Castillero Reyes, Ernesto J.
![]() | PROFETA DE PANAMA Y SU GRAN TRAICION (1998) |
Nelson Austin, Herbert George
![]() | FUNDAMENTOS IDEOLOGICOS DE LAS INTERVENCIONES DE ESTADOS UNIDOS EN PANAMA (1999) |
Palmarola J., Verónica
![]() | PROCESO DE REVERSION DEL CANAL DE PANAMA Y LAS AREAS CIVILES Y MILITARES EN EL MARCO DEL TRATADO DEL CANAL DE PANAMA DE 1977 (1999) |
Noriega's career of drug trafficking and money laundering alternated with periods of close cooperation with the DEA to arrest competitors. He was preceded by Gen. Omar Torrijos, a populist whose rule was ended in a suspicious 1981 plane crash that some believe was CIA-arranged. Noriega enjoyed a long stint on the CIA payroll in return for many services, such as helping the covert wars against Salvadoran rebels and his offer of assistance to Oliver North. In 1984 the U.S. suppressed evidence of Noriega's electoral fraud.
John Dinges is an editor at National Public Radio. His book went to press three months after the invasion, so it isn't much help in figuring out what led to this important event, and whether it was really intended to help the Panamanians. Hopefully others will pick up where he left off.
First off, hard evidence of Noriega's drug connections was lacking, contrary to what Americans were told. General Fred Woerner, chief of the Southern Command, and Admiral William Crowe, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, both opposed the invasion and were both dismissed. In order to convict Noriega in court, 26 felons testified at his trial in exchange for leniency. (This trial caught prosecutors by surprise because Noriega wasn't expected to survive the invasion; he now had to be convicted at any cost.) Finally, Eisner sums up three reasons for the invasion: 1) the wimp factor -- Bush had to counteract a growing perception of presidential weakness; 2) Panama's failure to help the U.S. with Iran-Contra; and 3) vague worries from the right that the loss of U.S. control over the canal would be a setback.