The Reality of the First War of the Twenty-First
Century
The terrorists and their enemies have a lot in common, in the
first place their disdain for human life, their willingness to engage
in mass-murder in order to promote their power and profits. Does
anyone doubt that the US in its response to the attacks is willing to
kill far more innocents than perished in the WTC?
The "first war of the twenty-first century" is a capitalist war,
that is to say, its causes, origins, unfolding and goals are
integrally linked to the monstrous trajectory of capitalism as a mode
of production, a system, a civilization. While this may seem to be an
abstraction, inadequate to the horror of the destruction wrought on
September 11, without an understanding of this link between
capitalism and the carnage that we have experienced, we will be
trapped within the "logic" of this war, without a way to resist it.
This link can be seen in three ways.
The roots, the socio-economic seedbed for the terrorist attack on
New York, and the death of thousands of innocent civilians, most of
them workers, lie in the rage and hatred born of a civilization that
produces misery, alienation, humiliation, and death for an
ever-increasing mass of the world's population. That, and a sense of
powerlessness, is the source of the anger, the visceral loathing for
America, for the West, and its symbols, which has propelled elements
of the professional strata in the Islamic world to recruit armies for
this war, to mobilize the frustrations and desperation of masses of
Muslims for a "Jihad," or at least to see in the carnage of New York
a blow against what they conceive to be the source of their misery,
material and spiritual. While those conditions exist, and are growing
at an exponential rate, throughout those parts of the world which
capitalism and its global economy have turned into vast shanty-towns,
it is-for the moment-in the Muslim world where the specific cultural
and political bases for such a war have coalesced.
Because the global economy can produce far more than can be sold
at a profit, the more it develops, the more people are expelled from
productive activity as so much excess productive capacity. While
global capital creates impoverishment everywhere, in the vast
expanses of much of what used to be designated the "Third World" it
has already literally created a death-world where millions are
condemned to starvation, civil war, and an existence devoid of any
hope. Ancient, pre-capitalist modes of production and cultures are
relentlessly being destroyed by the "progress" of global capital. But
this does not result in the incorporation of the mass of the
population into the new capitalist economic, cultural, and social
relations. Rather, it condemns the mass of the population to a
miserable existence in the vast new shanty-towns, where unemployment,
disease and death are the hallmarks of the urban life that has arisen
on the destruction of the pre-capitalist world of the farm and
village. So long as "progress" takes this form, so long as capital
presides over the economic, cultural, and political life of humanity,
these conditions will grow-and with them the certainty that the
violence and hatred they breed will spawn nationalist political
movements that will seek out targets in the industrial and
technological metropoles of which the World Trade Center was the
symbol.
The political movements that are mobilizing this rage and hatred,
Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda, Hamas, Hizbollah, the Taliban, do not
represent a reactionary movement seeking to recreate the village
world of a-largely-mythic Islamic past. Rather, they embody an
ideology and practice that is as modern as that of Nazism, Stalinism,
Maoism, or Pol-Potism, an ideology and practice that seeks to
challenge the global hegemony of American or Western capital, against
which it will wage war with suicide bombers today, and if it succeeds
in creating an "Islamic" state in the Muslim world, with modern
armies and the same chemical and nuclear weapons with which the West
has armed itself. Within the "pure" state it seeks to create, women
are defined as biologically inferior, Hindus must wear the yellow
badge, and the "Christian-Jewish crusaders" must be exterminated. The
ideology and practice embodied by the Taliban bears a far greater
resemblance to Nazi Germany or Pol-Pot's Cambodia than to the Islamic
past. Racialization, the designation of segments of the population as
the Other, a bacillus or virus to be exterminated, is not an
atavistic revival of a pre-capitalist past but the dark side of the
trajectory of capitalism, which had already made the twentieth
century into a charnel house. This racialization, inseparable from
nationalism, is the product of capitalism as a civilization. That it
is embodied in leaders dressed in robes and turbans does not make it
any less a manifestation of that very civilization, any less the
noxious product of it.
This first war of the twentieth-first century will be a capitalist
war too in the way it will be waged by the US and its allies. The
face of war was transformed by capitalism in the twentieth century,
first in World War One when masses of conscripts, primarily workers
and peasants, were slaughtered on the battlefields, and then in World
War Two when the civilian population constituted the bulk of the
victims-a result of the technologies of mass destruction, and the
ideologies by which their use was justified. In mobilizing its
resources to crush its enemies today, we can anticipate that the US
will move in the following ways. Once it designates those regimes
that harbor the terrorist leadership, it may unleash assaults with
high tech weapons. The inevitable result of such tactics will be
massive civilian deaths and causalities in the countries attacked.
Such a tactic, however, may make the situation of Muslim regimes
allied to the US untenable, an outcome which the US administration
seeks to avoid at all costs. Thus, the US may prefer to wage this
war, at least at the outset, by assisting Arab and Muslim regimes to
crush "their own" Islamic fundamentalists, and thereby both assure
the stability of those regimes, now threatened by the same groups
that struck in New York, and deny the terrorists the safe havens on
which they depend. Musharraf in Pakistan, Arafat in Palestine,
Mubarak in Egypt, the Generals in Algeria, all are threatened by Al
Qaeda and the multitude of groups to which it is linked. As the war
waged by the Algerian military against the Armed Islamic Group shows,
such a war deliberately targets civilians and depends on state terror
for any success. It is just such an orgy of state terror, backed by
the US, that we can expect to see in this first war of the
twenty-first century-that and the use of high-tech weaponry designed
to rain death and destruction on civilian populations. To wage this
war, The American state seeks to galvanize the population with
appeals to patriotism behind which a militarization of society will
occur, one in which any opposition to war will be equated with
support for terrorism. At the same time, the global recession, which
had already begun, will also be blamed on terrorism, uncoupled from
the very trajectory of capitalism which has produced it. Attacks on
the living and working conditions of the working class will be
justified by it and the resistance of workers to them will be
slandered as aid to the terrorists. The atrocity perpetrated on
September 11, and the atrocities to come in this first war of the
twenty-first century, are the product of the profit-system, of
capitalism, and will only disappear when that system does too.
This is a war that those who grasp the link between the carnage in
New York and capitalism must resist, even as we recognize that the
terrorists who unleashed it are themselves the barbaric embodiment of
the same civilization that has produced the rage and desperation from
which it sprang.
INTERNATIONALIST PERSPECTIVE
Originally published as a leaflet September 2001
No War But the Class War
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