| Mahinda must get back on the peace track
Japan’s Special Envoy Yasushi Akashi, who is also a Co-Chair to the peace process — along with representatives of the US, UK, European Union and Norway — has been rebuffed by LTTE Leader Velupillai Pirapaharan who has refused to meet him. While this is a setback for the peace process, it should also be a stark reminder to these powerful nations, the hard-line stance taken by this organisation. The refusal to meet Akashi is no surprise given the highly tense environment and the escalation of violence in the north and east. It also shows that the LTTE is not willing to compromise or step down from its position to pave the way for the resumption of talks. The rhetoric and actions of the south has helped the LTTE maintain its rigid stance and cushion itself from international pressure citing humanitarian issues. LTTE Spokesman Anton Balasingham had in an interview with Reuters this week said that the government’s refusal to rein in ‘armed groups’ (the Karuna faction) operating in government-controlled areas was the reason for them keeping out. While the government has rejected this charge, it does sound paradoxical that the LTTE which claims to be the ‘sole representatives of the Tamils’ should want the government to go after this break-away group of their own and hunt them down. However the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) casts a burden on the government to disarm all paramilitary groups operating in the north and east. And the government has agreed to uphold this agreement in a joint statement issued after the Geneva talks. The LTTE argument is that the government is aiding and abetting the paramilitary groups, and to resolve the Karuna issue by themselves now would bring the organisation into conflict with the security forces, leading to the total collapse of the CFA. It may be of propaganda value to the LTTE but that is the reality the government has to deal with. For, asking the LTTE to resolve the Karuna issue by themselves as some in the south argue would tantamount to giving them a blank cheque to engage in open warfare within government-controlled territory. The government case has not been made any easier by the SLMM which has adverted to the paramilitary groups operating in government-controlled areas. Indeed SLMM Chief Ulf Henriccson just last week told the state media citing Machiavelli that the government could not be expected to disarm the paramilitary groups. Implicit in that statement is the assumption that the paramilitaries are in fact operating in government-controlled areas. He would otherwise have outright rejected the operation of paramilitary groups in government-controlled areas and adverting to Machiavelli would not arise Certainly, in a civilised country, no armed group should be permitted to carry arms and that applies to the LTTE as well. The problem of all governments has been to disarm the LTTE by providing the Tamil people with a viable political solution. And that is what the talks are all about. The temptation to help the Karuna group must be great. To help the enemy’s enemy is basic military and even political strategy. But if the government is serious about peace negotiations with the LTTE then it should be pragmatic and desist from aiding the Karuna group. Whether such assistance is being extended, we do not know. While all appear to be supportive of peace through negotiations, the question whether such peace is attainable — going by the present state of affairs — should be considered. It certainly seems to be a long, long way to Geneva commencing from LTTE hideouts in the Eastern Province, finding ways of transport to the Wanni jungles and then on to Geneva. Only last week, the two sides were squabbling over the transport issue. This certainly is not the enthusiasm displayed by pilgrims in search of peace. The ceasefire came about after nearly three decades of conflict only when the LTTE came under pressure of Western powers. They unilaterally offered a ceasefire as Western nations commenced outlawing all terrorist organisations — including the LTTE. The LTTE wanted a ‘hard-line government’ to get out of the ‘peace trap’ they had fallen into and Mahinda Rajapakse provided them a wonderful opportunity by sounding bellicose during the election campaign. The LTTE strategy is not clear but they certainly appear to prefer the status quo rather than peace and a federal solution, which they agreed to earlier. They are aware that once at the negotiating table they will be pressurised by the ‘international community’ to accept a federalist form of government which both Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe agreed to. President Rajapakse now seems to be back pedaling and it could well be that this ‘hard-liner’ will accept a federal solution modeled on the Indian constitution. But Pirapaharan does not appear to want federalism and a chief minister’s title. And he may find an unwitting ally in the JVP to wriggle out of this situation and return to war by citing the hard-line attitude of the south. Meanwhile, President Rajapakse must get his act together. He must bring around his allies, particularly the JVP, to a more moderate stance, or get together with the UNP. His original stand: scrap the CFA, kick out the Norwegians and not budge from a unitary state is not the answer to the present crisis. He has to act fast. Wickremesinghe with his CFA brought down the killings to comparatively small numbers during his term before Kumaratunga threw him out. Even she used the CFA to keep the mortality rate down. Now the death toll is reaching Iraqi proportions: a government statement released yesterday said that since February 24, the death toll has been 19 navy personnel, 36 army soldiers, six policemen, and four air force personnel. This is only the military death toll and does not include the civilian death toll. President Rajapakse, together with the JVP and JHU, having toppled the peace bandwagon has to do something fast to get it back on its wheels. MORNING LEADER EDITORIAL, 10.5.2006 |