as a twelve-part series in his newspaper, Der Angriff.
Mildenstein wrote: that Palestine was "the way to curing a centuries-
long wound on the body of the world: the Jewish question." "The soil
has reformed him and his kind in a decade. This new Jew will be a new
people." Goebbels had a medal struck to commemorate Mildenstein's
trip. On one side was the swastika, on the other the Zionist star.
It seems the "Palestine solution" is what Hitler might have
attempted had England surrendered. As it was, he was blocked by
remaining British Power, both airplanes in the Middle East and
especially the British fleet, which also prevented the implementation
of the Madagascar plan, something that seemed more plausible after the
French surrender in 1940. There were other Nazi ideas for the
disposition of the Jews, including South America. (When quick victory
escaped his grasp, it's quite likely that he gave up all plans of
deportation and settled on extermination, holding the Jews responsible
for his diplomatic and military reverses.)
The contention that the Nazis got their ideas for a "Solution" to
the "Jewish question" whether Madagascar or burning, from Lanz, is
utterly preposterous.
*** {end comment 135-1}

Guido von List targeted his hatred more specifically against
Christians, and developed an elaborate mythology to justify at-
tacks against Christianity. Goodrick-Clarke explains List's ideas:

[List developed] a conspiracy theory that identi-
fied Christianity as the negative and destructive
principle in the history of the Ario-Germanic race.
If it could be shown that Christian missionaries
had been intent upon the destruction of Armanist
culture, its actual non-existence in the present could
be related to empirical events...List's account of
Christianization in the historic German lands reit-
crated the debilitation of Teutonic vigour and mo-
rale and the destruction of German national con-
sciousness. He claimed that the Church's gospel
of love and charity had encouraged a deviation
from the strict eugenics of 'the old Aryan sexual
morality'...it was he who had demonized the Church
as the sole source of evil in the pan-German scheme
of belief (Goodrick-Clarke:68f.).

Sadly, the occult dimension of the Nazi history is overlooked
by many historians, who must attempt, therefore, to find materi-
alist answers to moral questions. And if the occult dimension has
been ignored, this is doubly true of the homosexual dimension.
As Duberman, Vicinus and Chauncey have stated with the title to
their "gay studies" text, the role of homosexuals and pederasts
has been Hidden from History. They, of course, imagine the influ-
ence of homosexuality to be positive. Yet the rise of homosexu-
ality in a Judeo-Christian based culture necessarily represents the
diminution of Biblical morality as a restraint on human passions.
Consequently, where Judeo-Christian ideals decrease, violence and
depravity increase.

***{Below is Page: 136 }***

It was the pederasts of the Community of the Special who, in
large part, sponsored the revival of Hellenic pagan ideals in Ger-
man society. These men were fanatically anti-Jew and anti-Chris-
tian because of the injunctions against homosexuality inherent in
the Judeo-Christian sexual ethic. Homosexualist Warren Johansson
notes that Hans Blueher, one of the leading theoreticians of the
Community of the Special, "maintained that Judaism had sup-
pressed the homosexual aspect of its culture, with concomitant
hypertrophy [enlargement] of the family" (Johansson:816).
Benedict Friedlander, in an essay for Der Eigene titled "Seven
Propositions," chose as his first proposition an attack on Chris-
tianity. "The white race is becoming ever sicker under the curse
of Christianity, which is foreign to it and mostly harmful," writes
Friedlander. "That is the genuinely bad 'Jewish influence,' an
opinion that has proven true, especially through the conditions in
North America" (Friedlander in Oosterhuis and Kennedy:2l9).
For his part, Adolf Brand called Christianity "barbarism" and "ex-
pressed his desire to fight 'beyond good and evil,' not for the sake
of the masses, since the happiness of 'the weak' would result in a
'slave mentality,' but for the human being who proclaimed him-
self a god and was not to be subdued by human laws and ethics"
(Oosterhuis and Kennedy: 183). We should not forget Nietzsche,
who called Christianity "the lie of millennia" (Macintyre: 188).
Much has been made of the reported silence, and in some
cases complicity, of the supposed Christian churches during the
Third Reich. But few have noted the long period of "Biblical
deconstruction" that preceded the rise of Nazism, and fewer still
have chronicled the diabolical perversion of German religious
culture by the Nazis themselves. While the neo-pagans were busy
attacking from without, liberal theologians undermined Biblical
authority from within the Christian church. The school of so-
called "higher criticism," which began in Germany in the late
1800's, portrayed the miracles of God as myths; by implication
making true believers (Jew and Christian alike) into fools. And
since the Bible was no longer accepted as God's divine and iner-
rant guide, it could be ignored or reinterpreted. By the time the

***{Below is Page: 137 }***

Nazis came to power, "Bible-believing" Christians, (the Confess-
ing Church of Barth and Bonhoeffer) were a small minority. Francis
Schaeffer writes of this phenomenon in The Great Evangelical
Disaster:

In the late nineteenth century it was these ideas
[the all-sufficiency of human reason and the false-
hood of supernatural religion] which began to radi-
cally transform Christianity...This started especially
with the acceptance of the "higher critical" meth-
ods that had been developed in Germany. Using
these methods, the new liberal theologians com-
pletely undercut the authority of Scripture...in spite
of the efforts of...[theologians Hodges, Warfield
and later Machen], the destructive methods of bib-
lical criticism came into power and control in the
denominations. By the 1930s liberalism had swept
through most of the denominations and the battle
was all but lost (Schaeffer:34).

*** {start comment 137-1}
The above clearly exposes the fundamentalism of the Pink Swastika
authors and their connection to the Religious Right. The implication
is that liberal churches that don't agree with the fundamentalists
share the blame with the homosexuals for the rise of the Nazis and the
Holocaust. In fact, it was American fundamentalists, such as William
Bell Riley, who supported Hitler and helped make his rise and the
Holocaust possible.
Here the true agenda of The Pink Swastika and its authors and
promoters is revealed. They aren't just after homosexuals. That group
is just the first step, an easy target. Their real, hidden agenda is
to convert the whole world to fundamentalism. Religious people who
don't agree with fundamentalists, and all non-religious people should
take note of that. They are themselves targets, and they shouldn't
ignore the fundamentalist attacks on gays as if the matter is no
concern of theirs. Their turn is coming.
*** {end comment 137-1}

Replacing biblical Christianity in Germany was a pseudo-Chris-
tian "pietism" that grew increasingly more bizarre as devotion to
the social ideals of traditional Christianity was divorced from its
source. In The Twelve Year Reich, social historian Richard
Grunberger writes of Nazi-sponsored "charity" drives, for example,
in which collectors of surplus goods for the poor became irratio-
nal fanatics:

[Collectors] indefatigably pounded the staircases
of apartment houses in the large towns, rooting
out the last possible donor...Small rural communi-
ties erected what were known as Boards of Shame,
listing those who, 'despite financial ability, refuse
to make donations.' Not infrequently, 'selfish ele-
ments' were victims of organized physical violence:

***{Below is Page: 138 }***

'Widow B. of Volksdorf, who had only contrib-
uted ringboots {sic} to a Winter Relief collection of
clothing, had to ask the police to take her into pro-
tective custody after a threatening crowd gathered
outside her house and started to smash her green-
houses.' Hereditary farmer, Bernard Sommer
Kempdorf, who had told the collectors that if they
wanted any fruit from him they were at liberty to
pick it off the trees themselves, had to be taken
into protective custody when a crowd of hundreds
gathered around his farm chanting demands for his
imprisonment. (Grunberger: 88).

*** {start comment 138-1}
The reader who might want to check these references is advised
that the 1971 Holt, Rinehart and Winston edition of Grunberger's book
has different pagination from the edition used by the Pink Swastika
author. For example, the quotation above is found on page 80. The
widow actually gave "ridingboots," not "ringboots."
*** {end comment 138-1}

They developed a "purely German i.e. de-Romanized and de-
Judaicized form of Christianity," writes Grunberger, while con-
currently "New Heathenism" rejected Jesus entirely and substi-
tuted "either Wotan worship or a cult of nature centered on the
Sun" (ibid.:482). Soon, this neo-paganism had entered the weak-
ened churches. "German Christianity [began to focus] on the Aryan
savior Jesus... [and theological studies appeared] under such titles
as 'Wotan and Jesus,' 'Baldur and the Bible,' and 'The German
Savior'" (ibid.:482). Despite all this, however, it would be a mis-
take to believe that the German church, as liberal and heretical as
it had become, would have supported Hitler's total agenda on its
own. On the contrary, Hitler and the Nazi elite were forced to
conduct a slow and methodical take-over of the German churches
to silence their dissent.
In March of 1935 seven hundred Protestant priests were ar-
rested by the Gestapo in Prussia "for issuing condemnations of
neo-paganism from the pulpit," and later a similar number of clergy
in Wurttemberg had their teaching credentials stripped for "vio-
lating the moral instincts of the German race' by references to
Abraham, Joseph and David in the course of their
teaching"(ibid. :494). The Nazis confiscated Protestant seminar-
ies in Wurttemberg and Catholic convents and monasteries in the
Rhineland (ibid. :500).

***{Below is Page: 139 }***

As Grunberger asserts, Nazism itself was a "pseudo-religion"
(ibid. :79) that competed, in a sense, with Christianity and Juda-
ism. The Nazi regime, attempting to usurp the role of the church
and eliminate its influence on German culture, "spawned an un-
ending series of relatively minor, but cumulatively effective, anti-
Church measures" (ibid. :500). Through its spiritual adjunct, the
"German Faith Movement," the Nazi Party maintained one of Sev-
eral fronts in this war on Christianity. Grunberger writes,

The movement.. could best be defined by its nega-
tive articles of faith of which the chief was enmity
to Christianity and the established churches. Plan-
ning to use neo-pagan "conversion" to comple-
ment its own more general anti-Church measures
(such as hamstringing communal and youth orga-
nizations, or attenuating religious instruction in
schools), the Party therefore launched a drive to
make individual parishioners withdraw from
Church membership. The "Church Secessionist
Campaign" was particularly effective among pro-
fessionals materially dependent on the regime: civil
servants, Municipal employees, teachers, [aud] full-
time party workers (ibid:491).

As soon as the Nazis came to power they replaced many Chris-
tian holidays with pagan celebrations: "The Day of the Summer
Solstice," "The Day of the Winter Solstice," and "Mothering Sun-
day" (which featured the so-called "Rune of Life" as a symbol to
honor births) (ibid.:80f.). Marriage ceremonies increasingly in-
voked "Mother Earth" and "Father Sky" as the deities by whom
the covenant was blessed (ibid. :492). Birth and death announce-
ments began to feature the life and death runes, respectively, as
part of a campaign to eliminate the star and the cross from public
life, and crucifixes were gradually removed from hospitals and
schools (ibid.:494). The Nazis made all religious activities which
were not centered in the churches dependent on official permis-

***{Below is Page: 140 }***

sion and confiscated lists of church goers who were on active
duty in the military (ibid. :500).
The schools were heavily targeted in the strategy to de-Chris-
tianize the young. Mandatory prayer in schools was stopped in
1935, and from 1941 onward, religious instruction was completely
eliminated for all students over fourteen years old (ibid.:494f).
The Nazi Teachers Association actively discouraged its members
from taking religious instruction, while at the same time many
teachers of religious studies (who were all required to be licensed
by the state) "inculcated neo-paganism into their pupils during
periods of religious instruction." Later, teachers were outright
prohibited from attending voluntary religion classes organized by
the Catholic church (ibid. :495).
In an obscene twist, the Nazis used former Christian religious
facilities, seized by the government, to establish schools in which
students were trained in male supremacist ideology, using teach-
ings from the works of homosexual theorists such as Otto
Weininger (Rosenthal:69). Igra writes,

[Weininger's Sex and Character] was revived as a
kind of text book in the Nazi Ordensburgen, those
schools for the training of future German leaders
which have been set up in the confiscated monas-
teries and convents. There they learn the doctrine
that 'the lowest type of male is infinitely higher
than the noblest woman,' and that 'by her very
nature, woman is deceitful, mentally inferior to man
and unmoral'" (Igra:99).

The de-Christianization of German society was carried out in
the Nazis' characteristically duplicitous style. Ever masters of
the euphemism and of political sleight-of-hand, they kept the gen-
eral population confused about their true motives. When Hitler
needed the support of the churches in the early days of the re-
gime, for example, the SA attended Sunday services en masse,
creating "veritable SA church parades" (Grunberger:485). But

***{Below is Page: 141 }***

just months later these same troops marched in the Nuremberg
Party Rally alongside the Hitler Youth as they sang anti-Christian
songs. "No evil priest can prevent us from feeling that we are the
children of Hitler," the children sang. "We follow not Christ, but
Horst Wessel. Away with incense and holy water...The swastika
brings salvation on earth" (ibid. :489). For their part the SA sang,
"Storm Trooper Comrades, hang the Jews and put the priests
against the wall" as the refrain to one of their favorite tunes.
In Hitler and I, Strasser records a conversation he had with
Hitler, in which Strasser criticized Nazi propagandist Alfred
Rosenberg for his pagan ideals. "Hitler stopped and looked me in
the eyes," writes Strasser, "'Christianity is, for the moment, one
of the points in the programme I have laid down. But we must
look ahead. Rosenberg is a forerunner, a prophet. His theories
are the expression of the German soul'" (Strasser, 1940:96). Much
later, as Hitler's religion of hate appeared to have completely over-
whelmed the German culture, he proclaimed, "Do you really be-
lieve the masses will ever be Christian again? Nonsense, that tale
is finished" (Newton: 16).
From the early years, leading Nazis openly attacked Chris-
tianity. Joseph Goebbels declared that "Christianity has infused
our erotic attitudes with dishonesty" (Taylor: 20). Himmler is re-
ported to have considered Christianity "the greatest plague deliv-
ered by history, and demanded that it be dealt with accordingly"
(Ziegler:85). Martin Bormann, who replaced Hess as Deputy
Fuehrer, issued a decree to the Party Gauleiters titled, "The Re-
lations Between National Socialism and Christianity" in which he
said "National Socialist and Christian conceptions are incompat-
ible. The Christian churches build upon men's ignorance...The
people must be increasingly wrested from the churches...Never
again must the churches be allowed any influence over the leader-
ship of the people. This must be broken totally and forever" (Fest,
1970: 132f). The Nazis {sic} ultimate goal was the elimination of all
the Christian churches. Grunberger points out that "[j]ust as the
genocide programme provided for certain areas to be made 'free
of Jews' before others, so the Warthegau was envisioned as the

***{Below is Page: 142 }***

first region to be 'free of churches' in the Reich" (Grunberger:498).
It is in this campaign against Judeo-Christian morality that we
find one of the reasons for the German people's acceptance of
Nazism's most extreme atrocities. Their religious foundations
had been systematically eroded over a period of decades by pow-
erful social forces. By the time the Nazis came to power, German
culture was spiritually bankrupt. Historians have largely ignored
the spiritual element of Nazi history, but if we look closely at
Hitler's campaign of extermination of the Jews, it becomes clear
that his ostensible racial motive obscures a deeper and more pri-
mal hatred of the Jews as the "People of God."
The probable reason for Hitler's attack on Christianity was
his perception that it alone had the moral authority to stop the
Nazi movement. But Christians stumbled before the flood of evil.
As Poliakov notes, "[W]hen moral barriers collapsed under the
impact of Nazi preaching...the same anti-Semitic movement that
led to the slaughter of the Jews gave scope and license to an ob-
scene revolt against God and the moral law. An open and impla-
cable war was declared on the Christian tradition...[which un-
leashed] a frenzied and unavowed hatred of Christ and the Ten
Commandments (Poliakov:300).
There is no question that homosexuality figures prominently
in the history of the Holocaust. As we have noted, the ideas for
disposing of the Jews originated with Lanz. The first years of
terrorism against the Jews were carried out by the homosexuals
of the SA. The first pogrom, Kristallnacht, was orchestrated in
1938 by the homosexual Reinhard Heydrich. And it was the some-
time transvestite Goering who started the "evolution of the Final
Solution...[with an] order to the Heydrich (Jan. 24, 1939) con-
cerning the solution of the Jewish question by 'emigration' and
'evacuation'" (Robinson:25). Still, despite their disproportion-
ate role, homosexuals did not cause the Holocaust. They, along
with so many others who had lost their moral bearings, were merely
instruments in its enactment. The Holocaust must be blamed on
the one whom the Bible compares to "a roaring lion, seeking whom
he may devour" (NKJ:I Peter 5:8).

*** {start comment 143-1}
This is quite ridiculous, of course. As stated above, the
original Nazi ideas for settling the "Jewish question" had nothing to
do with Lanz's ideas. Heydrich was, as far as can reliably be
determined, entirely heterosexual, and Goering was neither a
transvestite nor in any way anything other than a strict heterosexual.
The Pink Swastika author has very conveniently failed to mention
indisputably heterosexual monsters such as Adolf Eichmann and Dr.
Josef Mengele.
It is hoped the reader will have seen enough of the inaccuracies
and deliberate falsifications of The Pink Swastika exposed by these
comments that its author has no credibility left and that the book
will be taken for what it's worth.
*** {end comment 143-1}

***{Below is Page: 143 }***

Chapter Seven

American Nazis

History never repeats itself, man always does.

Voltaire (In Cecil Genese, The Holocaust: Who Are The Guilty?)

One of the symbols with which homosexuals in the United
States have chosen to represent their movement is the Phoenix, a
mythical bird that was said to burn itself on a funeral pyre every
five hundred years and then rise from the ashes more majestic
than before (Alyson Almanac:56). A more apt symbol for the
historic cycle of homo-fascism and resulting social chaos would
be hard to find. From the ashes of Nazi Germany, the homo-
fascist Phoenix has arisen again -- this time in the United States.
The most famous incident in the history of the American Nazi
Party resulted from its 1977 demand to stage a march through the
largely Jewish neighborhood of Skokie, Illinois, a Chicago sub-
urb and the home of many Holocaust survivors. This plan was
devised by Frank Collin, who often appeared with his followers
"in full Nazi regalia: brown shirts, black boots, and armbands with
swastikas" and who "advocated that all African-Americans, Jews
and Latinos be forcibly deported" (Johansson: 129). Civil authori-
ties effectively blocked the march at first, but the American Civil
Liberties Union (ACLU) rose to Collin's aid and forced the City
of Chicago to allow it. The subsequent event drew international
media attention. Homosexualists Johansson and Percy, in Out-

***{Below is Page: 144 }***

ing: Shattering the Conspiracy of Silence, have finally revealed,
more than fifteen years later, that Collin was a homosexual ped-
erast. In 1979 Collin was arrested "for taking indecent liberties
with boys between ages 10 and 14" and was sentenced to seven
years in prison (Johansson: 130).

*** {start comment 144-1}
This account seems somewhat confused. If Skokie is a "suburb" of
Chicago, as indeed it is, then how can anyone force the "City of
Chicago" to allow a march through it? If the Collin story is correct,
his choice of pre-pubescent sex objects makes him a pedophile, not a
pederast. Psychologists who specialize in the treatment of pedophiles,
such as Dr. A. Nicholas Groth, author of Men Who Rape: The Psychology
of the Offender (Plenum Press 1979) don't classify pedophiles as bona
fide homosexuals. Some pedophiles concentrate on little girls, some on
little boys, some choose either. What they all have in common is that
they're attracted to effeminate, womanly characteristics, not to the
male characteristics that appear after puberty. Groth, who has long
experience with offenders in the prison system, reports on a study of
148 male offenders against children and says (pages 148-149):
"We found that some (73 or 49%) offenders responded exclusively
to children -- boys, girls, or both -- and showed no interest in
adults or age-mates for sexual gratification. These men were
pedophiles in the true sense of the word. Other (75 or 51%) offenders
showed no persistent sexual preference for children but turned to them
as the result of conflicts or problems in their adult relationships.
Although this group regressed to encounters with children, their
predominant sexual orientation was toward adults. In examining the
adult sexual lifestyle of this latter group, it was found that the
large majority (62, or 83%) of these subjects led exclusively
heterosexual lives, and the remaining subjects (13, or 17%) were
bisexually oriented -- that is, their adult sexual activities involved
both female and male partners, although here, too, their preference
was for women."
Of the offenders Groth studied, 51% chose female children
exclusively as their victims, 21% chose either sex, and 28% chose only
males. Groth says all the offenders were either pedophiles, or, if
they had sex with adults, either heterosexuals or bisexuals with a
preference for females. How, then, could so many choose only male
children (28%) or either female or male children (21%). Groth
explains: "Offenders attracted to boy victims typically report that
they are uninterested in or repulsed by adult homosexual relationships
and find the young boy's feminine characteristics and absence of
secondary sexual characteristics, such as body hair, appealing. Their
focus remains on the male child as opposed to the female child,
however, because they identify with the boy. As one offender expressed
it: 'I was a boy, so I know what to do with boys, what they like. I
can relate to them better. I was never comfortable relating to
females.' Another offender stated: 'At first, I was interested in boys
and girls, but little girls talk a lot and little boys don't, and I
became happier with boys; the girls were more demanding.'"
If the American Nazi Collin was indeed arrested for pedophilic
offenses with pre-pubescent boys, that in no way proves he was a
homosexual, and in fact suggests that he was not, but was rather a
genuine pedophile or a troubled heterosexual.
*** {end comment 144-1}

{Picture}
{Two White Power banners and several neo-nazi demonstrators}

Homosexual Nazi Frank Collin (pointing) leads march through Chicago
UPI/BETTMANN
{Picture caption}

Another branch of the American Nazi movement, the National
Socialist League, is openly homosexual:

Founded in 1974 by defecting members of the
National Socialist White People's Party, this San
Diego-based NSL is unique in restricting its mem-
bers to homosexual Nazis. Led by veteran anti-
Semite Russell Veh, the group distributes mem-
bership applications declaring NSL's "determina-
tion to seek sexual, social and political freedom"
(Newton:46)

***{Below is Page: 145 }***

{Picture}
{At the top is reproduced an alleged page of the "N.S. Mobilizer." At
the top is a group of three furled U.S. flags with a round swastika
medallion. "Sample Copy for Future Issues SUBSCRIBE!!" "50c a copy"
N.S. MOBILIZER
National Socialist League
"Vol. III April-September, 1976 Nos. 26-31"
"Inside
SHELTON'S KLAN:
GAYS IN HOODS & ROBES"}
{no caption}

While norma11y low-profile, the NSL .stirred a controversy in
1993 when it attempted to market an infamous 1930's Nazi hate
film that had been pirated by the group. An article in the Los
Angeles-based Heritage and S. W. Jewish Press, titled "'Gay nazis'
peddling vile 'Jud Suss' film," named Veh and the National So-
cialist League. We are most familiar with Mr. Veh (which is an
alias, incidentally) and his notorious operations," said legitimate
film distributor, David Calbert Smith III (Heritage and S. W. Jew-
ish Press, September 16, 1983). Veh solicited members for his

***{Below is Page: 146 }***

group through a publication called "The N.S. Mobilizer" and
through personal ads in homosexual publications, including the
leading national "gay" magazine, The Advocate (Reisman,
1994:57).
A simple perusal of The Advocate reveals that Nazi themes
are common in the homosexual Community. Reisman, who stud-
ied advertisements in The Advocate in issues from 1972 to 1991
found that the content of the ads reflected a fascist mentality. She
writes,

Overall, 72% of THE ADVOCATE data social-
ized a set of core values--glorified nazi dress, lan-
guage and "blonde" Aryan male beauty and bru-
tality; contempt for "fems, fats," and blacks; threats
toward "politically incorrect" homosexuals,
churches and others -- Romanticizing "fascist" cul-
ture to a "younger generation." Nazi costumes/
fascist concepts are a common component of THE
ADVOCATE and thus largely condoned by pre-
vailing "gay" cultural values (Reisman: 1992, 57).

Other elements of "gay" culture demonstrate a similar ideal.
One popular film, by Finnish "gay rights" advocate Iippio Pohjala,
is titled Daddy and the Muscle Academy (1992). Tom, the hero
in the film, is a homosexual fascist and a pornographer. The film,
combining themes of pederasty and Nazi glorification, was shown
in San Francisco on June 26, 1992, at the Castro Theatre. It was
part of the 16th Annual Gay and Lesbian Film Festival. A re-
viewer for the San Francisco Examiner provided the following
description of the film:

Daddy and the Muscle Academy candidly acknowl-
edges Tom's infatuation with body types encour-
aged by the National Socialists. His
fantasies... [involve] sex between clean-cut Finn-
ish boys and storm troopers, the swastika flying

***{Below is Page: 147 }***

behind them (Bonetti: San Francisco Examiner,
June 26, 1992).

Where homosexuals live in the highest concentrations, some
seem to feel more comfortable acting out their Nazi fantasies. In
Against Sadomasochism: A Radical Feminist Analysis, Susan Leigh
Star, a Jewish sociologist, describes her experience in San Fran-
cisco:

For four years I have lived in the Castro section of
San Francisco, the gay (predominantly male) dis-
trict. When I walk down the street in my neigh-
borhood, I often see people dressed in black leather,
wearing chains and sometimes carrying whips. In
the magazine stores there are many sadomasochist
publications. Often these include pictures of people
wearing replicas of Nazi Germany uniforms. Iron
crosses, storm trooper outfits, military boots. And
swastikas. Once and a while someone on the street
is dressed in full Nazi regalia (Star: 132).

*** {start comment 147-1} Sado-masochism is not a particularly
homosexual preoccupation. There is a vast amount of heterosexual
pornography available on the theme. Two types are seen: where the
woman dominates the man, and where the man dominates the woman. One of
the more hilarious instances occurs in Mel Brooks's movie "High
Anxiety," in which the female nurse dons a Nazi uniform and whips one
of the male doctors.
Nazis figure in sado-masochist fetishism because they symbolize
the ultimate masters, carrying things to the greatest extremes. This
fetish has absolutely nothing to do with Nazi ideology, but is built
on the image of cruelty Nazis acquired during and after World War II.
Another heterosexual fetish, one that doesn't seem to appeal to
homosexuals, is bestiality. There is a large body of heterosexual
pornography, especially movies, involving women with animals. Before
Castro, live performances were quite a tourist attraction in Cuba, as
they are today in parts of Mexico. No doubt they're held in the United
States as well in less publicized venues.
*** {end comment 147-1}

Meanwhile, back in Germany, the alarming increase of Neo-
Nazi skinheads is also linked to homosexuality. Elmay Kraushaar,
a journalist for Der Spiegel, Germany's equivalent to Time Maga-
zine, is quoted in The Advocate:

There is a gay skinhead movement in Berlin. They
go to cruising areas with leaflets that say, "We don't
want foreigners." A major leader of the neo-Na-
zis in Germany, Michael Kuhnen, was an openly
gay man who died of AIDS two years ago. He
wrote a paper on the links between homosexuality
and fascism, saying fascism is based on the love of
comrades, that having sex with your comrades
strengthens this bond (Anderson:54).

*** {start comment 147-2}
The vast majority of skinheads are rabidly homophobic, as reports
in the press of the 1990s clearly show. There are fools in every
branch of society. A gay person allegedly ran Pat Buchanan's
Presidential campaign in California. There were Jewish supporters of
Hitler who, in their fascist delusion congratulated him on his
attainment of power in 1933, and only began to realize what fools they
had been after the passage of the 1935 Nuremberg laws took away their
citizenship.
*** {end comment 147-2}

***{Below is Page: 148 }***
The Fascist Roots of American "Gay rights"

The first "gay rights" organization in the United States was an
American chapter of the German-based Society for Human Rights.
The German SHR, formed in 1919 by Thule Society member,
Hans Kahnert, was a militant organization led by "Butch" homo-
sexuals. Many of the early Nazis, including SA leader Ernst
Roehm, were also SHR members. The American SHR was formed
on December 10, 1924, in Chicago, by a German-American named
Henry Gerber (J. Katz:388). Gerber had served with the U.S.
occupation forces in Germany from 1920 to 1923 and had been
involved with the German organization. Together with a small
group of fellow "revolutionaries," Gerber legally chartered the
group without revealing its purpose and began publishing a pro-
homosexual journal called Friendship and Freedom (ibid. :389),
patterned after the German chapter's publication of the same name
(ibid.: 632n.).
In 1925, however, the organization collapsed when Gerber,
vice President Al Menninger {sic} and another member were arrested
on charges of sexual abuse of a boy, after being turned in by
Menninger's {sic} wife. The Chicago Examiner ran a story titled
"Strange Sex Cult Exposed," and spoke of "strange doings" in
Menninger's {sic} apartment. Menninger {sic} confessed, but Gerber claimed
the incident was a set-up, saying that their arrests were "Shades
of the Holy Inquisition." Rather than take his chances in court,
however, Gerber hired a lawyer who "knew how to fix the State
Attorney and judges" and the case was dismissed (ibid. :392). After
going underground for a time, writing under the pen-name
"Parisex," Gerber reemerged in 1934 on the staff of a pro-homo-
sexual literary magazine called Chanticleer (ibid. :394). He also
retained his ties to the German SHR and published several articles
in their publications (ibid. :633n.).

*** {start comment 148-1}
The above account can only be characterized as a lie -- a
deliberate attempt to deceive -- given that the Pink Swastika author
has read Katz's account of Gerber's society. The American organization
was not in any way connected with the German one, and certainly wasn't
a "branch." As Gerber recounts in the Katz reference, he was merely
made aware for the first time in Germany that it was possible for
homosexuals to organize and fight for their rights, and so he adopted
the name of the most prominent German homosexual organization. He and
his boss drafted the declaration of purpose of the organization, and
took nothing from the German organization except the name. The group
suffered from lack of money and only two issues of its journal were
published.
Gerber's "German-Americanism" didn't extend beyond his family
name, as his first name, "Henry", fully anglicized, suggests. The
founding vice president of the group was Al Meininger. Are we to play
name games and suggest that in addition to a "German-American" the
group was also founded by a "Jew"? (Interestingly, the president of
the group was Rev. John T. Graves, of whom Gerber says "The only
support I got was from poor people: John, a preacher who earned his
room and board by preaching brotherly love to small groups of
Negroes...." It's not stated whether he was a Black.)
Gerber did state a purpose for the group, using "people who by
reason of mental and physical abnormalities" rather than
"homosexuals." Was he justified in doing that? Katz gives Gerber's
account of the arrest of members of his group, as a result of which he
lost his job, largely, he believed, through the efforts of postal
inspectors who considered his publication that dared to talk openly
about homosexuality to be "obscene." (A judge dismissed the charges
and reprimanded the police for having arrested Gerber and the others
without warrants.)
The account of the trial is also a falsehood. Gerber hired a
lawyer who was recommended by a prisoner in jail with him, but the
attorney who helped him file the papers for his organization is the
one who got him off, and quite justifiably because there was no
evidence against him and because the arrests had been made without
warrants. Gerber says that while he was in jail "Among the prisoners
was a young Jew who asked me if I wanted a lawyer. He recommended a
friend of his, a 'shyster' lawyer who practiced around criminal
courts. I made a request to him and he appeared the next morning. He
seemed to be a smart fellow who probably knew how to fix the State
Attorney and judges. He had the reputation of making a good living
taking doubtful cases. He also handled the bail bond racket and
probably made additional money each month from this shady practice."
Eventually Gerber got the other lawyer and the charges were
dismissed by the judge because the arrests were made without warrants.
Whether the "fix was in" or Gerber merely thought his new lawyer had
such influence is debatable. In any case, the corruption of Chicago
courts of the period is the stuff of legend of epic proportions, and
if that was the only way to get justice in the case, it's hard to
fault anybody. Today, a warrantless arrest would be tossed out of
court immediately.
*** {end comment 148-1}

In Chanticleer, Gerber revealed himself as a militant socialist
who regarded capitalism and Christianity as the twin pillars of
ignorance and repression of "sexual freedom" (ibid. :394). In re-

***{Below is Page: 149 }***

sponse to the news of the Roehm Purge in the American press, he
admitted that the Nazis were led by homosexuals and praised
"Roehm and his valiant men" (ibid. :396). Gerber is quoted at
length in Katz's Gay American History regarding the Nazi re-
gime. He writes,

A short time ago an American journalist pointed
out in the liberal "Nation" that the whole Hitler
movement was based on the homosexual Greek
attachments of men for each other, and the same
Jewish author stated that it was another of the
Hitler contradictions that the "Leader" should have
acquiesced in the burning of the books of Dr.
Magnus Hirschfeld...Thus we get a glimpse of the
insanity of the whole movement: A Jewish doctor
working for the interests of homosexuals is perse-
cuted by a heterosexual mob, led by homosexuals
(Gerber in J. Katz:395).
*** {start comment 149-1}
Gerber's comments don't qualify him as a "militant socialist." He
contrasts the Soviet Union of 1934, where religion and capitalism were
overthrown and he thought free sex reigned with the Christian and
capitalist United States, supposedly free but even banning birth
control -- as well as homosexuality, of course. He was, in fact,
misinformed about Stalin's Russia, but then many people far more
educated on the subject than he were also ignorant of the true state
of affairs.
Gerber was also rather ignorant of the true state of affairs in
Germany, as again were many better educated on the topic than he. On
the subject of "Roehm and his "valiant men" we encounter another of
The Pink Swastika's outright lies, for the author knew the true origin
of that remark. As Katz writes, Gerber believed the story put out by
Hitler that Roehm and his men had planned a coup d'etat (and why
shouldn't he have believed it when it was all over the newspapers and
he had no way of knowing what was going on behind the scenes far off
in Germany). Here are the parts of what Gerber actually wrote on Roehm
that have been suppressed by the Pink Swastika author to support his
lie:
"The newspapers of America were strangely compromised by this
Hitler story. Should they praise the murderer Hitler for suppressing
homosexuals, or should they give credit to Roehm and his homosexual
camorra [{secret}society] for being the only men in Germany virile
enough to attempt to wipe out the unspeakable Hitler? The newspapers
condemned both and saved their faces.
....
"Roehm and his valiant men have been defeated, but the
homosexuals will go on fighting to rid the world of tyranny."
Gerber wrote his words in September, 1934. That's very early for
such open opposition to Hitler in the United States, and he's to be
commended for it. The author of The Pink Swastika, especially because
he is Jewish, is beneath contempt for trying to smear such an ardent
opponent of Hitler.
*** {end comment 149-1}
It is interesting to note that the homosexual inclinations of the
Nazis were a matter of at least limited public knowledge in the
United States at this time, as well as their Greek origins. We can
also infer from this passage that Gerber himself was not an overt
fascist, though he clearly identified with the Brownshirts in Ger-
many. Open fascism in the homosexual movement would come
later, but Gerber and his pederastic friends had established its foun-
dation. By 1972, when he died at the age of 80, Gerber had wit-
nessed the emergence of homo-fascism as a permanent theme in
the movement.

*** {start comment 149-2}
It certainly wouldn't do for the Pink Swastika author to call
Gerber a fascist after having just called him a militant socialist
(who praised the Soviet Union), so why does he have to "infer" such a
thing from the passage on Roehm? Gerber didn't identify with the
Brownshirts as ideological models. He identified with homosexuals who,
he thought, had attempted to overthrow the murderous tyrant Hitler.
*** {end comment 149-2}

Harry Hay and the Mattachine Society

In the words of Jonathan Katz, "a link of a kind peculiar to
Gay male history connects the abortive Chicago Society for Hu-
man Rights (1924-25) and Henry Hay, the founder of the

***{Below is Page: 150 }***

Mattachine Society" (J. Katz:407). This "peculiar link" is the
fact that the man who recruited Hay into homosexuality (at age
seventeen), Champ Simmons, was himself seduced by a former
member of the SHR. In a perverse sort of way, then, it seems
appropriate that Hay would become known as the "Father of the
Modern Gay Movement" (Timmons:cover). (In another account,
Hay claims his earliest homosexual experience was a molestation
at age fourteen by a twenty-five year old man) (ibid. :36).

*** {start comment 150-1}
Hay says that Champ had been a member a member of the Chicago
group, which had no connection with the German group. Here's what Hay
actually says about his "recruitment" (a word invented for the
incident from the imagination of the Pink Swastika's author), as
recounted in the place in Katz cited by the Pink Swastika author:
"I enticed an 'older' gentleman (he must have been at least 33)
to 'bring me out' by finagling his picking me up in Los Angeles's
notorious Pershing Square. Poor guy -- he was appalled to discover,
subsequently, that I was both a virgin and jailbait!"
So much for the myth of gay "recruitment."
In addition, the cover of Timmons's book says Hay was "Founder of
the Modern Gay Movement," not "Father."
*** {end comment 150-1}

On August 10, 1948, at the tail-end of an eighteen-year stint
as a Communist Party leader, Hay began to organize a group that
would become the Mattachine Society (ibid: 132). Not until the
spring of 1951 did it receive its name, but from the beginning it
was seen as a vehicle to destroy social restraints against homo-
sexuality in American culture (J. Katz:412f.). The name
Mattachine was taken from "medieval Renaissance French...secret
fraternities of unmarried townsmen" (ibid.:412) The
organization's stated agenda was to preserve the "right to pri-
vacy." Like the SHR, the Mattachine Society became controver-
sial upon the arrest of a prominent member. Dale Jennings, one
of the founders of the organization was arrested for soliciting an
undercover police officer to commit a homosexual act in a public
restroom (ibid. :414).
Hay was also not an overt fascist, but he was a neo-pagan.
He participated in occultic rituals at "the Los Angeles lodge of
the Order of the Eastern Temple, or O.T.O., Aleister Crowley's
notorious anti-Christian spiritual group" (Timmons:76). Hay pro-
vided musical accompaniment to ceremonies performed by the
lesbian "high priestess." Later in life he founded a New Age group
called Radical Faeries, which met in an asram in the high desert of
Arizona to offer invocations to pagan spirits (ibid. :265).

*** {start comment 150-2}
These homosexuals are certainly giving the Pink Swastika author a
rough time. He wants to demonstrate that Hitler's Nazi ideology and
fascism arose from homosexuality and that homosexuals have carried
that fascism and Nazi ideology into the United States, where they
present a threat to the country. But he keeps running into socialists
and Communists, with nary a fascist in sight. So people like Gerber
and Hay are not "overt fascists" but apparently all "crypto-fascists,"
like something in the drinking water, hiding and ready to poison all
good people. Will we soon have a new volume from Jerusalem and Oregon
-- perhaps Volume II: The Pink Sickle?
*** {end comment 150-2}

In some ways, Hay can be compared to Karl Heinrich Ulrichs,
the "grandfather" of the gay rights movement. Hay is his Ameri-
can counterpart in the sense that both men launched enduring so-
cial movements in their respective cultures. The avowed purpose
of each was to undermine the Judeo-Christian moral consensus in
respect to homosexual relations. And both had been molested as

***{Below is Page: 151 }***

boys (though some suggest that this is the rule rather than the
exception among homosexual men). But unlike Ulrichs, Hay be-
came increasingly militant over the course of his life, until, in the
1980's, he participated in California's notoriously violent ACT-
UP demonstrations (ibid. :292). ACT-UP, the AIDS Coalition to
Unleash Power, was one of the earliest manifestations of homo-
fascism in the "gay rights" movement. Though Hay was in his
70's, and is not directly linked to any of the property destruction,
his presence validated the terrorist tactics of the group. Hay also
openly endorsed pederasty as an essential part of the "gay rights"
movement (ibid. :296).
Harry Hay and the Mattachine Society spawned large-scale
political and social activism among homosexuals that soon out-
grew their expectations and their control. These highly moti-
vated activists operated in groups designed like communist cells,
each a "secret fraternity" bound by a common vice. As Hay stated
in a later interview, "[we wanted to] keep them underground and
separated so that no one group could ever know who all the other
members were" (J. Katz:410). Slowly at first, from innumerable
obscure sources, came theories, public statements and actions in
support of the social acceptance of homosexuality. And as the
power of the homosexualist political lobby grew, so did the ugli-
ness of its demands and its methods.

The Stonewall Riot

By 1969, the development of a growing homosexual subcul-
ture in America had spawned an open homosexual presence in
major cities. So-called "gay bars" sprang up in Los Angeles and
New York, hosting a bizarre mix of "street queens," drug addicts
and boy prostitutes (Marotta:71). In New York, homosexuals
regularly engaged in public sex acts with anonymous partners "in
the backs of trucks parked near the West Village piers" (ibid.:93)
and in the public restrooms. Homosexual activity occurred so
frequently in the bushes of one public park that the authorities

***{Below is Page: 152 }***

were forced to cut down the trees to stop it (Adam:85). In re-
sponse to police efforts to discourage this increasingly offensive
behavior, homosexuals began to organize to demand the "right"
to public deviancy. Emboldened by their numbers, they began
picketing businesses such as Macy's Department Store, which had
cracked down on homosexual behavior in their restrooms
(ibid. :85).

*** {start comment 152-1}
The Marotta citation is a misleading fabrication. Only "street
queens" comes from him. He actually says, "The Stonewall was a dimly
lit dance bar that welcomed homosexuals with countercultural life
styles. Many of those present on the night of the raid were 'dope-
smokers,' 'acid-heads,' or 'speed freaks,' Some wore their hair long
and dressed in unconventional garb. Some were raggedly flamboyant
homosexual cross dressers known as 'street queens.'" There's
absolutely no mention of prostitutes. The police raid was on a warrant
charging that liquor was being sold without a license, and had nothing
to do with charges of sexual activity.
The alleged material from Adam's book is a fabrication of the
Pink Swastika author. Adam says only the following: "In late summer,
the New York GLF and the Mattachine Action Committee picketed in a
park where trees had been cut down to eliminate cruising (that is, gay
men meeting each other)�.and SIR picketed Macy's for having gay men
entrapped by police in its washrooms." That's all that Adam says, and
the details are an invention of the Pink Swastika author. It should be
noted that Adam mentions these two items in a long list of protest
activities including confrontations with Western and Delta airlines
about their employment practices and similar actions.
*** {end comment 152-1}

On the evening of June 27, the "gay rights" movement offi-
cially adopted terrorism as a means to achieve power when a surly
mob of "drag queens, dykes, street people, and bar boys" physi-
cally attacked police officers conducting a "raid" on the Stone-
wall Bar on Christopher Street in New York. Stonewall was "one
of the best known of the Mafia controlled bars" (Marotta: 75) which
was being closed for selling alcohol without a license. It was also
a haven for sexual deviants. As police began to take some bar
patrons in for questioning, a mob of homosexuals gathered across
the street. Homosexualist Toby Marotta's The Politics of Homo-
sexuality includes an eyewitness report by a writer for the Village
Voice:

[A]lmost by signal the crowd erupted into cobble-
stone and bottle heaving...The trashcan I was stand-
ing on was nearly yanked out from under me as a
kid tried to grab it for use in the windowsmashing {sic}
melee. From nowhere came an uprooted parking
meter--used as a battering ram on the Stonewall
door. I heard several cries of "Let's get some gas,"
but the blaze of flame which soon appeared in the
window of the Stonewall [where the police offic-
ers were trapped] was still a shock (ibid. :72).

By morning, the Stonewall bar was a burned-out wreck, and
homosexual leaders had declared the violence a success. Inter-
estingly, the anniversary of this event is known today as "Gay
Pride Day" and features parades and other events most notable
for their public sex and nudity (ibid.: 158). It is ironic that the

*** {start comment 152-2}
What is interesting about Marotta's Mafia-comment is what's left
out by the Pink Swastika author. Some gays had been concerned about
the Stonewall, but they "had encountered nothing but evasion from the
New York City Health Department and the State Liquor Authority when
they tried to investigate charges that the Stonewall Inn, one of the
best known of the Mafia-controlled bars, was responsible for an
epidemic of hepatitis because it rarely washed its glasses." The gay
group then urged gays to stop patronizing bars run by the Mafia.
*** {end comment 152-2}

***{Below is Page: 153 }***

activists who emerged from this new mi1itant environment devel-
oped (in 1970) the strategy of claiming victim status through the
use of the pink triangle and commemoration of the homosexuals
who were persecuted by the Nazis (Adam:86).

*** {start comment 153-1}
A meeting in San Francisco, "passed motions supporting women's
liberation and the Black Panthers, calling for immediate withdrawal of
American forces from Vietnam, authorizing a Gay Strike Day, and
calling for memorialization of homosexuals killed in Nazi
concentration camps," which Adam quotes from somebody else.
Interestingly, Adam adds, "In the same month, the Black Panthers
leader, Huey Newton (1972), declared his solidarity for the gay
movement, stating that 'homosexuals are not given freedom and liberty
by anyone in the society. Maybe they might be the most oppressed
people in the society.'" The reference is to a letter Newton
contributed to The Homosexual Dialectic, published by Prentice-Hall in
1972 (page 195).
*** {end comment 153-1}

Following the Stonewall riot the Mattachine Action Commit-
tee of the Mattachine Society's New York chapter clamored for
"organized resistance" (ibid.:81), but control of the movement
was taken out of their hands by a still more radical group of activ-
ists. These men quickly formed the Gay Liberation Front, so titled
"because it had the same ring as National Liberation Front, the
alliance formed by the Viet Cong" (ibid.:91). At the heart of this
new circle of power was Herbert Marcuse (ibid.:88), a long time
Socialist who had learned his politics, and practiced his homo-
sexuality, in pre-Nazi Germany. Homosexualist historian Barry
D. Adam writes,

Herbert Marcuse, who had been a youthful par-
ticipant in the 1918 German revolution and had
been steeped in the thinking of the life-reform
movements of the Weimar Republic, caught the
attention of many gay liberationists. His Eros and
Civilization, published in the ideological wasteland
of 1955, bridged the prewar and postwar gay
movements with its implicit vision of homosexu-
ality as a protest "against the repressive order of
procreative sexuality" (ibid.:84).

*** {start comment 153-2}
The author has got all tangled up in his "ibids" and mixed up his
citations. The "ibids" to pages 88 and 91 are actually from Marotta,
but as so often, the references are complete fabrications.
On page 91 Marotta states that "Gay Liberation Front" was chosen
because ,"each word in that name was selected with organizational as
well as political considerations in mind. Unlike homosexual, the
clinical term bestowed by heterosexuals, and homophile, the euphemism
coined by cautious political forerunners, gay, which homosexuals
called each other, was thought to be the word that would most appeal
to homosexuals who were thirsting to be known as they knew themselves.
Hence also liberation, intended to suggest freedom from constraint.
Front implied a militant vanguard or coalition; it suggested that GLF
was the crest of a swelling wave destined to force people to recognize
and respect the openly gay population.
"The name Gay Liberation Front was also favored because it had
the same ring as National Liberation Front, the alliance formed by the
Viet Cong. Radicals and revolutionaries thought that this would help
attract others with leftist perspectives and establish GLF's place in
the Movement."
Marotta never says that Marcuse was "at the heart of this new
circle of power," nor that Marcuse was in any way involved with any
gay movement. The only mention of Marcuse in Marotta's whole book
simply puts him in a list or authors whose writings influences a
single one of the founders of GLF, Pete Wilson. "Wilson was also
influenced by�.and by the lives and writings of three scholars who
fathered the radical strain in Movement thinking � Norman O. Brown,
Paul Goodman, and Herbert Marcuse."
It should be noted that neither Marotta nor Adam state anywhere
whether Marcuse was a homosexual. The Columbia Encyclopedia says he
fled Germany in 1934 and was a "special target of the Nazis because of
his Jewish origins and Marxist politics�." It would seem that the Pink
Swastika author's attempt to link the gay movement to Marcuse
contradicts the whole thesis of The Pink Swastika, that the Nazis were
founded and controlled by homosexuals.
Adam's mention of Marcuse, like Marotta's, in no way suggests he
was a moving force in organizing the gay movement. Rather, his
writings merely influenced some people. In the same paragraph Adam
mentions Simone de Beauvoir, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Paul Goodman, the
Beat poets, and other New Left figures.
*** {end comment 153-2}

The Stonewall riot became the new symbol of the "gay rights"
movement. In its wake, Gay Liberation Fronts sprang up across
the country, using methods of intimidation and coercion to achieve
political gains. Immediately they targeted the medical commu-
nity, whose increasing effectiveness in treating homosexual disor-
ders threatened the logical premise of the movement
(Rueda: 101ff.). "Gay Liberation Fronts," writes Adam, "stormed
San Francisco, Los Angeles and Chicago conventions of psychia-
try, medicine and behavior modification," shouting down speak-

***{Below is Page: 154 }***

ers and terrorizing audience members (Adam:87f). As extreme
as it had itself become, the Mattachine Society predicted the GLF's
"violent tactics" would fail to inspire the movement (Marotta: 136),
but they were wrong. Though the GLF collapsed in 1972, in part
because of a conflict between "drag queens and machos ['Femmes'
and 'Butches']" (Adam:90), their philosophy prevailed.

*** {start comment 154-1}
Adam actually says, "Gay liberation fronts stormed San Francisco,
Los Angeles, and Chicago conventions of psychiatry, medicine, and
behavior modification, where sessions on the 'treatment' and
'correction' of homosexuality were disrupted with cries of
'barbarism,' 'medieval torture,' and 'disgusting' and with demands for
equal time." Those who know the torture techniques employed in so-
called "behavior modification" will think those shouts quite a mild
criticism. Adam says nothing about "shouting down" or "terrorizing"
anybody.
The alleged Marotta quote is pure fabrication. What Marotta
actually says in regard to the relations of Mattachine and GLF is,
"The two liberationists emphasized the need for demonstrations that
would stir homosexuals to band together; Mattachine officials stressed
the importance of public relations that would help eliminate
prejudice, and negotiation and litigation that would bring tangible
improvements�.Dick Leitsch [of Mattachine] chafed at the
disorganization produced by overzealous volunteers and mistrusted
activities that might alienate professionals, heterosexuals, and
'respectable' homosexuals."
Adam actually says this on page 90, "But the GLF was all but
defunct by the end of 1972, torn apart by tensions between women and
men, drag queens and machos, socialists and counterculturalists. By
drawing together such a diversity of gay people and engendering such
utopian aspirations, the GLF could not resolve the intensely different
experiences of its adherents." So the problem wasn't simply the "butch
- femme" conflict the Pink Swastika author has invented to explain how
an allegedly homosexual Nazi leadership could put homosexuals into
concentration camps and torture and kill them.
*** {end comment 154-1}

On December 15, 1973 the board of trustees of the American
Psychiatric Association capitulated to the demands of the radi-
cals. The homosexuals had begun to speak of unyielding psychia-
trists as "war criminals" (ibid.: 88), with obvious implications.
Possibly in fear for their safety, and certainly wearied by constant
harassment, they declared that homosexuality was no longer an
illness. The resulting referendum, demanded by outraged mem-
bers of the association, was conducted by mail and was partially
controlled by the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force
(Rueda:1982). The homosexualists won the vote and the new
official definition of homosexuality as a disorder was changed to
include only those who were "unhappy with their sexual orienta-
tion" (Adam:88). Historian Enrique Rueda writes,

This vote was not the result of scientific analysis
after years of painstaking research. Neither was it
a purely objective choice following the accumula-
tion of incontrovertible data. The very fact that
the vote was taken reveals the nature of the pro-
cess involved, since the existence of an orthodoxy
in itself contradicts the essence of science
(Rueda: 106).

*** {start comment 154-2}
One suspects that the Pink Swastika authors have relied for their
psychological information on Dr. Charles Socarides, whose help they
acknowledge (see the acknowledgments at the front of the book). If so,
they should have had the courtesy to include a note saying he was
their source instead of trying to blame Adam for what they say. One
person, Allen Young, is mentioned as referring to a faction of
psychiatrists as "war criminals." What is covered up is the existence
of another group of psychiatrists who supported the gays in their
effort to change the APA's wording on homosexuality. A leader of the
faction favoring the status quo was Socarides, and it is Socarides who
demanded the mentioned referendum. The change of wording taking
homosexuality off the list of disorders went through the normal APA
procedure. The Socarides referendum was abnormal. Why do the Pink
Swastika authors cover up the role of the Socarides faction in all
this?
Enrique Rueda is not an "historian" and doesn't claim to be one.
The credit in his book states, "Enrique Rueda is Director of the
Catholic Center at the Free Congress Research and Education Foundation
{a right-wing group}. A native of Cuba, he was imprisoned by the
Communists during the Bay of Pigs invasion. He holds a Master of Arts
degree in Political Science from Fordham University, and advanced
degrees in Divinity and Theology from St. Joseph's Seminary."
The myth that the APA succumbed to pressure and caved in to
demands by homosexuals out of fear is debunked in Ronald Bayer's book,
Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis
(Basic Books 1981). The demonstrations were unfortunately needed to
get the psychiatric establishment to address the issue, but the APA
moved through its normal channels in evaluating new research by
psychological researchers such as Evelyn Hooker, whose pioneering work
had shown that contrary to the belief widely held by the psychiatric
establishment, their tests could not tell homosexuals apart from
heterosexuals, indicating there were no basic differences except for
sexuality.
The process is best characterized by Bayer's account of the
"conversion" of Robert Spitzer of the New York State Psychiatric
Institute, who was a member of the APA's Committee on Nomenclature,
the group that had the primary responsibility for deciding the issue.
The effort began (page 117) with presentations to the Nomenclature
Committee by a number of prominent psychological investigators such as
Seymour Halleck, a psychiatrist widely acknowledged as a critic of the
abuse of psychiatric authority, Wardell Pomeroy, a colleague of Dr.
Alfred Kinsey, and Alan Bell of the Institute for Sex Research at
Indiana University. A presentation to the Nomenclature Committee on
February 8, 1973, included "an impressive array of citations which
indicated that the classification of homosexuality was inconsistent
with a scientific perspective." (p118) After reviewing the research
that questioned the accepted position on homosexuality, a presentation
was made of the consequences of the current classification as a
disorder, showing the way in which it was being used to discriminate
unreasonably against gays. Finally, "the Nomenclature Committee was
pressed to consider the psychological havoc that resulted from the
labeling of the homosexual preference as pathological." (p119)
"Nothing impressed the members of the Committee on Nomenclature
more than the sober and professional manner in which the homosexual
case was presented to them. After several years of impassioned
denunciations and disruptions, here, at last, was a statement that
could be assimilated, analyzed, and discussed in a scientific
context." (A report is available in the New York Times of February 9.)
The notorious homophobic psychoanalysts Irving Bieber and Charles
Socarides, whose practices centered on their alleged ability to cure
homosexuality, immediately organized an attempt to stop any possible
declassification of homosexuality as a disorder and rallied opposition
among psychoanalysts. While the psychoanalysts worked to stop any
change, support for the change was beginning to appear among local APA
branches. In March 1973 the Northern New England District Branch of
the APA became the first to endorse deletion of homosexuality from the
list of disorders. Soon after APA's Area Council I, which included all
of New England as well as Ontario and Quebec called for the change
(page 123).
Robert Spitzer at first had been against dropping homosexuality
from the list of disorders. "Certainly he was not at first a supporter
of the effort to delete homosexuality from the nomenclature. Indeed,
when paired with Paul Wilson, a psychiatrist from Washington, D.C., to
draft a discussion paper for the committee, Spitzer could not accept
Wilson's version because of its support for declassification. What is
remarkable is that because of his sense of mission he was, despite his
unformed views, able to dominate both the pace and the direction of
the committee's work. In fact it was Spitzer's own conceptual struggle
with the issue of homosexuality that framed the committee's
considerations." (Page 124)
"By the time of the May 1973 APA convention in Honolulu,
Spitzer's views had moved quite far. The justification for including
homosexuality per se among the psychiatric disorders had become
increasingly inconsistent with his understanding of the appropriate
focus of a nosological system. His attention had been drawn to
critical analyses of standard psychoanalytic works like Bieber's and
to empirical studies indicating that homosexuals were quite capable of
satisfactory adjustments to the demands of everyday life. Contact with
gay activists made it clear that many homosexuals were fully satisfied
with their sexual orientations. It began to seem to him the inclusion
of homosexuality in DSM-II constituted an unjustifiable extension of
the concept of 'psychiatric disorder.': {DSM-II is the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Psychiatric Disorders, its second issue. The
dispute was about removing homosexuality from that book.}(page 124)
The account goes on to relate that a gay activist took Spitzer to
a meeting at the convention of gay psychiatrists. When the
psychiatrists noticed Spitzer's presence, they were outraged, for they
had to fear that if he would betray their gay status to their
institutions they would lose their jobs and face repercussions in
their families and elsewhere. Many insisted that Spitzer leave but in
the end he was allowed to stay. "The occasion not only succeeded in
substantiating Spitzer's belief that being homosexual had little to do
with one's capacity to function at a high level, but perhaps more
importantly provided an emotional jolt that moved him to prepare,
within a month, a proposal for the deletion of homosexuality from the
nomenclature."(page 126)
Thereafter the change worked its way through the normal route of
APA committees until it won final approval. The only further
"political" action on the part of gays was a letter written in support
of the change to the APA's Council of Research and Development. Bayer
says (p 131) "Written with extraordinary attentiveness to the
sensibilities and professional prerogatives of those who would be
making the crucial decision, it sought in almost deferential terms to
avoid the impression that pressure was being brought to bear upon
them." The Council unanimously approved the change as written by
Spitzer. Next the Assembly of District Branches approved it by an
overwhelming majority. This was especially heartening because the
Assembly tends to reflect a clinical rather than an academic
perspective in psychiatry, and resistance to the deletion had been
anticipated.(page 134) After passage by the Reference Committee, the
deletion was finally approved by the board of trustees, who first
heard the objections of Bieber, Socarides and Robert McDevitt. Some
members of the board were reluctant to make the change, feeling
privately that homosexuality was indeed a disorder, but nevertheless
acknowledging that the evidence required to substantiate that position
was lacking. After a first vote for passage of nine in favor, four
against, and two abstaining, a change to make the wording more
tentative resulted in thirteen votes for deletion, with two
abstentions.
A movement to reverse the board's action immediately started, and
the Socarides group demanded a referendum of the membership on it.
That was quite an extraordinary thing. "That a decision presented as
being based upon the scientific examination of the standards that
should apply to the classification of psychiatric disorders would be
subject to ratification in a democratic vote of America's
psychiatrists astonished many observers. It suggested that
psychiatry's claim that it constituted a clinical science like other
branches of medicine was at best a self-deception."(page 142)
The APA leadership gave in to Socarides's demand for the
referendum, but also worked to defend its decision and encourage the
membership to support the change. Here the final political involvement
of the gay community occurred. It succeeded in getting all the
candidates for the APA presidency to sign letters urging the
membership to approve the change. The National Gay Task Force also
underwrote the full cost of the mailing, about $2,500. If there is any
criticism due on this issue, it is because "a decision was made not to
indicate on the letter that it was written, at least in part, by the
Gay Task Force, nor to reveal that its distribution was funded by
contributions the Task Force had raised. Indeed, the letter gave every
indication of having been conceived and mailed by those who signed
it."(146)
"Since a public solicitation of financial support had been made,
though presumably to those sympathetic to the gay cause, it is not
surprising that information regarding the role of the NGTF surfaced
quickly."(p 146) The Socarides group raised further objections, but
the referendum result was that 58% of the 10,000 psychiatrists who
participated supported the change, while 37% voted against it, the
remainder abstaining or not voting.
That is the story of the APA decision as Bayer tells it. It's
been related here at such length because of the reckless charges that
continue to be made that it was a purely political decision, not a
scientific one, and that it was made in response to threats of
violence. Nothing could be further from the truth.
*** {end comment 154-2}

The Pederasts

As we will see, the victory of politics over scientific objectiv-
ity was to have far-reaching consequences. After the fail of the
APA's medical standard against the "normalization" of homosexu-
ality, "gay rights" activists made tremendous gains in public ac-

***{Below is Page: 155 }***

ceptance of, or at least tolerance for, open homosexuality. This
fact is especially alarming when we consider that the APA has
now taken action which some construe as "normalization" of pe-
dophilia as well. The September, 1994 issue of "Regeneration
News," the newsletter of a homosexual recovery group in Balti-
more, features an article about this change. Regeneration Direc-
tor, Alan Medinger compares the new set of criteria for diagnos-
ing pedophilia with the prior standard:

In the earlier DSM-II-R [Diagnostic and Statisti-
cal Manual for Psychiatrists], pedophilia was di-
agnosed as a disorder if "[t]he person has acted
out on these urges or is markedly distressed by
them.. .[b]ut the new standard defines pedophilia
as a disorder only if [t]he fanatasies, sexual urges,
or behaviors cause clinically significant distress
or impairment in social, occupational, or other
important areas of functioning" (Medinger re-
printed in Stop Promoting Homosexuality Hawaii
Neweletter, November, 1994. Emphasis ours).

The APA has taken a step which can be interpreted to imply
that adult sex with children is normal as long as the perpetrators
are not "unhappy with their sexual orientation." The APA has
taken exception to this interpretation.

*** {start comment 155-1}
The obscurity of the source should be enough to show how
insignificant it is. It's probably the case that the "recovery" group
has nothing to do with homosexuality, but is more likely concerned
with pedophilia The Pink Swastika author was seen before falsely to
smear gays with pedophilia. What is interesting to note is in the
sixth line of the passage, "...only if [t]he fantasies..." The
practice of the Pink Swastika author has been rather faithfully
(apparently) to note the changing of capital letters to small ones by
indications such as "[t]" -- there are many examples throughout the
book. In this case it's obvious, then, that a number of sentences have
been blended together to make what appears above. One wonders what the
original actually said.
In any case, the Pink Swastika author has entirely misunderstood
the quoted text. It says the old DSM said pedophilia was a disorder if
the person is "markedly distressed" by the urges. The new DSM says it
is a disorder if the urges "cause clinically significant distress,"
etc. The wording doesn't seem to be significantly different on the
topic of distress, just a bit more clarifying.
*** {end comment 155-1}

Although many contemporary homosexual activists, especially
lesbians, attempt to distance themselves from their pederastic
comrades, the fact remains that pederasts (as was true in Ger-
many) have always been at the forefront of the movement, albeit
often "in the closet." And the "right" of adults to have sex with
children has always been a basic goal of the movement. In Febru-
ary of 1972, for example, a national coalition of homosexual groups
met in Chicago to draw up a list of priorities for the movement.
Prominent on the list was the demand for "A repeal of all laws
governing the age of sexual consent" (Rueda:2O 1ff.). Already in

***{Below is Page: 156 }***

Canada the age of consent has been lowered to age 14
(Mulshine: 10).
The organizations dedicated specifically to "pedophile rights"
or "pederast-rights" in the United States are made up of homo-
sexual men (Rueda: 173ff), and in major cities with an active ho-
mosexual community "gay" bookstores carry numerous titles
which endorse man/boy sex (Grant, 1993:22). Tom Reeves, a
self-admitted pederast who was part of the early "gay rights"
movement is one of a number of writers in an anthology called
Varieties of Man/Boy Love. He explains the role of pederasts in
homosexualist activism:

Almost every one of the early openly homosexual
writers was a pederast. Pederasty was a constant
theme of early gay literature, art, and pornogra-
phy. The Stonewall riots were precipitated by an
incident involving an underage drag queen, yet that
detail was not viewed as significant. Curtis Price,
a fourteen-year-old, self-described "radical hus-
tler," formed the first gay liberation organization
in Baltimore. Many of the leaders of early gay
liberation and the founders of the major gay groups
in the U.S. were boy-lovers (Reeves in Pascal:47).

Another of the early leaders of the "gay rights" movement
was David Thorstad, also a self-identified pederast. Thorstad was
president of the Gay Activist Alliance (Stop Promoting Homo-
sexuality Hawaii Newsletter, November, 1994:6), one of the larg-
est of the groups which formed in New York in the wake of the
Stonewall riot. The GAA invented "the strategy of 'zapping'
politicians," writes Marotta, "that would later become [its]
trademark... [they] had learned that homosexuals could infiltrate
political gatherings and make themselves heard through sheer
brashness" (Marotta: 137). The GAA also developed the strategy
of using these "carefully staged confrontations" to force politi-
cians to enact "anti-discrimination" policies (ibid.:150). The GAA

***{Below is Page: 157 }***

reorganized early in 1974 as the National Gay and Lesbian Task
Force (Adam:88).

*** {start comment 157-1}
Marotta says the GAA "inaugurated" zapping, not that they
invented it. They were, in fact, merely imitating tactics used by
other protesters, such as those against the war in Vietnam. The words
claimed to appear on page 150 simply are not in Marotta's text. The
only "carefully staged confrontation" on "anti-discrimination
policies" was a petition drive: Marotta says (p 150) "For their debut,
the GAAers decided to circulate petitions asking Carol Greitzer, the
Village representative on the city council, to sponsor a bill that
would outlaw discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in both
public and private employment."
(It should be emphasized that in this section of The Pink
Swastika the many obscure references are hard to trace. Marotta's
widely available book is a different matter. The way the Pink Swastika
author has mishandled Marotta suggests that the other, more obscure
sources may well also have been misquoted.)
The Pink Swastika author misquotes Adam on the Task Force name,
and covers up the reason GAA ended. Here's what Adam actually says:
"As the GAA waned through internal dissension (coming to an end, at
least symbolically, when its community center was fire-bombed in
1974), leading movement activists reorganized as the National Gay Task
Force to press forward the anti-psychiatric struggle. When the APA
Council accepted the deletion of homosexuality from the diagnostic
manual in a unanimous vote in 1973, the conservatives forced a
referendum on the issue. The result of this curious spectacle of
defining pathology by plebiscite was a vote of 58 percent for deletion
and 37 percent for retention in 1974. In the end, the new diagnostic
manual included a compromise category that continued to allow
psychiatrists to 'treat' people unhappy with their sexual
orientation."
*** {end comment 157-1}

Thorstad, along with Reeves and others, later went on to form
the North American Man/Boy Love Association in Boston in 1978
(NAMBLA Bulletin, September, 1992:2). NAMBLA, which is
the largest "pederast rights" organization in the country, cloaks
its agenda in rhetoric about concern for the rights of children to
have "sexual freedom." (Pascal:49). In recent years NAMBLA
has come under attack by some elements of the "gay rights" alli-
ance, who have tried to exclude the group from some of the higher
profile media events. But this has evoked a violent response from
its defenders. When NAMBLA was denied a role in the 1986 Los
Angeles "Gay Pride Parade," marcher Harry Hay donned a
sweatshirt printed with the legend, "NAMBLA Walks With Me."
Timmons writes that Hay, "[c]ould not contain his outrage" that
NAMBLA was excluded (Timmons:296). More recently, as re-
ported in the NAMBLA Bulletin, Hay was a featured speaker at
NAMBLA's annual membership conference, June 24-25, 1994:

[Hel gave an inspiring talk about reclaiming for
the 1990's the spirit of homoerotic sharing and love
from various ancient Greek traditions of pederasty.
A remarkably balanced and sensitive account of
the conference appeared in the August 23 Advo-
cate from a writer who was invited to attend
(NAMBLA Bulletin, September, 1994:3).

*** {start comment 157-2}
The attempt to associate NAMBLA with gays is comparable to the
way the German Nazis smeared Jews with every sort of evil in the 1930s
to demonize them and stir up public anger against them.
First, the sexual desires of NAMBLA members are not necessarily
confined to same-sex interests. One report said that an undercover
investigation by police in California had found that NAMBLA was
"dominated by heterosexuals."
NAMBLA has always been banned from participation in gay events in
most places. In some cities attempts to ban the group were given up
because of possible legal problems, the law being interpreted that
they had a right to march in public parades.
In some jurisdictions there have always been problems in trying
to keep unwanted groups out of public events such as parades. The St.
Patrick's Day Parade controversies in the 1990s in Boston and New
York, which involved the right to march of gay and lesbian groups, are
cases in point. Some court rulings said the parades were public events
and the gays must be allowed to participate, while other court rulings
said parade organizers had the right to exclude groups they didn't
want to participate. The issue was finally resolved in favor of the
parade organizers, who now may exclude unwanted groups. In 1996, this
decision enabled Gay Pride Parade organizers to exclude NAMBLA for the
first time in certain jurisdictions, where their earlier legal advice
had been that NAMBLA must be allowed to march in a public parade.
So, the fact that NAMBLA participated in some gay events didn't
necessarily mean it was a welcome guest, but that the law was held to
require that it be allowed to participate.
*** {end comment 157-2}

Other homosexualist-run "children's-rights" organizations in-
clude the Rene Guyon Society, which was formed in 1962 "to
make it possible for adults to provide sexual stimulation for virtu-
ally all children" (Rueda: 177), and a group called Project "Truth
(NAMBLA Bulletin, September, 1994). (While we're discussing
homosexual splinter groups we should mention the Eulenspiegel
Society, formed in 1971 to promote "Sado-masochist-rights" for
homosexuals whose "special concern is freedom for sexual

***{Below is Page: 158 }***

minorities and particularly those whose sexuality embraces S/M"
-- Rueda:175).

*** {start comment 158-1}
Rueda says (176) "The promotion of sexuality for children is
certainly not limited to the homosexual movement." Since his book
deals with "The Homosexual Network" he doesn't list any other types of
groups.
A particular grudge Rueda seems to bear against NAMBLA
(understandable given his Cuban past) is that "NAMBLA members, for
example, marched on the Pentagon with other homosexuals in a March 3,
1981, demonstration against American support for the people of El
Salvador in their struggle against Communism."
While Rueda doesn't give a membership figure for NAMBLA, he says
the Rene Guyon Society, which "concentrates on all aspects of child
sexuality," has "some 5,000 sympathizers nationwide." It was founded
"under the inspiration of Dr. Rene Guyon, a lawyer/psychologist
associated with Sigmund Freud." Rueda lists its goals, and they do
indeed include all aspects of sex for people under the age of 18,
including heterosexual activity. The organization views sex when both
partners are under age 18 in a different category from sex between a
younger and an older person.
Rueda says the Eulenspiegel group is not a particularly
homosexual institution but "accepts both heterosexuals and
homosexuals." In other words, it doesn't "promote 'Sado-masochist-
rights' for homosexuals" as the Pink Swastika author misrepresents
Rueda, but for all people with no distinction as to sexual
orientation.
*** {end comment 158-1}

Membership of groups such as these in the International Les-
bian and Gay Association (ILGA) caused it to be expelled from
the United Nations Economic and Social Council in September of
1993. Attempting to forestall their expulsion ILGA tried to sepa-
rate itself from pederast groups but quickly learned that Support
for the "boy-lovers" was too deeply entrenched in the associa-
tion. ILGA's ouster of ten-year member NAMBLA and a couple
of other high-profile groups caused European pederast member-
organizations to step forward in protest. Division within ILGA
continues (NAMBLA Bulletin, September 1994:3).

*** {start comment 158-2}
The above is a misrepresentation, which is quite understandable
considering it comes from NAMBLA, the group being thrown out. The fact
is that NAMBLA became a member of ILGA when ILGA was started and had
few or no restrictions on membership and poor oversight of member
groups. The expulsion of NAMBLA from ILGA was delayed because
procedures required it wait for the next international convention of
ILGA.
*** {end comment 158-2}

Another apologist for pederasty is Larry Kramer, founder of
ACT-UP. In Report from the Holocaust: The Making of an AIDS
Activist, Kramer had this to say about adult/child sex: "In those
instances where children do have sex with their homosexual el-
ders, be they teachers or anyone else, I submit that often, very
often, the child desires the activity, and perhaps even solicits it"
(Kramer:234). According to Reeves, "Queer Nation and Act-
Up" were home to "both boys and men" who wanted "additional
cultural activity beyond.. their illegal relationships" (Reeves in Pas-
cal:73).

*** {start comment 158-3}
It is appropriate to emphasize again the distinction between
"pederasts" and "pedophiles."
The "pederast" is especially attracted sexually to young people
who are sexually mature but not yet of legal age -- broadly the age
range of 14-17. In usage "pederast" tends to be confined to men,
largely because the word comes from Greek history, where heterosexual
men usually went through a pederast stage in their twenties before
marrying women, but also because modern society is laxer on relations
between underage girls and heterosexual men. (Teenage mothers are
mostly impregnated by legal adults, yet one never hears accusations of
pederasty.)
The "pedophile" is oriented only toward pre-pubescent children,
that is to say, those about age 12 and younger. Psychologists treat
pedophilia as a separate condition from either heterosexuality or
homosexuality. The Religious Right and their apologists like the Pink
Swastika author interchange the words indiscriminately, and don't seem
to have a real understanding of either term. They use whichever one
seems, at the moment, most likely to incite hatred against gay men.
Whether Kramer is or isn't an "apologist for pederasty" is not
demonstrated here. He's merely stating the fact, well-known to
psychologists, that people under the age of 18 do indeed have sexual
desires and can be aggressive about them. (The legal definition of
"child" encompasses anyone below the legal age of majority. In the
eyes of the law in many places, a 17-year-old is a "child." When the
age of consent was 21, a 20-year-old was legally a "child.") Refer to
the account of Harry Hay, above, for a tale of a "child" seducing an
adult. (Comment 150-1)
*** {end comment 158-3}

Pedophilia and its promotion is not limited to male homo-
sexuals. Virginia Uribe, a lesbian teacher in Los Angeles, has
been at the forefront of a movement to "affirm gay teenagers,"
through school-based pro-homosexual "counseling" (Homosexu-
ality, the Classroom and Your Children, 1992) Her own pro-
gram, called Project 10 (named for the oft quoted "statistic" of
10% homosexuality in the U.S. population, a figure demonstrated
in several recent studies to be nearer 2%), included a book for
young people called One Teenager in Ten. This "resource" for
troubled teens features lurid pornographic stories, including a
graphic lesbian sex scene between a twelve-year-old girl and her
twenty-three-year-old dance teacher. The apparent goal is to ac-
tivate children's sexuality at increasingly younger ages. At a con-
ference promoting Project 10 to public school teachers in

***{Below is Page: 159 }***

Oregon, University of Washington sociologist Pepper Schwartz
admits targeting prepubescent children for "affirmation," saying
"At this point, getting the majority to say 'gay' is good' at nine or
ten years old is going to be difficult, but just because it is difficult
doesn't mean it's not the right thing" (Homosexuality, the Class-
room and Your Children, 1992),
{Picture}
{Several men marching holding a NAMBLA banner}

Pederast Leland Stevenson (left) leads a NAMBLA contingent
in the 1993 "Gay Pride" parade in Washington D.C. THE REPORT
{Picture caption}

The beneficiaries of "sexual Freedom" for children and teens
are often predatory adult homosexuals. The National Gay and
Lesbian Task Force is on record that "gay teens should be sup-
ported in coming out" (Mulshine: 10), but writer Paul Mulshine
notes that "the guidance, and the sex, tends to come from adult
gays who bring the teens out...A study published in the Journal of
Pediatrics showed that of a sample of gay teenagers who had
steady sexual partners, the mean age of the partners was 25 years
(ibid.:10). He cites a "1985 study of arrests in 12 U.S. jurisdic-
tions [for child sex abuse, which] showed that, on average, about
40 percent of arrests for pederastic homosexuals" ibid. :11).

*** {start comment 159-1}
The major thrust of programs like Project 10 and of other efforts
to get decent social services for gay youth and prevent teenage
suicide by giving psychological support to teenagers who are having
trouble coming to grips with the same-sex urges they feel, and
especially to support teenagers who are being driven to mental
problems and even suicide by the attitudes of their schoolmates and
the adults around them. The cynical vilification by the Pink Swastika
author is truly reprehensible.
If sex partners of gay male teenagers have a mean age of 25, that
is nothing different from what happens with heterosexual teenagers. In
1996, studies exploded the myth that the average teenage mother was
made pregnant by a fellow high school student. The average
heterosexual who gets a teenage girl pregnant is, in fact, in his
twenties.
*** {end comment 159-1}

***{Below is Page: 160 }***

Though some deny that the "right" of adults to have sex with
children remains a fundamental component of the "gay rights"
movement, the evidence suggests otherwise. Alyson Publications,
the leading publisher of "gay" titles, markets books aimed at pre-
schoolers, such as Daddy's Roommate and Heather Has Two
Mommies, right alongside Gay Sex: A Manual for Men who Love
Men. The latter contains detailed instructions for pedophiles and
pederasts on successfully avoiding discovery and arrest. "Avoid
situations," advises author Jack Hart, "where a number of men
have sex with the same boy, or group of boys, over a period of
time" (Hart: 123). No doubt these guidelines are gratefully re-
ceived by pederasts in the community, a constituency that is larger
than most people realize. For example, Reeves claimed in a 1979
speech that he personally had met "over 500 men" who "were
struggling with their attraction to boys." "Almost to a man," said
Reeves, "they are teachers and boy scout leaders and boys club
leaders" (Rueda:97).

The Boy Scouts

Fortunately, America's version of the Wandervogel, the Boy
Scouts of America, has largely been spared the problems associ-
ated with its German cousin. This can be attributed to its com-
mitment to Judeo-Christian ideals as represented in its pledge to
be "reverent toward God" (Hillcourt: 10). Still, the number of
homosexuals that have infiltrated the organization is alarming.
From 1973 to 1993 over 1,416 scout leaders were expelled for
sexually abusing boys (The Washington Times, June 15, 1993).
Beginning in 1991 and continuing to the present time, the Boy
Scouts have been targeted by "gay rights" militants for their policy
against allowing homosexuals to be scout leaders. An ostensibly
"spontaneous" outcry against the Boy Scouts arose across the
country, led by the once-venerable United Way agency, which
pulled its funding from the Scouts in various cities. United Way's
funding withdrawal was quickly followed by other homosexual-

***{Below is Page: 161 }***

controlled or co-opted entities including Levis Strauss, Wells
Fargo, Seafirst Bank and Bank of America (which later reversed
itself) (Oregonian, July 11 1992). Self-admitted lesbian, Roberta
Achtenberg, then serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervi-
sors, led a campaign to coerce the Bank of America into support
For the homosexuals' demands. Shortly thereafter, Achtenberg
was appointed Assistant Secretary for the Department of Hous-
ing and Urban Development (Los Angeles Times, January 29,
1993), one of more than two dozen homosexuals appointed to
high-level posts in the Clinton Administration (Grant, 1993:107).
In the streets the Boy Scouts was mocked by "Queer Scouts,
a focus group of Queer Nation" (Bay Area Reporter, August 1
1991), while homosexualists at the highest levels of government
attempted to intimidate the organization into submission. Re-
cently deposed Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders used her post to
castigate Scout officials (U.S.A. Today, June 2, 1994) and Inte-
rior Secretary Bruce Babbitt signed an order prohibiting Boy
Scouts from volunteering in national parks (The Washington Times
May 28, 1993). In San Francisco and San Diego the Boy Scouts
were barred from operating day programs in the public schools
(San Francisco Chronicle, September 14, 1991) and in San Di-
ego, city officials launched an investigation of the Scouts under
its legal powers to prevent "discrimination" against homosexuals
(San Francisco Chronicle, October 18, 1992).
So far the Boy Scouts have withstood the onslaught, but in
late 1992 the organization received a letter from NAMBLA pre-
dicting that it will eventually succumb to homosexual demands.
The letter is addressed to Ben Love, Chief Scout Executive, Boy
Scouts of America and was published in the NAMBLA Bulletin,
November 1992:

Dear Mr. Love,

At its 16th membership conference, held in Chi-
cago, August 7-9-1992, the North American Man/
Boy Love Association unanimously adopted the

***{Below is Page: 162 }***

following resolution:
"NAMBLA calls on the Boy Scouts of America
to cease its discrimination against openly gay or
lesbian persons in the appointment of its scout
masters. This will permit scouts to be exposed to
a variety of lifestyles and will permit more of those
individuals who genuinely wish to serve boys to
do so.
I feel especially honored to have been asked to
alert you of this resolution...I have also been a scout
and a scout leader and share with so many in
NAMBLA affection for the movement.
We recognize, of course, that the action for
which we call is inevitable. What a great added
contribution your organization will make possible
to all the boys and girls who participate in it when
you take this step. May it be taken in the near
future.
We share a common mission -- to bring greater
understanding and light and purpose to the young
as they grow. We invite you to join with us in
cherishing individual integrity, and in seeking the
opportunity for every boy and girl in our country
to find their own truth. We encourage you to help
every person associated with your organization to
be able to express those values from themselves
which to them represent for themselves the Good,
the True, and the Beautiful. As we work together
toward these ends Light will guide our way.
We express these sentiments most respectfully,
Very Cordially,
Leland Stevenson
Co-Recording Secretary,
NAMBLA (NAMBLA Bulletin, November
1992. Emphasis ours).

***{Below is Page: 163 }***

Leland's letter is reminiscent of the one Wilhelm Jansen sent
to Wandervoge1 parents in which he told them, "you will have to
accustom yourselves to the presence of so-called homosexuals in
your ranks" (Mills: 167). As we see, however, Leland's ideologi-
cal allies have far greater political power in the United States to-
day than Jansen's had in Germany in 1912.
Unfortunately, the moral courage of the Boy Scouts of America
is not shared by all youth organizations. The Girl Scouts allows
lesbian leaders in its organization and has expelled at least one
heterosexual leader who refused to keep this policy secret from
parents. Brenda Mailand, a Girl Scout employee in Lansing Michi-
gan was fired after she refused to sign the following pledge:

As an employee of the Michigan Capitol Girl Scout
Council, you may not proactively inform members,
parents of members, prospective members or par-
ents of prospective members, or members of the
general public (including media) of the Council's
and GSUSA's position on sexual orientation (Pri-
vate letter, February 9, 1993).

*** {start comment 163-1}
The GSUSA is simply requiring that one of its employees stop
spreading what she obviously considers to be derogatory comments about
the group. That is obvious from the qualification "proactively," which
suggests she was "spreading the word" or "blowing the whistle." Every
company expects a certain degree of loyalty from those it is paying to
work for it. The GSUSA action concerning one of its employees is not
at all unusual.
*** {end comment 163-1}

The Big Brothers/Big Sisters organization actively promotes
"gay rights" through its organization. in 1991 Big Brother/Big
Sisters' Board of Directors lobbied the Boy Scouts to change its
policy against homosexual leaders, saying "the use of 'non-tradi-
tional' volunteers in the service delivery to youth can serve the
best interest of children" (Private letter, August 9, 1991). Homo-
sexual "big brothers" and "big sisters" are actively recruited in
some cities (Just Out, March 1, 1993).

Weimar in America
Following a socialist revolution in 1918, the Weimar govern-
ment was formed in Germany and began promoting liberal social
policies. As America does today, Weimar Germany faced ter.-

***{Below is Page: 164 }***

mantas conflict as these policies clashed with traditional Judeo-
Christian values. "Feelings on the sexual question' ran high. There
were disputes about the roles of the sexes and about attitudes
toward marriage, the family and child rearing, and these disputes
were bound up with arguments about social policy and demo-
graphic trends (Peukert: 101).
In this climate the homosexualists made significant gains.
Almost immediately, major German cities became havens for ev-
ery form of sexual expression. William Manchester writes of
"transvestite balls, [where] hundreds of men costumed as women
and hundreds of women costumed as men danced under the be-
nevolent eye of the police," and of "mothers in their thirties, teamed
with their daughters to offer Mutter-und-Tochter sex" (Manches-
ter:57). Plant writes of "luxurious lesbian bars and nightclubs
[that] never feared a police raid" (Plant:27). Steakley records
that "[o]fficial tolerance was manifested... in the unhindered con-
sumption of narcotics in some homosexual bars, and transvestites
were issued police certificates permitting them to crossdress in
public" (Steakley: 81). And historian-biographer Charles Bracelen
Flood speaks of " sad alleys patrolled by prostitutes of all ages and
both sexes, including rouged little boys and girls" (Flood: 196).
"Berlin's specialized establishments included a bathhouse fea-
turing black male prostitutes" that was frequented by Ernst Roehm,
writes Flood, and "there was a sedate nightclub for lesbians, the
Silhouette, where most of the women, sitting on hard benches
along the walls, wore men's clothes with collar and tie, but the
young girls with them wore dresses with accented femininity"
(ibid.: 197). Germany's version of Madonna was a woman named
Anita Berber, "the role model for thousands of German
girls... [Berber] danced naked. and made love to men and women
sprawled atop bars, bathed in spotlights, while voyeurs stared and
fondled one another" (Manchester:57). Rector describes the
Weimar scene as a "sexual MardiGras" (Rector: 15):
*** {start comment 164-1}
Flood is quoting another author when he makes the remark about
the club for lesbians, and the Pink Swastika author has not properly
indicated that. That's a minor point. More importantly, Flood's text
has "younger girls" instead of "young girls" given in the misquote
above. Misquoting as "young girls" gives the misleading impression
that young children are involved, whereas the author only wished to
indicate that the women so designated were younger than those dressed
in men's clothing.
*** {end comment 164-1}

There were about as many -- if not more -- homo-
sexual periodicals and gay bars in Berlin in the

***{Below is Page: 165 }***

1920's as there are now in New York City, and
Berlin of the time was abuzz with the feasibility of
forming a national homosexual political party. The
sexual revolution, with its free-and-easy attitudes,
including wife swapping and group sex as a moral
precept, was a German "invention" of the
Twenties.. abortions were shrugged off and
condoms were on sale in open display in grocery
stores and almost every other public mart [Quot-
ing from T.L. Jarman, Rector continues]...Freedom
degenerated into license...Bars for homosexuals,
cafes where men danced with men,...pornographic
literature in the corner kiosks--all these things were
accepted as part of the new life (ibid.:13).

Today, all of these things are manifest in American society as

*** {start comment 165-1}
One can't help interjecting that one of the first things Hitler
and his Nazis did when they gained power was to shut down all the
mentioned activities of Weimar Germany. Is Germany really the model
the Pink Swastika author wants to apply to America?
*** {end comment 165-1}

well. The lid to Pandora's Box that had been cracked open by
Kinsey, Harry Hay and the Mattachines is now flung wide. Rueda
writes,

...there are "no fewer than 2,000 [homosexual bars
in America]...They range from small "sleazy"
places in dark and dangerous alleys to plush
establishments...Some bars cater to a conventional-
looking clientele. Others specialize in
sadomasochists or transvestites. There are bars
which purposefully attract young people, prosti-
tutes who serve to attract older homosexuals who
in turn purchase drinks for the youngsters while
sexual deals are arranged. Printed guides for trav-
eling homosexuals... [specify] the availability of
prostitutes or "rough trade" (i.e., homosexuals who
enjoy appearing violent or who actually behave
violently) (Rueda:33).

***{Below is Page: 166 }***

American cities also host "bathhouses," which are not actual baths
but meeting places for anonymous homosexual encounters.
"People walk in there and have sex with multiple partners and
have no idea who they're having sex with," reports former homo-
sexual John Paulk. "I know this first hand and from the many
many people I was associated with in the gay lifestyle" ("The Gay
Agenda" Video). Paulk reports that these "bathhouses" remain
open despite the AIDS epidemic. He also describes the activity
called "cruising" in which homosexuals meet for anonymous sex
in public restrooms and other public locations. While this has
apparently always been common behavior in the homosexual com-
munity, Paulk implies that it is far more widespread today than
ever before. This is substantiated by other observers of the "gay
rights" movement (Grant, 1993:36f ).
A great deal more could be written about the varieties of ho-
mosexual perversion that have proliferated in America's cities and
towns today. Indeed, the authors feel that the behavior of homo-
sexuality needs to be exposed to a public whose attention is sys-
tematically drawn away to "cover" issues (e.g. "victim" status,
"rights," etc.). But it is our intention here to focus on the social,
political and spiritual ramifications.

The Kinsey Connection

The American counterpart to the Sex Research Institute of
Berlin is the Kinsey Institute. And like its German predecessor,
this organization is dedicated to the legitimization of homosexu-
ality. In 1948, sex researcher Alfred Kinsey released his culture-
shattering book, Sexuality in the Human Male. The first major
sex study of its kind, the Kinsey Report purported to show that
Americans were far more promiscuous and sexually deviant than
they said they were (Reisman and Eichel, 1992:2). For over forty
years, Kinsey's data went more-or-less unchallenged and the con-
clusions that he drew continue to serve as the "scientific" justifi-
cation for the so-called sexual revolution. His theory of sex as a

***{Below is Page: 167 }***

mere "outlet" released human behavior from what Marcuse called
"the repressive order of procreative sexuality." All forms of sexual
expression were equalized in the Kinsey model.

*** {start comment 167-1}
The above characterization of the Kinsey Institute is totally
false. As the Pink Swastika author showed earlier, the German group
provided sexual services and treatment of venereal disease to clients,
which is how it amassed those tens of thousands of incriminating files
on individuals. (See above Pink Swastika page 100.) The Kinsey
institute, on the other hand, has always been devoted to academic
research, and doesn't have any special dedication to homosexuality.
The Pink Swastika author can't even correctly identify Kinsey's
book. The correct title is Sexual Behavior in the Human Male.
Kinsey presented the results of his sex survey without warping
them to fit preconceived notions of sexuality. A major criticism of
him has always been just the one implied by the Pink Swastika author,
namely that he didn't misrepresent his research in order falsely to
bolster traditional but wrong ideas about sex.
*** {end comment 167-1}

Recently several studies have shown that America is not the
hotbed of promiscuity and deviancy that Kinsey's study made it
appear to be, even after forty-six years of influence by that study,
which was loudly trumpeted as "fact" by the media and much of
academia. U.S. News and World Report said of one such recent
study, conducted by the National Opinion Research Center at the
University of Chicago, that it showed that "[f]idelity reigns. Fully
83 percent of Americans had sex with one person or had no sex
partners in the past year, and half of Americans have had only one
partner in the past five years" (U.S. News and World Report, Oc-
tober, 1994:75)

*** {start comment 167-2}
The Kinsey data are represented in different ways than the
Chicago figures, so it is hard to reconstruct exactly comparable
figures. Did Kinsey paint a picture of wild promiscuity that has now
been shown to be false? The Pink Swastika author quotes the recent
study as showing that only 50% of American males (the study was of
men) had only one sex partner in the past five years.
Kinsey found that 71.6% of college-educated men and 62.3% of non-
college men claimed they had had no extramarital coital companions for
their entire marriages (first marriage in the case of the 10% who had
remarried). (The Kinsey Data Paul Gebhard & Alan B. Johnson --
publisher W.B. Saunders, 1979, page 400) That categorization is not
directly comparable to the Chicago data, which included men never
married, but it suggests that if anything, men were actually less
promiscuous in Kinsey's day than they are today.
*** {end comment 167-2}

Kinsey's study seemed tailor-made for the homosexual
pederast community. Indeed, just weeks after its release, Harry
Hay began formal efforts at organizing the movement. Kinsey
stated that at least 10% of the population was homosexual (far
higher than the actual number) and he invented the seven-point
Kinsey Scale, "in which bisexuality occupied a middle 'balanced'
position between heterosexuality (0) and homosexuality (6)"
(ibid. :10), attempting to establish bisexuality as the norm. he
further declared adult/child sex harmless. This "finding" was based
on data gathered by pedophiles on hundreds of children, some as
young as two months old (ibid. :36).

*** {start comment 167-3}
It's a sign of his poor "scholarship" that the Pink Swastika
author takes information on Kinsey second hand from Reisman, when it
would be so easy to check the original source, which should be readily
available at most second hand bookstores for under $10.00. There are
no citations for the alleged statements by Kinsey, which makes them
difficult to check.
The above states that Harry Hay began formal efforts at
organizing the gay movement "just weeks" after the release of Kinsey's
book. The copy of Kinsey being used for these comments has in it a
Marshall Field (Chicago department store) sales slip dated January 14,
1948. (Price $6.50) The Katz reference cited by the Pink Swastika
author quotes Harry Hay as saying (page 408) "I first conceived of a
Gay group in August 1948. From January to August is hardly "just weeks
after its release."
Kinsey never said that "at least 10% of the population was
homosexual." In his book, page 651, he said "10 per cent of the males
are more or less exclusively homosexual (i.e., rate 5 or 6) for at
least three years between the ages of 16 and 55." The 5 and 6 are
ratings on his heterosexual-homosexual rating scale, 6 being
"exclusively homosexual" and 5 being "predominantly homosexual, but
incidentally heterosexual." Kinsey placed only 4% as "exclusively
homosexual throughout their lives, after the onset of adolescence."
Kinsey's sexuality scale naturally had bisexuality as the center
between total heterosexuality and total homosexuality. Bisexuality
means being equally attracted to both sexes, with no preference for
either, and so it is the logical case for the middle of the scale
(pages 638-641 and following discuss the scale). Kinsey didn't in any
way attempt "to establish bisexuality as the norm." No citation for
the alleged comment is given in The Pink Swastika.
No citation is given for Kinsey's alleged statement that
adult/child sex is harmless, and it's hard to believe that he said any
such thing. IN DEALING WITH ANY CLAIMS ABOUT KINSEY, A CITATION
SHOULD ALWAYS BE DEMANDED. Reisman has been shown to be thoroughly
unreliable -- see her claims above about the Nazi influence in
advertising in the Advocate, (Pink Swastika page 146).
The figures on sexual experiences of children in Kinsey's 1948
book were not taken from "data gathered from pedophiles" but from
interviews with over 4000 adults who related their childhood sexual
experiences. On page 166, for example, Kinsey reported on the duration
of pre-adolescent sex play by analyzing data from 2749 interviewees,
1919 of whom had at least some college education.
*** {end comment 167-3}

In Kinsey Sex and Fraud, Reisman and Eichel said that Kinsey
"purported to prove that children were sexual beings, even from
infancy and that they could, and should. have pleasurable and ben-
eficial sexual interaction with adult 'partners'" (ibid.:3). Reisman
and Eichel go on to suggest that Kinsey deliberately overlooked
criminal sexual child abuse and purposefully falsified data to fur-
ther his personal sexual and political agenda. They cite former
Kinsey coworker Gershon Legman who said that "Kinsey's not-
very-secret intention was to 'respectablize' homosexuality and
certain sexual perversions" (ibid. :34). They also reference soci-
ologists Albert Hobbs and Richard Lambert who observed "that

***{Below is Page: 168 }***

the Kinsey authors seemed purposefully to ignore the limitations
of their own samples in order to compound any possible errors in
almost any way which will increase the apparent incidence of [ho-
mosexuality]'" (ibid. :24).
Was Kinsey a homosexual or a pedophile? One historian pro-
posed that Kinsey "may have discovered in himself the homo-
sexual tendencies he would later ascribe to a large proportion of
the population" (Robinson in Reisman and Eichel, 1992:204). But
Reisman and Eichel suggest he manifested more of the behaviors
of a pedophile. "In addition to his interest in sex experiments
with children," they write, "Kinsey was an avid collector of por-
nography (and maker of sex films) -- an elemental feature of the
pedophile syndrome" (Reisman and Eichel, 1992:205).
There is no question, however, that Kinsey fits the profile of a
homosexual activist. Like the militant homosexuals who ben-
efited from his work, Kinsey was "'indignant" {sic} about the effect of
Judeo-Christian tradition on society," write Reisman and Eichel.
"It is clear that he shared [co-researcher Wardell] Pomeroy's view
that Christians inherited an almost paranoid approach to sexual
behavior from the Jews" (ibid. :6). For his part, Pomeroy served
on the advisory board of the Mattachine Society (Marotta:80),
perhaps indicating a deeper relationship between the two organi-
zations. Pomeroy, incidentally, is known for his support of adult/
child sex. In a 1992 article on pedophilia, author Michael Ebert
quotes Pomeroy as saying, "People seem to think that any [sexual]
contact between children and adults has a bad effect on the child.
I say this can be a loving and thoughtful, responsible sexual activ-
ity" (Ebert:6f).

*** {start comment 168-1}
To state that Kinsey "purported to prove" sexuality would be pure
nonsense, except that it is a deliberate lie on the part of Reisman
and her co-author. On page 163 Kinsey says:
"Recently we have begun the accumulation of information through
conferences with quite young children and with their parents; and in
addition we now have material obtained by some of our subjects through
the direct observation of infants and older preadolescents {that
probably includes the notorious pedophiles}."
Kinsey then says he might report on that material later, adding
"For the time being we can report only on the specifically genital
play and overt socio-sexual behavior which occurs before adolescence."
"We are not in a position to discuss the developing child's more
generalized sensory responses which may be sexual, but which are not
so specific as genital activities are....There is now a fair list of
significant and in many cases observational studies of this 'pre-
genital' level of reaction among infants and young children." Kinsey
then lists 10 references on the subject.
On page 164 Kinsey says "In pre-adolescent and early adolescent
boys, erection and orgasm are easily induced. They are more easily
induced than in older males. Erection may occur immediately after
birth and, as many observant mothers (and few scientists) know, it is
practically a daily matter for small boys, from earliest infancy and
up in age (Halverson 1940).
The important thing above is (Halverson 1940). Kinsey is not
"purporting to prove" infant sexuality from his own data. He is citing
prior research by others. He gives another citation, Ramsey 1943,
whose study involved a group of 291 young boys.
Kinsey didn't have any interest in "sex experiments" with
children. He simply wanted to know about child sexuality and
investigated it by interview, not by experimentation.
Kinsey collected pornography, not for himself, but for his
institute's files. Kinsey was an avid and thorough collector of data.
Before he began work on sex he had worked on gall wasps. He had
collected over 1,000,000 specimens of galls from trees and plants.
(Interestingly, Wardell Pomeroy reports that on a trip to a stud farm
Kinsey's crew shot a short movie of one bull penetrating another bull
in anal intercourse and achieving ejaculation that way. Perhaps
Reisman and the Pink Swastika authors find that appealing to their
prurient interests, and for that reason charge him with making "sex
films.") Kinsey's collecting of pornography had nothing to do with his
personal taste, and certainly not with any pedophilia as fantasized by
the spiteful Reisman. Pornography was simply an aspect of sexuality,
and Kinsey wanted to study it.
Finally, Pomeroy's alleged statement that adult-child sex doesn't
necessarily have a bad effect on the child (if indeed he ever said
such a thing) is in no way a display of "support" or advocacy for it.
Pomeroy's simply stating the truth, backed by mounds of data, that
children who have sex with adults don't necessarily suffer harm from
it. Some surely do, but most apparently don't. There are just too many
cases of adults who are quite normal and well-adjusted who've had
childhood sex with an adult and who don't seem to have been hurt by it
to say otherwise. That's not to advocate child/adult sex, but merely
to state a scientific, truthful fact about it. (Considering the
Creationism controversy fundamentalists have raised in the 1980s and
1990s, it's understandable that they can't grasp the concept of a
neutral science that is concerned with scientific evidence and refuses
to falsify it for the sake of promoting someone's particular moral
"agenda.")
On child/adult sex, it remains to be demonstrated that Kinsey
himself ever said children "should" have sex with adults, as the Pink
Swastika author states, the citation in Kinsey's work of such a
statement being conveniently absent.
*** {end comment 168-1}

***{Below is Page: 169 }***

The Cauldron Begins to Boil

"I shall torture you during the daytime, and will keep you from a peaceful sleep at night."

Larry Kramer, Founder of ACT-UP (Leo:18).

ACT-UP was founded by Larry Kramer and approximately
300 other activists in March, 1987, in New York City; it soon
spread across the nation (Alyson Almanac:42). Within a few
months its members had gained national attention for their ag-
gressive actions against those whom they considered enemies.
ACT-UP groups invaded Catholic churches in New York during
religious services, screaming obscenities and stomping on com-
munion wafers" (Miller:460). Catholic churches were also tar-
geted in Washington, Los Angeles and Puerto Rico. Newspaper
boxes were smashed in Sacramento to punish an editor for his
views (Grant, 1993:104). One militant who later regretted his
involvement was Washington, D.C. ACT-UP founder, Eric Pol-
lard. The following is an excerpt from his 1992 letter to the Wash-
ington Blade titled, "Time to give up fascist tactics":

This is very hard for me to write. It forces me to
squarely confront my past actions and to accept
responsibility for the damage I have had a part in
causing. I sincerely apologize for my involvement
in and my founding of the AIDS' activist organiza-
tion, ACT-UP D.C.. I have helped to create a
truly fascist organization...The average Gay man
or woman could not immediately relate to our sub-
versive tactics, drawn largely from the voluminous
Mein Kampf, which some of us studied as a work-
ing model (Washington Blade, January, 1992).

Within a few years of its founding, ACT-UP spawned the more
radical Queer Nation. Miller writes that Queer Nation's "in your

***{Below is Page: 170 }***

face" tactics antagonized many others. Randy Shilts [a promi-
nent homosexual writer] called Queer Nationals "brownshirts"
and "lavender fascists" (Miller:460). Queer Nation adopted highly
militant rhetoric and openly threatened violence. Grant describes
their tactics during an Oregon election campaign (see Introduc-
tion) in which voters considered a law to ban minority status based
on homosexuality:

...flyers appeared on telephone poles warning
people to vote against it. One showed the Chris-
tian ichthus fish being roasted on a stick over a
fire. It read, YOU BURN US, WE BURN
YOU... another said CIVIL RIGHTS or CIVIL
WAR. Your choice for a limited time only...It also
clarified what it meant by "civil war" by listing
"QUEER KNIVES, QUEER GUNS, QUEER
BULLETS, QUEER MISSLES, QUEER TANKS,
QUEER TRENCHES, QUEER FIRE, QUEER
WARFARE, QUEER PATRIOTS (Grant,
1993:lO4f).

One of us (Lively) was active in that campaign and personally
witnessed stencils painted on sidewalks in the City of Portland
which threatened "Queers Bash Back." In the City of Eugene
businesses that had supported the Oregon Citizens Alliance (which
had sponsored the ballot initiative) had bricks, wrapped in swas-
tika-embellished flyers, thrown through their windows. A Queer
Nation spokesman in Eugene denied responsibility but defended
the violence as justified. A separate organization which called
itself "Bigot Busters" specialized in harassing and threatening
petitioners seeking signatures to put the measure on the ballot.
Petitions were ripped from circulators {sic} hands or doused with paint,
activists blockaded petition tables, and several circulators were
physically assaulted. Hundreds of false signatures were put on
petitions in an effort to invalidate them. In every case "Bigot
Busters" denied responsibility.

***{Below is Page: 171 }***

{Pictures}
{Two views of crowd scene and apparent flame of a small fire.}

Rioting homo-fascists set fire to a government building in 1991 after
California Governor Pete Wilson vetos {sic} Assembly Bill 101, which
would have given homosexuals special rights. THE REPORT
{Picture caption}

***{Below is Page: 172 }***

In classic Nazi style, the Oregon homosexual activists cast
themselves as victims during this campaign of violence. A series
of phony late-night cross-burnings were staged in the front yard
of Azalea Cooley, a Black, apparently wheelchair-bound lesbian
in Portland. This highly publicized charade continued for six
months and was blamed on a "climate of hate" created by OCA.
On the eve of the election, however, police caught Cooley herself
on video walking out her own front door with a wooden cross
and materials to burn it. She later confessed to all of the crimes
(Oregonian, December 10, 1992).
As we have seen with Roehm's Brownshirts, the wrath of
militant homosexuals can be fierce. On September 29, 1991, fol-
lowing Governor Pete Wilson's veto of Assembly Bill 101 (which
would have extended minority status to homosexuals) thousands
of homosexuals rioted in San Francisco, setting fire to a govern-
ment building and clashing with police. This fury is often turned
against individuals and families as well. Chuck and Donna
McIlhenny experienced this phenomenon after the San Francisco
Presbyterian church, where Chuck is the pastor, fired a homo-
sexual organist, sparking a wave of terrorism against their family
and their church. They describe the campaign of hatred that was
waged against them in When the Wicked Seize {sic} a City:

The harassment started. Rocks, beer bottles, beer
cans were thrown through the church windows on
many occasions. Swastikas were carved in the
church doors and drawn on our house. A window
in our car was smashed out. Graffiti was spray-
painted all over the church, house, and sidewalk.
Anti-Christian, pro-homosexual leaflets were scat-
tered around the neighborhood calling us Nazis,
bigots, anti-gay, etc. Demonstrators would come
into our Sunday services and disrupt the
worship...One time a man came pounding and spit-

***{Below is Page: 173 }***

ting on our front door in the middle of the night,
screaming, "We're going to get you McIlhenny--
we're going to kill you politically!" We were ver-
bally threatened outside the house on the way to
the car. There were daily -- 24-hours-per-day--
telephone calls. They began with screaming and
obscenities. They graduated into phone calls de-
scribing our children--by name, appearance, where
they attended school, when they got out of school,
and what sexually deviant behavior was to be prac-
ticed on the children before killing them...Then on
31 May 1983 at 12:30 a.m., someone actually at-
tempted to follow through with their threats to kill
us [by firebombing the house while the children
were asleep inside] (McIlhenny and York: 109f.).
(The McIlhennys' survived these and other efforts
against them and continue to serve the member-
ship of their church in San Francisco).

Attacks like these against the McIlhennys are not isolated in-
cidents, but part of the strategy for increasing the political power
of homosexuals in American society. Dr. Brian Clowes, in Debat-
ing the Gay Rights Issue, has compiled the following incidents
of the use of terrorism and violence by homo-fascists:

If [AIDS] research money is not forthcoming at a
certain level by a certain date, all gay males should
give blood. Whatever action is required to get
national attention is valid. If that includes blood
terrorism, so be it. Robert Schwab in Kirk Kidwell,
"Homosexuals Flex Muscles in Washington." American
Family. Association Journal, January 1988, pages 6 to 8.

We should have shut down the subway and burned
down city hall. I think rioting is a valid tactic and
should be tried...If someone took out [killed] Jesse

***{Below is Page: 174 }***

Helms or William Dannemeyer of California, I
would be the first to stand up and applaud. ACT-
UP member Michael Petrelis, quoted in Michael Wilrich.
"Uncivil Disobedience." Mother Jones. December 1990,
page 16.

It's hard to refrain from taking this man [Pat
Buchanan] by the throat and squeezing as hard as
you can while you look at his ugly, disgusting face
and watch the eyeballs burst and pop out of their
sockets. Or maybe you feel like stepping on his
face and squishing his demented brain until the rot
oozes out of it and onto the pavement. I have no
problem imagining violence against this
wacko...Michelangelo Signorile, editor-at-large of the
sodomite magazine Outweek, quoted in National Review,
June 24, 1991.

(Clowes: 78f.)

Atrocities

Fortunately, America has not experienced the wide-scale
atrocities perpetrated by the Nazis in Germany, but the actions of
certain male homosexuals in recent history are reminiscent of the
worst SS butchers. As noted in a January 21, 1984 editorial in
The New York Times, "[m]any of the most violent multiple mur-
ders have been commited {sic} by homosexual males." Clowes cites
some alarming statistics showing that eight of the top ten serial
killers in the United States were homosexuals (below) and that
homosexuals were responsible for 68 percent of all mass murders
(Clowes:97). The following is a list of nine leading homosexual
serial killers, eight of which were in the top ten most prolific kill-
ers as of 1992. Clowes' sources are listed in the text and are
reprinted from Debating the "Gay Rights" Issue:

***{Below is Page: 175 }***

Donald Harvey: 37 Murders... [a] nurse's aide
[who] was convicted of 37 murders in Kentucky
and Ohio. Psychologists testified that "Harvey said
he was a homosexual." The New York Times, August
20, and August 17th 1991.. {sic}

John Wayne Gacy: 33 Murders... [a] professed
homosexual...who killed 33 young men and boys
and buried them in his basement. The New York Times,
February 22, 1980.

Patrick Wayne Kearney: 32 Murders.. The New
York Times described him as "an acknowledged
homosexual" and "...perpetrator of the 'homo-
sexual trash bag murders.'" The New York Times, July
27, 1977.

Bruce Davis: 28 murders...killed 28 young men
and boys after having sex with them. The New York
Times, January 21, 1984.

Corll, Henry {sic} and Owen: 32 Murders. Dean Corll,
Elmer Wayne Henley, and David Owen Brooks
were the members of a Texas homosexual torture/
murder ring that captured and mutilated 27 young
men. The New York Times, July 27 1974

Juan Corona: 25 Murders...an admitted homo-
sexual, killed 25 male migrant workers. The New
York Times, October 4, 1972.

Jeffrey Dahmer: 17 Murders...a convicted child
molester and practicing and admitted homosexual,
lured 17 young men and boys to his apartment,
had sex with them, then killed them and dismem-

***{Below is Page: 176 }***

bered them. He ate parts of his victims
bodies...Dahmer was active in "gay rights" orga-
nizations and had participated in "gay pride" pa-
rades. Michael C. Buelow "Police Believe Suspect Killed
17." The Oregonian, July 26, 1991, pages Al and A24.
Also: Relative in Dahmer Case Sues." USA Today, Au-
gust 6, 1991, page 3A. Also October 1991 Focus on the
Family letter

Stephen Kraft: 16 Murders. ..killed at least 16
young men after drugging, sodomizing and tor-
turing. Robert L. Mauro. "The Nation's Leading Serial
Killers." The Wanderer, October 31, 1991.

William Bonin: 14 Murders...tortured and killed
14 young men...had sex with his victims before
and after they died. Robert L. Mauro. "The Nation s
Leading Serial Killers." The Wanderer, October 31, 1991.

(Clowes:96)

*** {start comment 176-1}
The subject of heterosexual serial killers hasn't been thoroughly
investigated. While some books list some of them, the number of
heterosexual serial killers and mass murderers is so great that the
data simply can't be found in a single place. A thorough investigation
would require looking through a great number of newspapers for many
cities and towns, large and small. While newspapers can't be
guaranteed to report on all such crimes, they do tend to report them
because of their sensational nature. However the reports might be
confined to local papers.
A cursory check of newspaper clippings disclosed the following
heterosexual murderers for just the year 1995. Doubtless there were
more not reported in the two newspapers (The Milwaukee Journal and The
New York Times) that were checked:

1/2/95 Frederick West, London England, killed 12 girls
and women.

5/17/95 Larry Hall, killed 4 women

7/20/95 William Lester Suff, killed 12 women.

8/25/95 Joel Rifkin, killed 17 women.

And let's not forget heterosexual Timothy McVeigh, guilty of
killing over 160 men, women, and children in the Olkahmoa City
bombing.
Jeffrey Dahmer wasn't active in any gay organizations. Extensive
investigations by the Milwaukee Police Department found no such
connection. Dahmer was known only from having been seen in gay bars,
where he had a reputation as being weird. (See stories in Milwaukee
newspapers.)
On another topic, the material below on Gaetan Dugas is
misleading. Nobody knows how many people he infected with the AIDS
virus, though he did have sex with many men.

*** {end comment 176-1}

In a spree of "gay-on-gay" violence not seen since Nazi Ger-
many, one homosexual man, Gaetan Dugas, was directly respon-
sible for killing over a thousand homosexual men by deliberately
infecting them with the AIDS virus. Indirectly he may be respon-
sible for tens of thousands, eventually perhaps hundreds of thou-
sands of AIDS deaths. One of the first known AIDS carriers,
Dugas was known as "Patient Zero" because he caused so many
of the earliest infections (Clowes:97). Even after his diagnosis
Dugas "justified his continued sodomy with the excuse that he
was free to do what he wanted with his own body. Even when he
was in the final stages of AIDS, he would have anonymous sex
with men in homosexual bathhouses, and then show his sexual
partners his purple Kaposi's Sarcoma blotches, saying, 'Gay can-
cer. Maybe you'll get it'" ("The Columbus of AIDS." National
Review, November 6, 1987:19).

***{Below is Page: 177 }***

The Big Picture

The connection between homosexualism and fascism is not
incidental. There have been several examples of this connection
in history (the Spartan Greeks and late empire Romans are the
best known). Because of its chronological nearness, though, and
the enormous amount of detailed information that we have about
German society before and during the war, it is the point of com-
parison we have for our own society. We have mentioned some
of the parallels, but we will now summarize and expand the list.
Both societies had undergone a "sexual revolution." Cities
like Berlin and Munich were the capitals of every kind of sexual
deviancy and prostitution. In our own case, we have witnessed
the increase of teen sexual activity, the rapid spread of AIDS and
other sexually transmitted diseases, the steep rise in illegitimate
births, and of course, the aggressive promotion of homosexuality.
It is notable that each country saw a rise of pseudo-science in
the service of the sexual revolution. In America, Alfred Kinsey
became a statistical apologist for adultery, homosexuality, and
autoeroticism, as well as a defender of pedophilia (Reisman and
Eichel, 1992). In this category also are homosexual scientists like
Simon LeVay, whose deeply flawed study on purportedly homo-
sexual brains (from corpses) is still used by homosexualists to
defend a hereditary hypothesis for the origin of homosexuality. In
post-Freudian Germany, Magnus Hirschfeld served as the "scien-
tific" advocate of the homosexual, though he made the fatal mis-
take of keeping documentation on the wrong subjects.
Also in the wake of the sexual revolution, both countries saw
the serious emergence of homo-activism. In Germany, the homo-
sexual movement was split into two factions, of which the ma-
cho, militaristic Brand-Friedlander faction eventually won out,
earning the right to wield enormous power within the Third Reich
and crushing their effeminate opponents in the movement. The
U.S. movement has been, at least publicly, less fragmented, evolv-
ing from a softer, just-leave-us-alone focus to the aggressive strat-

***{Below is Page: 178 }***

egies of the post-Stonewall era, and building massive political and
private-sector support along the way.
There are also many areas of similarity outside the domain of
sexual behavior. One of these is the resurgence of paganism in
each society. In Germany, the combination of fragments of east-
ern and medieval cult beliefs and made-over Norse mythology
resulted in the weird set of symbols and fantasies used by the
Nazis. In the U.S., the variety of post-60's occultic and humanis-
tic religion is even more remarkable. From Scientology to
Satanism, the various cults and techniques make their claims and
boast their celebrity members.
The rise of paganism would likely not have occurred in either
society had it not been for the declining authority of the Christian
Church. In Germany, one of the world's centers of scientific and
philosophical ferment during the 1800's, skepticism had been in-
troduced into the church and swiftly accepted by its congrega-
tions. In America, the process was much slower, due largely to
the deep Judeo-Christian roots of its social and political institu-
tions, and to the country's relative geographic isolation. But the
nihilistic milieu created by the intelligentsia of 1930's America
accelerated the slow process of humanistic "conversion" among
the mainline denominations. The result was that the American
church by the 1970's was roughly similar to the German church
of pre-Nazi Germany, at least as far as its abandonment of Bibli-
cal doctrine goes. In the 1990's, some segments of the mainline
denominations have participated openly and voluntarily in pagan-
ism of the kind Hitler had to force on the German church. In a
"Re-Imagining" conference in Chicago in November of 1993, rep-
resentatives of several major Christian denominations participated
in a service of milk and honey offered to the "goddess Sophia,"
celebrated lesbian sexuality, and rejected the idea of the atone-
ment of Jesus Christ. The conference was funded to the tune of
$66,000 from the Bicentennial fund of the Presbyterian Church
(USA) and by 24 other Christian churches and organizations
(American Family Association Journal, February 1994: 14ff).

*** {start comment 178-1}
The interesting and important thing here is the attack on non-
fundamentalist religions. The Religious Right is attacking the gay
community today, but that is only the first step, the "easy target" in
its agenda. Sections such as this are useful in exposing The Pink
Swastika and its authors for what they really want: to push one form
of religion onto all people and make them all adhere to the specific
doctrines advocated by the Religious Right.
*** {end comment 178-1}

Ideological and political conformity in the press is not new in

***{Below is Page: 179 }***

America, but rarely have we seen it on so many issues and from so
many media sources, and despite the obvious disagreement of a
majority of the public (as expressed in opinion polls and voting
trends) on many of these issues. To document this state of affairs
would require more space and time than we have to give to it in
this discussion. We simply appeal to the reader's own experience
of major-media bias over the past ten years, and point out that
such bias has surfaced, repeatedly and on many issues, as a major
concern in our society. In Germany, the parallel is hard to draw.
The homogeneity of Germany's media viewpoint was enforced
by Hitler's police. On the other hand, is not the long-range effect
on the public the same?
Another area where the similarities are in kind rather than
degree is that of the manipulation of race/class conflict. Racism
is, of course, the hallmark of Nazism, as contrasted with its status
as an obstacle to be overcome in the United States. Yet in the
past several years we have seen the ominous rise of a thing called
"multi-culturalism." Ostensibly introduced into public schools and
universities as a means of inculcating appreciation for minorities
and raising their group self-images, it has instead frequently been
used as a vehicle for making ethnic groups feel separate from and/
or victimized by what is usually referred to as the "dominant cul-
ture." David Horowitz describes the process of instilling racism
in the university setting:

Our universities have become institutions that fo-
ment racism...If you are a black student entering
a university and you don't realize that you are ra-
cially oppressed, the first thing that you will be
told on entrance is that you are. You will be singled
out for a special segregated orientation which will
inform you that your non-black classmates are rac-
ists even if only in "subtle" or unconscious ways.
All other students will be forbidden to have segre-
gated dorms, but the university will let you live
exclusively with other members of your race... Of

***{Below is Page: 180 }***

course, it may be hard to find genuine white rac-
ists on your college campus but we will teach you
how subtle forms of racism, and, in particular, "in-
stitutional racism," are oppressing you, even if nei-
ther you nor your white oppressors are aware of it
(Horowitz in "The Growing Threat of Religious
Discrimination: the Trends and the Law," The
Rutherford Institute, 1995).

*** {start comment 180-1}
Of course, neither the Pink Swastika author nor Mr. Horowitz
seems to have noticed that one of the earliest and most common
instances of "multi-culturalism" is the addition of "Judeo" to
"Christian" to form "Judeo-Christian."
*** {end comment 180-1}

At times, the "dominant culture" is portrayed as an objectifiable
subgroup (usually "European white males") which can then be
made to seem like a sort of enemy. Thus the traditional melting-
pot pattern for the assimilation of ethnic groups into the society
has been challenged. The goal would appear to be to create a
permanent set of culturally distinct and mutually suspicious eth-
nic groups rather than an ethnically heterogeneous but culturally
unified society. This serves the dual purpose of undermining suc-
cessfully integrated social institutions and giving a means of con-
trol to any political elite willing to exploit it. This is one of the
ways which the Nazis used the issue of race.
It is significant that "gays" and lesbians are prominent in the
"multi-cultural" hierarchy. In political circles "multi-culturalism"
and "diversity" have become synonymous with "gay rights." The
authors contend that it is primarily the homosexualist movement,
not ethnic minority groups, which has advanced the multi-cul-
tural/diversity agenda, though political activists from these ethnic
groups derive great power from it. There is obvious benefit for
homosexualists in creating a society of "separate but equal" groups
with divergent values and practices. By establishing "cultural"
distinctiveness as the criteria for being a minority group,
homosexualists foster the perception that their behavior-based
identity equates to ethnic heritage for the purposes of civil rights
laws. By encouraging chauvinism in ethnic groups whose ances-
tral heritage is pagan they also cultivate antagonism to America's
traditional Judeo-Christian foundations (established in this coun-
try by "European white males").

***{Below is Page: 181 }***

The result of this segregation is increasing social conflict. We
have seen a recent escalation of racial innuendo among politi-
cians, particularly around issues like welfare (treated as a mi-
norities" issue) which is perceived as a must-have feature of lib-
eral government (and which is also perceived as providing a large
and permanent voting bloc). In addition, the racial aspect of many
other issues (from illegal immigration to tax cuts) is often injected
into the debate by politicians or media commentators, obscuring
the issue and exacerbating any racial tensions that may have al-
ready existed. There is a vast gulf between America's racial strife
and the occult-based and relentless use of race hatred by the Na-
zis to isolate and control Germans. Yet in our own country, as in
any other, racial antagonism is not a healthy element to be culti-
vating on the political scene.
A final point of comparison is the more subtle one of societal
willingness to surrender freedoms. We have mentioned the "speech
codes" put into place on many college campuses and some work-
places. Other Constitution-based freedoms have been targets as
well. Across the country there has been frequent gun-control
legislation and restriction of property rights, with little effective
public outcry. With declining literacy and knowledge of history
and current events, many Americans are not in a strong position
to know what their freedoms are or why they are important. We
have, as a society, calmly acquiesced to laws and public school
policies which allow adolescent girls to be taken to abortion clin-
ics and to receive abortions without the knowledge of their par-
ents. Still other laws allow sexually confused teenagers to re-
ceive pro-"gay" counseling, also without parental knowledge. All
these attitudes and behaviors characterize us a people with no
strongly perceived stake in the freedoms and responsibilities which
have been almost unique in our nation. It is no surprise that the
pre-Nazi Germans, with their deep roots in the military monarchic
state, should be willing to trade most of their freedom for order in
their society and the promise of prosperity and national pride.
But in America, we are without excuse.
We make no claim that because of these parallels German

***{Below is Page: 182 }***

society of the '30's and modern America are the same. Obviously
they are not, but this makes the similarities all the more striking.
There is one especially significant difference that helps to make
this point. During the period when Hitler and his supporters were
seizing and consolidating their power, the United States was un-
dergoing a crisis much like that through which Germany had been
passing since World War I. The Great Depression at its height
saw 35% of Americans without work; the worst figure in Ger-
many after the war was (to the best of our reckoning) under 20%
(Grunberger: 11; League of Nations International Health Year-
book: 11).
On top of the Depression in the U.S., the droughts of 1934
and 1936 brought untold misery to mid-western and south-west-
ern farmers; Germany had no such natural disaster. Germany had
been through a humiliating military defeat, a socialist revolution,
and political and economic turmoil under the Weimar Republic;
America's political and social scene had been much more stable.
But for millions of Americans, life became a day-to-day hunt for
subsistence, no longer a gracious or comfortable existence with
bright future prospects. For many, too, there would be no easy
trust of their government or their country's economy for many
years. The emotional climate of both countries was...depression.
Yet the response of the people of each country could not have
been more different. In Germany, vice sprang up almost un-
checked; people turned to sensuality and substance abuse to es-
cape their mental state; racial scapegoating caught on; occultism
(and the racist nationalism it spawned) attracted many; still others
turned to military groups (the Freikorps), brawls and violence.
nihilism and skepticism reigned.
In the U.S., however, family members turned to each other
for strength, communities pulled together, helping hands were
extended and self-reliance and resourcefulness blossomed. Faith
was renewed, and many people went back to church. Long be-
fore government assistance programs were tried, people were not
starving or without options. They found a way. In a wonderful

***{Below is Page: 183 }***

collection of Depression-era reminiscences, We Had Everything
But Money, Clancy Strock has gathered hundreds of quotes like
the following:

"Folks would have preferred to starve than ask for
help from the town" (Strock: 19).

"...we never felt we were suffering" (ibid.: 16).

"There were some good learning experiences to
be had..." (ibid.:17).

"... many used their resources to help those who
were less fortunate" (ibid.: 12).

"... money means nothing compared to decency and
character" (ibid. :22).

"I learned several lessons.. that have stayed with
me... keep your pride, be grateful for gifts, and use
your initiative and skills to provide for your fam-
ily" (ibid.:23).

"There may have been a shortage of money, but
there was never a shortage of love and caring..."
(ibid.:25).

"I'll never forget those years: neighbors helping
neighbors, sharing whatever good fortune came
their way; doctors rendering service regardless of
patients' finances; and worship with friends whose
faith far outdistanced their troubles" (ibid. :26).
"The Depression was terrible in some ways, but it
taught Americans a better way to live" (ibid.:31).

***{Below is Page: 184 }***

[And this excerpt from a humorous piece, written
in the early 30's by a Texas man:] "I like the De-
pression. Three years ago I never had time to go
to church. I played checkers or baseball all day
Sunday. Besides, there wasn't a preacher in Texas
who could tell me anything. If the Depression
keeps on, I will be going to prayer meetings be-
fore too long. Oh yes! I like the Depression!"
(ibid. :34).

America emerged stronger from its 10-odd years of depres-
sion; Germany emerged into barbarism and the chains of slavery.
America came out confident and morally renewed, ready to pass
another severe test of her strength and will; Germany burned her-
self out on the pyre of race hatred, occultic fantasy and selfish
nationalism. Why did the two countries react so differently?

*** {start comment 184-1}
The entire account of German and American history on these pages
is a fanciful fairy tale.
*** {end comment 184-1}

For the answer we return to Kirk's and Pill's 1987 strategy
for "transforming America." Remember their keyword: desensi-
tization. They define "desensitization" as taking away the shock
value of something shocking and abhorrent by repeated expo-
sure, as "helping" people see that thing without emotion, as "low-
ering [peoples'] guard." In our generation the "desensitizing" of
America has proceeded on many fronts, accelerating as it goes,
and helped on by instant access to a nationwide communications
market. But it is our contention that the "desensitizing" of the
Depression-era Americans would not have gone so smoothly; these
were people who knew that the source of their strength was their
value system and the faith which backed it up. And they stuck
together; standing by their families, their neighbors and even total
strangers.
The Germans of the Weimar Republic, however, were con-
tinually off-balance. Their values had been disrupted many times.
"[I]f anything," writes culture historian Peter Gay, "Weimar en-
joyed too many ideas, variegated, mutually (and sometimes inter-
nally) contradictory, unanalyzed and often unanalyzable" (Gay:80).
The Christian church had already been undermined to the point

***{Below is Page: 185 }***

that theologian Karl Barth called it "And-Also-Christianity," an
optional add-on to the other belief systems which flourished in
Germany. Social structures, notably the family, were crumbling.
We know that pre-Nazi marriage and family patterns had been
disrupted by World War I (there were no husbands for 25% of
marriage-age women), and that both the birth rate and the mar-
riage rate were falling steadily. This was a source of consterna-
tion to the eugenically obsessive Nazis. An even more chilling
statistic is the annual average of abortions in the years before 1933:
an estimated two-fifths of all babies conceived in Germany
(Grunberger:262). We can infer even more from the evolution of
the German family under the Nazis. It quickly became evident
that the family was of little value to its Nazi protectors" except
as a source of children (preferably male). "By the mid-thirties."
writes Grunberger, "a eugenic lobby of Party spokesmen and law-
yers was stressing the genetic wastefulness of allowing [barren]
marriages to continue (ibid. :259). This policy soon progressed
to outright encouragement of sexual promiscuity (including adul -
tery and divorce for the purpose of selecting a new mate) and
illegitimacy, culminating in Himmler's Lebensborn program. While
something of the procreative shell of the family was left intact, its
character as a secure nurturing and caring unit was not: "{w}ith
parents fearful of being denounced by their children or having
family talk innocently regurgitated in public, dialogue between
the generations dwindled further" (ibid. :263). These radical
changes to the family could not have happened so rapidly without
the groundwork having been laid before the Nazis came to power.
It is apparent that the post-World War I Germans did not have
the solid base of faith and family that 1930's Americans had to see
them through the period of turmoil. As such, their guard was
already down. There is a political factor to consider as well. The
Americans of the Depression were a mere two or three genera-
tions (at most) from the period of westward migration and of
massive immigration from Europe. Both pioneers and immigrants
were people who did not underestimate the value of freedom, nor
the weight of its corollary responsibility. While their Depression-

***{Below is Page: 186 }***

era descendants may have appreciated the government's attempts
to bring relief, they remembered that the responsibility for their
families' survival was theirs alone, and they did not wait for solu-
tions from their leadership. In Germany there was no such tradi-
tion of independence and self-reliance; people were willing to fol-
low whatever leader seemed destined to take command.
Under turbulent circumstances a society whose guard is al-
ready down can be "transformed" (as Kirk and Pill describe it)
even to the altering of some of its most deeply-rooted ideas. Nazi
Germany is certainly the laboratory example of this. During a
remarkably few years, Germans were "helped" to see without
strong emotion the violent removal and killing of their friends and
neighbors, the utter loss of their freedom of speech (and, if it
were possible, thought), and the corruption of their children. Even
their reproductive behavior came under Hitler's control. Here is
a case where "desensitization" worked, and worked remarkably
well. Perhaps we can take one issue out of the many about which
the German people's ideas were changed, and follow its course in
the Third Reich.
This issue is the Germans' attitude about the protection of
human life. We can assume that the Great War had done much to
"desensitize" people towards death; it had become, certainly not
insignificant, but at least commonplace. The years following the
war saw the massive numbers of abortions mentioned above, and
the serious decline in births. This trend is in stark contrast to say,
the behavior of Americans after World War II, when the "Baby
Boom" began. The German suicide rate was double that of En-
gland by 1936 (Grunberger:244) and had been significantly higher
than England's even before the Nazis. One of the very first laws
passed by the newly empowered Nazi regime, in July, 1933, was
the "Law for the Protection of Progeny of Hereditary Disease."
"Indeed," states an article from the Arkansas Democrat Gazette,
"this act was no great departure from the medicine that was being
practiced during the Weimar Republic...this law had been drafted
under that government" (Arkansas Democrat Gazette, quoted in
Life Advocate, February, 1994). This and other laws provided

***{Below is Page: 187 }***

for thousands of cases of compulsory sterilization, abortion and,
as the Germans liked to call it, "mercy killing." With all these
evidences of widely accepted killing going on, it becomes less
difficult to see how the Germans could implacably watch their
neighbors being loaded onto cattle cars, never to return, or how
they could live in the shadow of a crematorium.

*** {start comment 187-1}
The ignorance of the Pink Swastika author never ceases to
astound. The Nazis didn't load anybody in Germany, not even Jews, into
cattle cars. As Steiner relates in his book Treblinka, cited elsewhere
by the Pink Swastika author, German Jews were treated with deceptive
decency when they were finally transported to the east, given rides in
regular railway passenger coaches. Nor did they live in the "shadows,"
of crematoria, for the death camps were located in Poland and other
occupied countries far from Germany.
No attempt has been made to comment systematically on the
distorted history in this section of The Pink Swastika. It should be
noted that very few of the "facts" presented have any citations
attached to them. They are simply products of day-dreaming and
falsification of history to promote the "good old days" agenda of the
Religious Right.
*** {end comment 187-1}

Such is the process of "desensitization." However abhorrent
are the human attitudes which represent its end-products, we must
remember that these attitudes came into existence by means of
the "slippery slope." In the dubious euphemism of Kirk and Pill,
someone had to "[f]irst let the camel get his nose inside the tent
- and only later his unsightly derriere!" (Kirk and Pill:8). Soon
after the election of Bill Clinton, we became aware that the sine
qua non of his administration was the aggressive promotion of
homosexuality ("gays in the military," large numbers of homo-
sexual bureaucratic appointments) and abortion (strict laws against
pro-life protests, approval of fetal tissue research, the FBI pursuit
of rescue groups, etc.). This abandonment of traditional values
was chillingly symbolized by a single event, a "first-ever Gay In-
augural Ball, held at the National Press Club in Washington D.C.
[where] a crowd of seventeen hundred gays and lesbians" gath-
ered to celebrate Clinton's victory. "The Great Seal of the United
States, redesigned for the occasion with a pink triangle embla-
zoned over the American Eagle, gazed down from above the stage"
(Miller:527) (emphasis ours).
Of the homosexual promotion items, only "gays in the mili-
tary" drew much public protest, while the many and vigorous pro-
abortion measures drew no response at all, other than from the
pro-life and Christian activist groups which had been vocal on the
issue all along. In view of the resounding public silence (though
surveys continue to show that most Americans are pro-life), the
following incident, reported in the Arkansas Democrat Gazette,
is revealing:

Note, for example, some testimony from...Joycelyn
Elders, now surgeon general of the United States.

***{Below is Page: 188 }***

before the Senate Labor and Human Resources
Committee when it was considering the Freedom
of Choice Act [FOCA]. During that appearance,
Dr. Elders explained that "abortion has had an
important, and positive, public health effect."
How?
Well, she told the committee:
"...the numbers of Downs syndrome infants in
Washington State in 1976 was 64% lower than it
would have been without legal abortion" (Arkan-
sas Democrat Gazette, quoted in Life Advocate,
February, 1994).

It would be hard to justify this type of advocacy as anything
but "eugenics," that false science of the "purification" of the hu-
man race which so greatly fascinated the intelligentsia of the early
1900's, which provided the base for the entire Nazi experiment,
and which we are now being asked to accept as the official dictum
of the U.S. government (there was, as far as we know, no adverse
comment on this statement from Clinton, and other than the Ar-
kansas Democrat Gazette column, none from the media either).
Once again, it is a case of our guard being down.
When abortion was first marketed as a political issue, it was
touted as a "remedy" for the evils of rape and incest. However, it
quickly became accepted as a form of birth control, a means of
sex selection and (as seen above) a "public health" measure to
purge perceived "defective" individuals from the population. In
the past year, Oregon has become the first U.S. state to legalize
"assisted suicide." The same type of law allowed 11,800 people
(9% of all deaths) in the Netherlands to be deliberately killed by
medical means in 1990. Of these, only 2700 were assisted sui-
cides at the request of the patient. The remainder were deliber-
ately killed, but not at the patient's immediate request. In fact,
many of these patients had "never given any indication that they
wanted their lives terminated under these circumstances" (Eter
nal Perspectives, November/December, 1994:2f). Again, we note
***{Below is Page: 189 }***

a bizarre link between Nazi Germany and the leading proponent
of "assisted suicide" in the U.S.:

"Dr. Death" Jack Kevorkian, better known as the
nation's chief advocate of doctor-assisted suicide,
reportedly tried to organize an exhibit of Adolf
Hitler's paintings in 1986 but was turned down.
Kevorkian, in a pitch to a major Houston art col-
lector with a sizable collection of Hitler paintings,
wrote that the exhibit would be a "once in a life-
time opportunity' (Dateline World Jewry, August,
1994:1).

The United States has had the proponents of such policies as
those advocated by Dr. Elders working mightily in its midst be-
fore. In the early part of this century, Margaret Sanger, founder
of Planned Parenthood, attempted to spread the philosophy of
eugenics in America. She planned "to eliminate the stocks" that
threatened "the future of the race," "the defective and diseased
elements of humanity in their reckless and irresponsible swarming
and spawning" (Sanger: 115ff.). George
describes her sym-
pathies for the early Nazis:

Because of her Malthusian and Eugenic connec-
tions, she had become closely associated with the
scientists and theorists who put together Nazi
Germany's "race purification" program. She had
openly endorsed the euthanasia, sterilization, abor-
tion, and infanticide programs of the early Reich.
She published a number of articles in the Birth
Control Review that mirrored Hitler's Aryan-White
Supremacist rhetoric. She even commissioned Dr.
Ernst Rudin, the director of the Nazi Medical Ex-
permentation program, to write for The Review
himself(Grant, 1988:57).

***{Below is Page: 190 }***

But Sanger's ideas were resisted by the American public, even
by the press, and she ended up by having to whitewash her orga-
nization and hide her radical agenda behind the more acceptable
goal of "family planning" (the organization, of course, being
Planned Parenthood, now the leading abortion provider in the
U.S.). It was the same period in American history that led up to
the Depression, and America's guard was up. There was an abun-
dance of radicals on all political and social fronts during this pe-
riod -- Socialists, Communists, Anarchists, the Ku Klux Klan, even
some of the same occult groups that flourished in Germany -- but
they remained fringe groups. Americans were tolerant of free
speech, they sometimes paid polite attention, but they kept their
distance. Not so today.
We have deliberately strayed from the topic of Nazism and
homosexualism in order to get a wide-lens view of our own rap-
idly changing moral landscape. We have seen that in pre-Nazi
Germany, as well as in our own present society, there was/is moral
turbulence. We have shown that in both cases, the moral turbu-
lence was nurtured and fostered by those fringe groups, particu-
larly homosexuals, who stand to gain from the society's loss or
compromise of Judeo-Christian principles. And we have further
shown that these groups tend to attack a society's values through
a phased (though often rapid) process of "desensitization," and
that the success of the attack depends on the degree to which the
society has intact Judeo-Christian values and beliefs (one could
certainly say that Hitler's Germany or modern day Soviet Russia
had intact values and beliefs, yet these societies were highly vul-
nerable to devastating social change).
By this criterion, American society is wide open to many ap-
palling forms of "desensitization;" a recent NARTH publication
describes "our society's diminished capacity to distinguish healthy
from unhealthy behaviors,...the new form of deviance is intoler-
ance for deviance" (NARTH Bulletin, March, 1994). We can use
the analogy of the person who has been given so much Novocain
that he can't tell when he bites his tongue. An already apparent
example of this is our "desensitization to divorce in the '60's. It

***{Below is Page: 191 }***

has taken three decades of escalating divorce rates, but we now
realize that divorce has hurt, or perhaps crippled our society. In-
terestingly enough, Kirk and Pill use divorce as an example of
something that has already been successfully "sold" by a strategy
like theirs:

Such an unholy alliance [pseudo-science combined
with public opinion] has worked well against
churches before, on such topics as divorce and
abortion (Kirk and Pill:9)

Notice that Kirk and Pill are values-neutral on divorce and
abortion; it is of no importance whether divorce and abortion are
harmful to the society, they are simply examples of viable issues
which have been "end-runs" around the church. This is the hall-
mark of any special interest group which operates without a Judeo-
Christian base: it is, by definition, self-interested; it wants what is
good for itself, period. We have mentioned some of the elements
of the homosexual agenda we are currently being "desensitized"
to accept: the right of homosexuals to be Scout leaders, the low-
ering of age of consent to allow "intergenerational sex," the right
of homosexual couples or groups to have equal status, in all re-
spects, with traditional families and to adopt children. It would
seem obvious that all of these proposals are severely harmful to
our society, especially to its children, yet each one has its own
aggressive campaign, and major victories have already been won
in each campaign.
Why are we accepting "desensitization" to things that most of
us recognize as patently harmful, even in the short-term? Cer-
tainly one answer is the successful use of the victim-plunder strat-
egy by fringe groups. In the case of the offensive elements of the
homosexual agenda mentioned above, it goes like this: "Poor us,
can't you just allow us a little bit of happiness, can't you just let us
live as a family, like everybody else, and have our own children?"
And, weirdly, in a society that has lost its moorings, it often works.
But in the case of giving one's children into the hands of homo-

***{Below is Page: 192 }***

sexual Scout leaders, this tactic is largely useless. How do homo-
sexualists get us to lower our guard on this? This is a hard one to
understand, but we think it has to do with fear and denial. Alas,
the most radical of the advocates of liberal social engineering have
discovered that they can't get much done without fear. Remem-
ber Kirk's and Pill's arrogant goal of "replacing the mainstream's
self-righteous pride.. with shame and guilt" (Kirk and Pill: 10).
The word "fear" substitutes nicely in practice, and the practice
entails a wide variety of punishments which the more active ho-
mosexualists have employed, from compulsory "diversity train-
ing" or fines for speech infractions on campuses, to lawsuits, to
public vilification in the media, to actual violence. Fear, of course,
is helped on by our own avoidance of the issue, just as it was in
Nazi Germany. The fact remains, however, that as yet we have no
SA troops to legitimize our fear, and we have many reasons not
to avoid the issue.
We have not proposed any solutions to the problem of this
book, which may be stated thus: in a morally turbulent society,
where self-interested fringe groups are politically active, harmful
institutions will be introduced into society as its Judeo-Christian
values are rendered ineffective. Divorce, for example, pushing
aside the Judeo-Christian value of commitment to a faithful, life-
long marriage, has given us its harmful by-products: poverty, ju-
venile criminal behavior, deterioration of parent-child relationships
in the next generation, and much more. Abortion, pushing aside
the value of the sanctity of life, has given us post-abortion trauma,
less possibility of committed marriages, more rationale for child
abuse, more alienation between parents and children, and much
more. Nazi Germany, like all sick societies, had these harmful
institutions (although, of course, its abortions were reserved for
the "unfit") and many others. And it had homosexual influence
through and through (though, of course, it ended up being just as
cruel to some homosexuals as it was "beneficial" to others).
It is the big picture that should interest us, the portrait of the
sick society with all its symptoms. In Nazi Germany, the sickness
was terminal, and it harmed the whole world. The infectious power

***{Below is Page: 193 }***

of a large and sick nation is even greater today.
The prominent anti-Nazi, Reverend Martin Niemoller, warns
us about the danger of self-centeredness in the face of evil:

First they came for the socialists, and I did not
speak out -- because I was not a socialist. Then
they came for the trade-unionists, and I did not
speak out -- because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak
out -- because I was not a Jew. Then they came
for me --and there was no one left to speak for me
(Berenbaum :41).

This denunciation of standing on the sidelines is often used by
the fringe groups who aspire to victim status in our society. The
implication is, "it is in your self-interest to take up my cause as a
victim, because even though my cause may be alien to you, you
have your own special interest, and therefore you are likely to
become a victim, too." The special-interest mentality appeals to
people's basic selfishness, since it cannot appeal, as Pastor
Niemoller did, to a shared knowledge of what is right.
We think that the German pastor's statement has much to do
with our courage as a free people who do often still agree on
what is right. We can stand on the sidelines and watch our values
and social institutions being attacked and destroyed, one after the
other. We can be cowed into foolish silence by the threat of name-
calling, blacklisting, or some other imagined reprisal. Or we can
resolve to stand for the things we still believe in, as Alan Keyes,
the brilliant spokesman for moral renewal in America, says, "few
or many, alone if we must."
Ultimately, the responsibility for America's social health (and
for any calamity caused by its decline) lies with each one of us
individually. No despot or despotic policy can withstand the col-
lective will of citizens determined to preserve their liberty and its
essential foundation. Those of us who have retained our Judeo-
Christian perspective and are educated about its historic roots in

***{Below is Page: 194 }***

American culture and government have the greatest responsibil-
ity. It falls upon us, Davids against Goliaths, to counter the pa-
ganistic juggernaut that now drives so much of our public educa-
tional system, our news and entertainment media, and sadly, too
many of our "mainstream Christian" and "Jewish" churches and
synagogues.
Our vision for America is a Judeo-Christian renewal: families
strengthened, not weakened, by popular culture; the marriage
covenant reaffirmed as a life-long spiritually-grounded commit-
ment, not a tenuous social contract; and our freedoms defined,
not by how selfish and perverted we can be within the law, but by
our willingness to accept personal self-restraint for the good of
others. This is what the Judeo-Christian ideal has always been
and our nation (and Western civilization) has prospered to the
extent that this ideal has been embodied in our social policies.
The homosexualist vision for America is also the same as it
has always been. It is, characteristically, selfish and hedonistic,
but more importantly it is defined by what it is against: Judeo-
Christian family-based society. This vision is best defined in a
widely circulated satirical essay written by a homosexualist under
the pseudonym "Michael Swift" (probably to remind us of the
political satire of Jonathan Swift). Though the writer intends to
discredit this view of the homosexual agenda, its very eloquence
(in the context of our study) belies this attempt. Echoing from
the ancient Spartan culture, from the Teutons, from the Knights
Templar; from the SA under Ernst Roehm, and now from the
American "gay rights" movement comes this, our final glimpse
into the fascist heart of homosexualism:

This essay is outre, madness, a tragic, cruel fan-
tasy, an eruption of inner rage, on how the op-
pressed dream of being the oppressor.
We shall sodomize your sons, emblems of your
feeble masculinity, of your shallow dreams and
vulgar lies. We shall seduce them in your schools
[Project 10], in your dormitories [forced homo-

***{Below is Page: 194 }***

sexual roommates], in your gymnasiums, in your
locker rooms, in your sports arenas, in your semi-
naries, in your youth groups [Wandervogel, Boy
Scouts], in your movie theater bathrooms, in your
army bunkhouses ["gays in the military"], in your
truck stops, in your all-male clubs, in your houses
of Congress, wherever men are with men together.
Your sons will become our minions and do our
bidding. They will be recast in our image. They
will come to crave and adore us.
Women, you cry for your freedom. You say
you are no longer satisfied with men, they make
you unhappy [lesbian separatist movement]. We,
connoisseurs of the masculine face, the masculine
physique, shall take your men from you then. We
will amuse them, we will embrace them when they
weep. Women, you say you wish to live with each
other instead of men. Then go ahead and be with
each other. We shall give your men pleasures they
have never known because we are foremost men
too and only one man knows how to truly please
another man; only one man can understand with
depth and feeling the mind and body of another
man.
All laws banning homosexual activity will be
revoked [anti-discrimination ordinances, minority
status based on homosexuality]. Instead legisla-
tion shall be passed which engenders love between
men [graphic "progay" sex/AIDS education, man-
datory "sensitivity training"]
All homosexuals must stand together as broth-
ers; we must be united artistically, philosophically,
socially, politically and financially [the muli {sic}-fac-
eted and powerful "gay rights" movement]. We
will triumph only when we present a common face

***{Below is Page: 196 }***

to the vicious heterosexual enemy [suppression of
internecine conflicts and other negative informa-
tion about homosexuals by the homosexualist
dominated media].
If you dare to cry faggot, fairy, queer, at us, we
will stab you in your cowardly hearts and defile
your dead puny bodies [speech codes, fines].
We shall write poems of the love between men;
we shall stage plays in which man openly caress {sic}
man [Bent and a multitude of others]; we will make
films about the love between heroic men which
will replace the cheap, superficial, sentimental, in-
sipid, juvenile, heterosexual infatuations presently
dominating your cinema screens [Hollywood pro-
motion of homosexual "love-making" and of the
"gay rights" agenda in movies and television]. We
shall sculpt statues of beautiful young men, of bold
athletes which will be placed in your parks, your
squares, your plazas [public funding of homosexual
pornography by the National Endowment for the
Arts, National Public Broadcasting Service]. The
museums of the world will be filled only with the
paintings of graceful, naked lads.
Our writers will make love between men fash-
ionable and de rigeur, and we will succeed because
we are adept at setting styles [invention of "gay-
speak" --"gay," "homophobia," "diversity"]. We
will eliminate heterosexual liaisons through usage
of the devices of wit and ridicule which we are
skilled in employing.
We will unmask the powerful homosexuals who
masquerade as heterosexuals [outing]. You will
be shocked and frightened when you learn that your
presidents and their sons, your industrialists, your
senators, your mayors, your generals, your

***{Below is Page: 197 }***

athletes, your film stars, your television personali-
ties, your civic leaders, your priests are not the
safe, familiar bourgeois, heterosexual figures you
assumed them to be. We are everywhere [a com-
nonly used bumper-sticker] we have infiltrated
your ranks [strategic "surprise" announcements by
"conservative" homosexuals, e.g. Mel White,
former ghostwriter for Christian leaders]. Be care-
ful when you speak of homosexuals because we
are always among you; we may be sitting across
the desk from you; we may be sleeping in the same
bed with you.
There will be no compromises. We are not
middle class weaklings. Highly intelligent, we are
the natural aristocrats of the human race, and
steely-minded aristocrats never settle for less
[Brand/Friedlander]. Those who oppose us will
be exiled [the "Femmes"}.
We shall raise vast, private armies, as Mishima
did, to defeat you [Rossbach and Roehm, Frederick
the Greatj. We shall conquer the world because
warriors inspired by and banded together by ho-
mosexual love and honor are invincible as were
the ancient Greek soldiers [Plato's Banquet].
The family unit -- spawning ground of lies, be-
trayals, mediocrity, hypocrisy and violence -- will
be abolished [homosexual "marriage" and adop-
tion. The family unit, which only dampens imagi-
nation and curbs free will, must be eliminated
[Plato's Republic}. Perfect boys will be conceived
and grown in the genetic laboratory. They will be
bonded together in communal setting, under the
control and instruction of homosexual savants
[Sparta, Thebes and Crete].
All churches who condemn us will be closed

***{Below is Page: 198 }***

[attacks on the McIlhennys, St. Patrick's Cathe-
dral]. Our only gods are handsome young men.
We adhere to a cult of beauty, moral and esthetic.
All that is ugly and vulgar and banal will be annihi-
lated [Kummerlings]. Since we are alienated from
middle-class heterosexual conventions, we are free
to live our lives according to the dictates of the
pure imagination [Nietzsche, Hitler]. For us too
much is not enough.
The exquisite society to emerge will be gov-
erned by an elite comprised of gay poets [Adolf
Brand, Stefan George, Plato's "philosopher-
kings"]. One of the major requirements for a po-
sition of power in the new society will be indul-
gence in the Greek passion [pederasty]. Any man
contaminated with heterosexual lust will be auto-
matically barred from a position of influence [SA
leadership]. All males who insist on remaining stu-
pidly heterosexual will be tried in homosexual
courts of justice and will become invisible men.
We shall rewrite history [Holocaust revisionism,
extravagant claims that historical figures (like Lin-
coln) were homosexual], history filled and debased
with your heterosexual lies and distortions. We
shall portray the homosexuality of great leaders
and thinkers who have shaped the world. We will
demonstrate that homosexuality and intelligence
and imagination are inextricably linked, and that
homosexuality is a requirement for true nobility,
true beauty in a man [Hans Blueher].
We shall be victorious because we are filled with
the ferocious bitterness of the oppressed who have
been forced to play seemingly bit parts in your
dumb, heterosexual shows throughout the ages
[victim-plunder strategy]. We too are capable of

***{Below is Page: 199 }***

firing guns and manning the barricades of the ulti-
mate revolution [ACT-UP, Queer Nation, blood
terrorism].
Tremble, hetero swine, when we 4~pear be-
fore you without our masks.

(By Michael Swift, "Gay Revolutionary." Reprinted from
The Congressional Record. First printed in Gay Commu-
nity News, February 15-21, 1987).

End

***{Below is Page: 200 }***

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*** {start comment 204-1}
Supplementary Bibliography
This section will note books not included in the bibliography above.
Fischer, Conan The rise of the Nazis (Manchester University Press
1995)
Grau, Guenter Hidden Holocaust? Gay and Lesbian Persecution in
Germany 1933-45 (Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1993,
English translation Cassell, 1995) Translates German documents
relating to persecution of gays.
Proctor, Robert Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Harvard
University Press 1988)

*** {end comment 204-1}

***{Below is Page: 205 }***

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