General
Primera
parte
El
conflicto Sandinista-Contra
Agee, Philip and Poelchau, Warner. White Paper Whitewash. New
York: Deep Cover Books, 1981. 205 pages.
Half of "White Paper Whitewash" is a reprint of the
1981 release by U.S. State Department official Jon Glassman. This White Paper
was the opening salvo in the Reagan administration's war against Nicaragua. It
included documents allegedly captured from Salvadoran guerrillas, which
supported the notion of covert strategic Soviet and Cuban involvement in Central
America. Agee makes the case that the documents are fabricated.
Cockburn, Leslie. Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly
Press, 1987. 287 pages.
During the contra war, Robert Owen wrote the following to Oliver
North: "These people [the contra leaders] don't know they are even in a
war.... They think they are running a business."
Cockburn traces the contras from the fall of Nicaraguan
dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979 to their collapse when Eugene Hasenfus
parachuted from his doomed airplane in 1986. Reagan, Bush, the Pentagon, the CIA
and NSC, arms merchants, narcotics merchants, money launderers, contra leaders,
and mercenaries all took a ride on the back of a propped up military operation
specializing in attacks on clinics, schools, and civilians. Millions disappeared
into secret bank accounts in this latest in a long history of corrupt and
violent covert actions.
The illegal and unconstitutional nature of the war is found in
the description of the Santa Elena, Costa Rica airfield where U.S. officials
arranged "the secret construction of a military base without authorization
from Congress in an avowedly neutral country to provide aid specifically
forbidden by Congress in an undeclared war." Cockburn also examines the
connection to Iran and the October Surprise. Out of control indeed. -- Lanny
Sinkin
Chamorro, Edgar
Packaging the Contras: A Case of CIA Disinformation.
Published in 1987 by the Institute for Media Analysis, New York NY 10012,
78 pages.
Edgar Chamorro began working in Miami with anti-Sandinista exiles
in late 1979, and the following year they formed the Nicaraguan Democratic Union
(UDN). Their agenda dovetailed with the CIA's, so in August 1981 formal
documents were signed in Guatemala City merging the UDN with the 15th of
September Legion to form the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN). It was all
scripted by the Agency. Chamorro did "contra" public relations work
for the CIA for the next three years.
But he had his doubts about FDN atrocities against Nicaraguan
civilians, and grew tired of CIA bungling. The mining of Nicaraguan harbors by
the CIA and the famous "assassination" manual hit the front pages in
1984, and in November Chamorro called it quits. In 1985 he told his story to
Congress and then to the World Court.
This monograph is a case study of how the CIA shapes public
opinion by manipulating the mass media. Chamorro and his FDN cover are first
created by the CIA, and then a string of bought journalists from the U.S. media
are lined up for interviews about the wonderful "democratic
resistance." It's almost like Ngo Dinh Diem and Vietnam all over again.
Dillon, Sam. Comandos: The CIA and Nicaragua's Contra Rebels.
New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1991. 393 pages.
This is where Sam Dillon delivers the liberal media
establishment's verdict on U.S. support for the contras in the 1980s. Dillon is
well- connected: he was part of the Miami Herald's team of reporters that won a
Pulitzer for their Iran-contra coverage, his wife Julia Preston covered
Nicaragua for the Washington Post, this book was financed by the Alicia
Patterson Foundation (Patterson published Newsday), and the New York Times gave
it a splendid review (9/29/91). The verdict is that while the Sandinistas didn't
deserve support, neither did the contras. The contra commanders were
anti-populist and self-serving, they committed or tolerated the torture of
prisoners and abuse of their own troops, and through it all the CIA was
controlling the purse and issuing the orders.
It's the best treatment of the CIA in Honduras that we've
seen, but it could have been better. Unfortunately, either Dillon or the
publisher's lawyers are squeamish about naming some names. He claims, without
studying the law, that "it is illegal to publish the full name" of the
Honduran station chief from 1987 to 1989. So he tells everything else about
"Terry," including his previous postings. Two minutes with NameBase,
and out spits TERRY R. WARD. There now, establishment liberals, was that so
horrible? Why be such pushovers? Could it be that you and the CIA ... oh, never
mind.
Marshall, Jonathan; Scott, Peter Dale; and Hunter, Jane. The
Iran-Contra Connection: Secret Teams and Covert Operations in the Reagan Era.
Boston: South End Press, 1987. 313 pages, including 70 pages of notes.
This is one of the better books on Iran-contra, written by three
excellent investigative writers. Marshall is an editor at the San Francisco
Chronicle and former editor of Inquiry magazine and Parapolitics/USA. Scott is
professor of English at UC Berkeley and has written several books and some major
articles on U.S. foreign policy and the Dallas and Watergate conspiracies.
Hunter was the editor of Israeli Foreign Affairs, a monthly that was the best
English-language source available for keeping track of Israel's far-flung
intrigues and obscure policy interests.
Each of these writers has been in the business for a long time
and undoubtedly has an impressive personal library of books and clippings. It
shows in their writing style, which tends to draw together a large array of
names and connections. Because of the heavy footnoting, this makes the book
useful as a source that in turn can point to other, more obscure sources not
indexed in NameBase.
National Security Archive, 1755 Massachusetts Ave NW, Suite
500, Washington DC 20036, Tel: 202-797-0882, Fax: 202-387-6315. The Chronology:
The Documented Day-by-Day Account of the Secret Military Assistance to Iran and
the Contras. New York: Warner Books, 1987. 678 pages.
The National Security Archive, founded in 1985 by Scott
Armstrong, is a nonprofit project of the Fund for Peace. Armstrong left in 1989
under pressure from Fund for Peace executive director Nina Solarz, who was
apparently under pressure from the Ford Foundation, their major financial
backer. NSA continues its good work today, despite the involvement of too many
DC hardball players with different agendas. In 1989 they had an annual budget of
$1.5 million and a staff of 35. NSA specializes in collecting (through FOIA
litigation and other means), collating, indexing, and disseminating (to public
libraries and researchers), documents from U.S. government agencies that relate
to foreign policy and national security.
The Chronology draws on some government documents, but this is
mostly a compilation of Iran-contra tidbits from the media, beginning in 1980
and getting progressively more detailed through 1986 -- a year that takes 400
pages of the book. It is valuable for researchers who need to understand how
specific events may have fit into a larger pattern. There is a complete index
and no conclusion, which somehow seems appropriate five years later.
Robinson, William I. A Faustian Bargain: U.S. Intervention in
the Nicaraguan Elections and American Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era.
Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1992. 310 pages (includes 50 pages of endnotes and
48 pages of documents).
With access to sources in both Managua and the U.S., William
Robinson presents the first case study of the 1988-1990 campaign and elections
in Nicaragua. The story began when U.S. intelligence worried that the CIA's
stigma had blunted its capacity to intervene effectively in foreign affairs. In
1983 Congress gave the wolf a new suit of clothes by funding a "quasi-
governmental institute" with a nice name to channel money to foreign
operations through some of the CIA's old conduits. The "National Endowment
for Democracy" emphasizes democratic participation, but essentially it
purchases access for political parties that parrot U.S. interests. In Nicaragua,
NED channeled millions through an array of cutouts and high- powered political
strategists, for a spending level of about $20 per voter (George Bush spent less
than $4 per voter in his own 1988 campaign). If a foreign country intervened at
the same level in one of our elections, we might call it an "invasion"
but we wouldn't call it "democracy."
William I. Robinson is a former investigative journalist, a
research associate at the Center for International Studies in Managua, and a
Ph.D. candidate in Latin American studies at the University of New Mexico.
Sklar, Holly. Washington's War on Nicaragua. Boston: South
End Press, 1988. 472 pages.
This is one of the most comprehensive, well-documented treatments
of U.S. policy in Nicaragua from Carter through the Reagan years. It includes
official policies and activities as well as those of the quasi-private cutouts
and the right-wing support network. Then there's gun and drug running, contra
atrocities, William Casey and the CIA, Oliver North's enterprise, Congressional
opposition, domestic surveillance of U.S. Sandinista supporters, the psywar
media campaign, and finally the Iran- contra scandal. There are almost 1500 end
notes and a bibliography with 143 sources.
Terrell, Jack (with Ron Martz). Disposable Patriot:
Revelations of a Soldier in America's Secret Wars. Bethesda MD: National Press
Books, 1992. 480 pages.
In 1984 Jack Terrell was a would-be Rambo with a high IQ and a
criminal record. He was bored with his life so he bullshitted his way into
Civilian Military Assistance, a motley collection of adventurers and misfits
based in Alabama who felt neat when they were in khaki. This association
provided him with spook credentials and trips to Honduras, where he won the
confidence of everyone from contra commander Enrique Bermudez to the Miskito
Indians. Soon he was escorted back to Miami because he was becoming too visible.
Terrell was licking his wounds in New Orleans when a
mysterious "Mr. Smith" called and offered him a chance at revenge. A
new adventure at last! "Mr. Smith" was a deep throat from inside the
intelligence community who was part of a mysterious group working to expose the
secret war. He convinced Terrell to move to Washington, where Terrell ended up
at the liberal International Center for Development Policy. Not only did ICDP
provide a convenient feed for Mr. Smith's leaks to Terrell, but they also paid
Terrell a salary. In turn, the exposure allowed ICDP to enjoy a magnificent
increase in tax-deductible contributions. Everyone was happy except Oliver
North, who launched a secret campaign against Terrell. Eventually Terrell
concluded that many on the DC left were just as self-serving and duplicitous as
the contras were corrupt, and settled back to write this book.
General
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