|
Chronology 1924-1947
Chronology 1948-1964
Chronology 1965-1972
Chronology 1973-1989
Chronology 1990-1994
Chronology 1995-1998
October
1924 Muslim notables in Srinagar present a memorandum to the
British Viceroy regarding the Maharaja's misrule and
setting forth popular demands. This is a sequel to a
labour strike in the state-run silk factory in which the workers were
charged by troops commanded by Hari Singh, then the heir apparent, and
their leader tortured to death.
March
1925 The leader of the signatories to the memorandum, Saaduddin Shawl,
is deported from the State.
April
1925 First meeting in Lahore (now in Pakistan) of Kashmiri expatriates
and other Muslim leaders to muster support for the reformist
struggle in Kashmir.
March
1929 Albion Bannerji, a Bengali Christian, resigns as the Maharaja's Prime
Minister makes a public statement: "The large Muslim
population is governed like dumb- driven cattle ... the press
is non-existent ... the economic conditions are appalling."
April
1931 A police official stops the khutba or sermon at a congregational
religious service of Muslims in Jammu on the ground
that it alludes to the Quranic passages about Moses
and the Pharaoh and thus indirectly advocates sedition. Protest by
worshippers in Jammu led by Ghulam Abbas. Expressions of vehement
disapproval of police action in Srinagar and major towns.
June
1931 At a large public meeting in Srinagar, 11” representatives
are chosen to conduct a movement against the Maharaja's
repression: these include Shaikh Abdullah, Ghulam Abbas,
Saaduddin Shawl and Mirwaiz Muhammad Yusuf Shah.
13
July 1931 Unarmed Muslims gather at Srinagar jail demanding right to attend
trial being held in camera of a political prisoner charged
with sedition for speech at June meeting. Police firing
leaves 21 dead. Beginning of mass agitation. Ghulam Abbas
arrested the same day, Shaikh Abdullah the next, along with three other
leaders.
July-August
1931 Maharaja's government claims that popular movement is instigated
by
"outside elements" and announces policy of not permitting speeches
creating hatred against the regime. Leaders released
on condition of "good behaviour".
August
1931 All India Kashmir Committee formed in Lahore to organise support
for Kashmir freedom movement. Led by Muhammad Iqbal,
renowned poet-philosopher and Bashiruddin Mahmud, head
of the Ahmediyya community. Meanwhile, All India Muslim
League adopts resolution commending "the gallant struggle carried on
both inside and outside Kashmir for rights of humanity in the State".
September
1931 Kashmir leaders rearrested. On 24 September, large numbers of young
men parade in the streets of Srinagar armed with spears and knives - "this
is all we have and we will fight the Maharaja's soldiers".
Maharaja responds by display of military armour in the
city the next day. Law promulgated providing for flogging
as punishment for political activity. Ordinary citizens bludgeoned by
soldiers if they fail to shout 'Maharaja ki jai' - victory
to the Maharaja.
October
1931 British Viceroy urges Maharaja to adopt conciliatory policy. Leaders
released and asked to present demands, which they do
on 19 October. Excerpts: "We demand same liberties as
obtain in British India ... equality of rights regardless of religion
... better terms for labour ... a representative form of government ...
the State cannot claim proprietary rights over land
merely because Kashmir was purchased from the British."
November
1931 - January 1932 No tax campaign in Mirpur. Armed encounters in Kotli
between Maharaja's soldiers and local militants. Collapse of Maharaja's
administration in areas now in Azad Kashmir. British Indian government
intervenes, moves troops to Jammu and Mirpur. A Muslim political party
in Punjab - Jamaat-i-Ahrar - launches movement for unarmed
"civil invasion" of the State. Around 30,000 people
arrested to prevent crossing of border. Meanwhile, on
British urging, a Reforms Commission is appointed, headed by a British
official (Douglas Glancey) and consisting of four public representatives:
two Muslim (including Ghulam Abbas), and two Hindu (including
Prem Nath Bazaz). Commission recommends limited
reforms, including establishment of legislative assembly.
Kashmiri Pandits denounce their representative, Prem Nath
Bazaz, for supporting reforms. Hindu newspapers in India condemn movement
in Kashmir as evidence of "dishonourable Muslim communalism".
A delegation of Hindu leaders in India meets Viceroy
stressing the strategic importance of Kashmir
to India against a "pan-Islamic wave".
October
1932 First mass organisation in the State - the Jammu and Kashmir Muslim
Conference - established. At session in Srinagar, Shaikh Abdullah
elected President and Ghulam Abbas General Secretary.
January
1934 Mass protests against limitation of franchise to three percent of
the population for proposed legislative assembly and
restrictions on assembly's powers. At meeting of Muslim
Conference held in Sialkot (now in Pakistan) Ghulam Abbas designated
“dictator” of the campaign. Abdulah distances himself from
the campaign. Abbas arrested.
September
1934 State legislative assembly established by Maharaja. Muslims constituting
77 percent of population allotted 32 seats in a house of 75, out of which
21 to be elected and 11 nominated by Maharaja. Muslim
Conference capture 20 seats.
October
1935 Abbas elected President of Muslim Conference. With Hindu leaders
attending as observers at annual convention, Abbas appeals
to non-Muslims "to join in the struggle for emancipation
of our country". Muslim Conference members of State
Assembly (19 out of 21 elected members) resign in protest against Assembly's
restricted powers.
May
1936 M.A. Jinnah visits Srinagar. Though visit private, both factions
of Muslim Conference (led respectively by Abdullah and
Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah) invite him to address large public
meetings organised in his honour. Jinnah counsels promoting
harmony between Muslim majority and Hindu minority.
September
1937 Abdullah again elected President of Muslim Conference. Urges "a
common platform" of Muslims and non-Muslims and demands that State
representatives to the Indian federation (contemplated in Government of
India Act of 1935 before the demand for the establishment
of a separate federation of Muslim majority states -
Pakistan - was formulated by M.A. Jinnah in 1940) be
chosen by the people and not nominated by the Maharaja.
June
1938 Working Committee of Muslim Conference recommends change in name
and constitution of party. Abbas opposes move which
is deferred for one year.
October
1939 Special session of Muslim Conference decides to convert party into
National Conference. Abbas endorses move on conditions
that, inter alia, (a) it will not mean affiliation with
Indian National Congress against Muslim League; (b) non- Muslims
will participate in campaign for representative government; and (c)
Conference will continue to seek end of discrimination against Muslims.
Some prominent Hindu leaders, including Prem Nath Bazaz,
join National Conference but Hindu masses keep aloof.
Maharaja's
Prime Minister, Gopalaswamy Ayyangar - a Hindu bureaucrat from
Madras - promulgates constitution on 7 September 1939 providing
not only for Maharaja's unrestricted veto over legislative
assembly’s enactments but also for any enactment
by Maharaja himself to be considered as if made by assembly.
Abdullah establishes understanding with Ayyangar that, in return for refraining
from any active campaign for responsible government, he will be supported
in his fight against his political opponents - former
leaders of Muslim Conference. On his advice, National
Conference members abstain from vote on bill abolishing
discrimination against Muslims in arms licences, Abdullah cultivates closer
relations with Congress leaders, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru, criticises
Muslim League but later disclaims remarks.
1940-41
Some Hindu leaders resign from National Conference alleging "oppressive
communal atmosphere". Jawaharlal Nehru visits Kashmir (30 May 1940) and
appeals to Hindus to support National Conference and its struggle for
responsible government. Enthusiastic welcome accorded
to Nehru by Abdullah and his following is marred by
hostile demonstrations by others. A handbill widely
circulated by students asks ‘Where were you, Mr Nehru, in 1931?
You claim to be a Kashmiri; how come you have been silent
all through our testing struggle?’ Gopalaswamy
Ayyangar, Prime Minister since 1937, quits on 9 April
1943. ‘Deliverance Day’ observed by dissident sections
of National Conference. Bazaz, virtually co-founder
with Abdullah, also resigns, expressing disillusionment.
Abbas
re-establishes Muslim Conference pleading as ground non-
fulfilment of conditions set for conversion of party into National Conference.
Protests against Ayyangar's statement that Kashmir would be first to accede
to Indian Union.
1944
National Conference issues radical manifesto called "new Kashmir" contemplating
drastic social and economic measures. At the same time - as against Muslim
Conference position of non-cooperation with Maharaja's government, agrees
to inclusion of one nominee of National Conference in Maharaja's
cabinet.
M.A.
Jinnah visits Kashmir on joint invitation of Muslim Conference and
National Conference. Attempts to bring about reconciliation. Advises maintaining
single Muslim representative organisation which, on basis of full safeguards
for rights of non-Muslim minorities, should arrive at
an "honourable" settlement with their representative
organisations regarding campaign for responsible government.
Abdullah rejects advice publicly and criticises Jinnah. Jinnah addresses
largest ever public meeting in Srinagar at Muslim Conference
convention on 17 June. Maharaja declines to meet Jinnah.
1945
Jawaharlal Nehru, accompanied by two Muslim leaders of Indian Congress,
visits Kashmir. Faces hostile demonstrations when party
taken out in boat procession up Jehlum river. Jehlum demonstrations
larger and more vehement than on his earlier visit in
1940.
1946
National Conference makes declaration called 'Quit Kashmir' against Maharaja,
drawing attention of British government to Kashmir's claim to freedom
on withdrawal of British power. Abdullah arrested on
15 May. Nehru comes to Kashmir as Abdullah's defence
counsel, is arrested and ordered to leave the State.
Hindu press, however, condemns 'Quit Kashmir' movement; Achhariya Kriplani,
one of the top Congress leaders, calls campaign "mischievous". Abdullah,
in statement in court during trial, tones down 'Quit
Kashmir' declaration. Agitation peters out. R.C. Kak,
Maharaja's Prime Minister, meets Congress leaders in India
in July. Nehru permitted to revisit Srinagar, meets Abdullah in jail and
confers with Maharaja's Raj Guru, or head priest.
Muslim
Conference adopts 'Azad Kashmir' resolution on 26 July, calling
for end of autocratic government and claims right of people to elect their
own constituent assembly. Abbas arrested on 19 October.
January-August
1947 Kriplani, now President of Indian National Congress, visits Kashmir
and confers with Maharaja on 24 May. On 28 May, acting
leader of Muslim Conference, Chaudhri Hamidullah
Khan, calls for independence of State, separate from
India and Pakistan but with good relations with both. Jinnah declares
on 11 July policy of not putting "any pressure" on any
state in making its choice. R.C. Kak meets Jinnah on
19 July who urges that decision regarding future status of
Jammu and Kashmir be taken after consideration of all factors, chiefly
public sentiment, and "in proper mental equilibrium".
Non-Muslim Maharajas of Punjab states , whose Muslim
subjects have been massacred or driven out at their
instance, visit the Maharaja urging him to team up with them in forming
a separate province within the Indian Union.
R.C. Kak recommends Kashmir remain independent of both India and
Pakistan for a transitional period of at least one year, then take a decision
on accession to India or Pakistan or otherwise in light
of developments. Mountbatten - after asking for and
receiving a note from Nehru - visits the Maharaja on 19
June and urges him to take a decision on accession to India or Pakistan
before 15 August, the date set for the end of British
rule. Maharaja makes clear his resolve not to accede
to Pakistan "on any account". Mountbatten assures him that, in that
case, a division of the Indian army will be quickly stationed in Kashmir
to prevent any incursion from Pakistan.
On
19 July, convention of Muslim Conference urges accession to
Pakistan. On 1 August, Mohandas Gandhi visits Maharaja and suggests removal
of R.C. Kak. Gandhi is assured by a lieutenant of Abdullah that if Kak
is ousted, a plebiscite will return a vote in favour of India.
Kak is dismissed as Prime Minister on 11 August. British Indian
government returns Gilgit, leased to it in 1934, to
Maharaja.
15
August 1947 India and Pakistan are established as sovereign
states. British paramountcy over the Princely
states ends. Standstill Agreement between Kashmir and Pakistan
for continuance of existing arrangements of trade, communications
and services which had been maintained with outgoing British Indian government
(virtually all inherited by Pakistan).
August
1947 Radcliffe Award is published on 17 August. (Cyril Radcliffe, a London
barrister, headed the Boundary Commission to establish
partition lines between India and Pakistan in the divided
provinces of Punjab and Bengal.) By splitting Gurdaspur
district - a Muslim-majority area allotted to Pakistan in 'notional division'.
Award provides India with a road link to Kashmir and
makes it practicable for Maharaja to accede to India
or establish a military alliance with it.
Maharaja,
having excluded option of joining Pakistan, adopts three-point
strategy: (i) to make the road to India serviceable - all existing roads
lead to Pakistan; (ii) to concentrate his troops in
areas bordering on Pakistan to deter insurgencies and
seal the frontier against incursions; (iii) to establish close
working relationship with Indian government without formal accession,
if possible and with it, if necessary.
26
August 1947 Armed uprising against Maharaja's forces begins in Poonch.
Fighting spreads quickly throughout the area inhabited
by ex-servicemen of British Indian army.
September
1947 Maharaja appoints Mehr Chand Mahajan - who had served on Boundary
Commission as nominee of Indian National Congress to represent Hindu interests
- as Prime Minister on 18 September. Before formally assuming
office, Mahajan goes to Delhi to confer with Vallabhai
Patel - India's Minister for States and strongman of
Indian National Congress - who "orders" him to accept offer "in the
interest of India". Mahajan also consults Gandhi, Nehru and Mountbatten.
Gandhi to Mahajan: "The State should, if possible, accede
to India." Mountbatten to Mahajan: "As Governor General
of India, I would be happy if you advise Maharaja
to accede to India." Nehru urges release of Shaikh Abdullah and
immediate change in Kashmir's internal administration.
R.L.
Batra, a Hindu from Punjab, appointed Deputy Prime Minister for
liaison with Patel and to negotiate terms with Shaikh Abdullah for his
release in exchange for collaboration with Maharaja
in policy regarding accession.
On 29 September, Shaikh Abdullah is released by Maharaja's "act of
royal clemency" while Abbas continues to remain incarcerated. Abdullah
tells Kashmiri delegations urging accession to Pakistan:
"Let us see whether Pakistan will survive." An informal
delegation from Pakistan calls on him and suggests he
discuss matters personally with Pakistan government at highest level.
Abdullah replies that he has first to go to Delhi where
he has been invited by Nehru.
Gopalaswami Ayyangar - who had the longest tenure as Maharaja's
Prime Minister - is taken into Nehru's cabinet, even though
he is not a member either of Indian Parliament or of
Congress executive.
Armed bands of extremist militant Hindu party in India, the Rashstrya
Sevak Sang (RSS) enter Jammu and are deployed at various places, including
Uri and Muzaffarabad in Kashmir. Killing of Muslims
is accelerated in interior of Hindu-majority areas -
Maharaja himself giving signal at place named Deva Vatala.
Plans rumoured for dramatic showdown at Muzaffarabad on Eid festival
(which fell on 25 October that year) on some pretext, Maharaja's soldiery
would open fire on unsuspecting large Muslim congregation
- virtually bulk of adult male population of town - at Eid
prayers, thus preventing spread of the Poonch uprising and
deterring any link-up between local groups and martial elements in
neighbouring areas of Pakistan.
Meetings at various places in Pakistan of Kashmir exiles with Pakistani
officials - mostly civil, some military - and political activists to plan
action to thwart Maharaja's designs and avert further
Muslim massacres. One meeting is held in presence of
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan. No concrete plan or
coordinated scheme emerges: leading parts assumed by - but not assigned
to - two non-officials, Khurshid Anwar and M.Z. Kiani,
and one military officer, Akbar Khan. Neither Jinnah
nor high command of Pakistan army - British at the time - is
informed.
Military plans for "reconquering Kashmir" - words used by a senior aide
and confidant of Maharaja - for Maharaja are advanced with promise of
arms supplies from Indian government. Wireless equipment
for Srinagar airfield is provided. Preparations are
made for Indian troop concentrations in vicinity of
State. Indian Defence Minister Baldev Singh and Home Minister Vallabhai
Patel facilitate arrangements for enlisting Patiala
state troops as reinforcement for Maharaja's army. One
senior officer of Indian army, a kinsman of Maharaja, is
stationed in Srinagar.
Major General Scott, British commander of Maharaja's army, submits
final report on retirement - 22 September - saying the Maharaja's government
is steadily losing control over large parts of the State.
October
1947 Maharaja's government accuses Pakistan of withholding supplies
which Kashmir received from or through territory now
included in Pakistan. Pakistan government replies on
2 October that disruption is due to disorder widespread in
the region and fear of Pakistani truck and bus drivers of attack by Maharaja's
soldiery and/or RSS men. Sends a senior official to Srinagar to discuss
with Maharaja's government secure arrangements
for supplies. The official calls on Prime Minister Mahajan
and invites him to Karachi (then capital of Pakistan) to
confer with Pakistan government at the highest level. Mahajan declines
invitation.
Pakistan government sends telegram on 12 October to Mahajan about "large
number of villages (in Poonch) that can be seen burning from Murree Hills"
(in Pakistan), pointing out that as "Pakistan army obtains
a large number of recruits from Poonch", situation is
"fraught with danger" to "friendly relations" that Pakistan
"wishes to retain with Kashmir". Message asks for restoring order and
discipline of Maharaja's troops. Mahajan replies on 15 October complaining
of "infiltration" from Pakistan and stating that his
government is "prepared to have an impartial inquiry
made into the whole affair" to "remove misunderstandings"
and "restore cordial relations". Otherwise, he adds, his government will
have "no option but to ask for assistance to withstand
aggressive actions of the Pakistan people along our
border".
Meanwhile, Shaikh Abdullah has meeting with Maharaja on 16 October.
Mahajan follows his message with telegram to Jinnah on 18 October stating
that if Pakistan's "extremely unfriendly acts" are not
stopped, Maharaja's government "will be justified in
asking for friendly assistance". Reply of Foreign Minister of
Pakistan categorically denies Mahajan's allegations, points out "exodus
of Muslims" from border areas of State, and adds: "We
are astonished to hear your threat to ask for assistance
from an outside power” with the object of completing
"the process of suppressing the Muslims to enable you to join India as
coup d'état against the declared will of ... 85 percent
of population of your State.” Message warns of
"gravest consequences" if measures toward that end are not "stopped".
Finally, message states that Pakistan government appreciates suggestion
of an impartial inquiry and asks Mahajan "immediately
to nominate your representative on the Enquiry Committee"
whereupon “Pakistan government will nominate its
representatives without delay so that Committee can proceed at once with
a thorough inquiry into the whole matter."
On 20 October, Governor General of Pakistan Jinnah sends telegram to
Maharaja deploring tone and language of Mahajan's telegram which is "almost
in the nature of an ultimatum", pointing out that difficulties
in supplies "have been felt actually by the Punjab government
(in Pakistan) themselves" and refuting Mahajan's "ex-parte"
allegations in detail. Message stresses "urgent necessity" of
meeting of representatives of Pakistan and Maharaja's governments and
asks Maharaja to help end "acrimonious and bitter controversy"
and "smooth out difficulties" by sending Mahajan to
Karachi and also to cooperate in setting up an Enquiry
Committee immediately.
Foreign Minister of Pakistan sends message to Mahajan on 21 October
about "inhuman barbarity" in Poonch. Mahajan replies on 22 October: "Facts
reverse of what is alleged"; his message quotes communication from Hindus
in Poonch stating "rebels fifteen miles from the city".
A battalion of Patiala State forces - Patiala has already acceded to India
- is brought into Kashmir on 17 October; it takes up
positions guarding Srinagar airfield and reinforces
Maharaja's garrison in Jammu.
Muslim soldiers of Maharaja's army in Muzaffarabad sector - on the road
to Srinagar - mutiny in small hours of 22 October and liquidate their
commander and other officers. About 3,000 Pathan tribesmen,
volunteers from areas not under Pakistan's regular administration
with small arms and driving in civilian lorries, commanded
by Khurshid Anwar, enter State on 22 October and overrun the
whole Muzaffarabad-Uri area. Although lacking armoured transport, they
rapidly advance towards Srinagar - 22 to 26 October
- overcome resistance by Maharaja's force and,
amidst jubilation of people along the way and with help
from local civilians in building diversions in place of bridges destroyed
by Maharaja's retreating troops, reach Baramulla on
25 October.
R.L. Batra, Maharaja's Deputy Prime Minister, is sent off to Delhi on
23 October with request for large-scale military
assistance but without offer of accession unless insisted
on by Indian government.
24
October 1947 Establishment of Azad (free) Kashmir government declared
with headquarters at Trarkhel inside Kashmir.
October
1947 (continued) As Azad forces, including Pathan volunteers, advance
towards Srinagar, Maharaja flees from his capital on
25 October.
Mahajan and Shaikh Abdullah fly to Delhi and confer separately with Nehru
on 25 October. Nehru assures Prime Minister Attlee of Britain
on 26 October (copy sent to Pakistan Prime Minister
two days later) that "question of aiding Kashmir in this emergency
is not designed in any way to influence the State to accede to
India" and "question of accession in any disputed territory must be decided
in accordance with the wishes of the people". Attlee
cables next day "begging" Nehru not to let his answer to Maharaja's
appeal for aid "take the form of armed intervention"
and suggests tripartite meeting of Prime Ministers of India, Pakistan
and Maharaja to settle problem.
Indian government decides on 26 October to rush troops to Kashmir,
requiring Maharaja to accede to India and instal Shaikh Abdullah
as head of administration. Maharaja's letter offering
accession, drafted for him by Indian official, V.P.
Menon, is preceded by Governor General Mountbatten's letter of
acceptance, drafted by same hand; the two letters are given dates of 26
October and 27 October respectively. Mountbatten's letter
provides that "as soon as law and order have been restored
in Kashmir and her soil cleared of the invader, the
question of the State's accession should be settled by a reference to
the people".
27
October 1947 Indian troops are flown to Srinagar, early on the morning
of 27 October. First contingent encounters advancing
detachment of Azad forces at a place 24 miles from Srinagar
and is eliminated. Mountbatten personally supervises
planning of Indian military operations.
October
1947 (continued) Khurshid Anwar and his comrades are unable to maintain
discipline on disparate elements comprising Azad forces after they capture
Baramulla. A large body of tribesmen-volunteers go on rampage in town
and indulge in looting. Anwar sends for tribesmen’s
religious leader to urge them to desist. Disorderly
elements are withdrawn to tribal territory. Anwar with a small
band while Anwar presses forward to Srinagar, advancing to a few miles
from Srinagar airfield, but retreats on finding airfield
well-guarded.
General Gracey, British acting Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan army,
warns Pakistan Government on 24 October of "chaos in Kashmir" and urges
that tribal leaders in Kashmir be "told categorically
that policy of Pakistan government is strict neutrality".
News of planned Indian military operation reaches Pakistan
army headquarters on 26 October but information not passed on to Governor
General Jinnah until evening of 27 October.
Immediately on receipt of it, Jinnah orders General Gracey to despatch
regular Pakistan troops to Kashmir to rectify situation. Gracey responds
that action requires approval of Field Marshal Auchinleck,
India-Pakistan Joint Supreme Commander. Auchinleck flies
next morning to Lahore and represents to Jinnah that
despatching Pakistan army to Kashmir will necessitate withdrawal of
all British officers from the army and spell virtually total disorganisation.
Auchinleck suggests that, instead, Jinnah invite Mountbatten and Nehru
to Lahore in order to achieve peaceful settlement. Auchinleck's
suggestion is backed by Pakistan cabinet which recommends
to Jinnah to withdraw his order.
On return to Delhi, Auchinleck impresses on Mountbatten that Jinnah is
enraged at what he regards India's "sharp practice" and that Mountbatten
and Nehru should meet Jinnah in Lahore immediately to
come to an agreement. In view of prospect of peaceful adjustment
by decision at summit conference, Jinnah accepts cabinet's
recommendation and withdraws his order for despatch of troops
to Kashmir.
On 28 October, Nehru invites Pakistan government's "cooperation" in
stopping "the raiders" (i.e. Azad forces) and assures Liaquat Ali that
"accession is subject to reference to the people of
the State and their decision".
Pakistan's reply of 29 October cites Maharaja's refusal to allow an
impartial inquiry, killing of Muslims by his troops and "conspiracy ...
to create a situation for military intervention by India".
The telegram, addressed both to Nehru and to Attlee,
claims that developments have revealed "existence of a plan
for accession against will of the people possible only by occupation of
country by Indian troops". Message concludes: "Pakistan
government cannot recognise accession of Kashmir to
Indian Union achieved as it has been by fraud and violence."
Conflicting views at highest level of Indian government about proposed
conference with Jinnah. Mountbatten agreeable, Nehru most reluctant, Patel
(and Menon) vehemently opposed. Conference is postponed
until 1 November. Nehru pleads illness and is relieved
when Mountbatten lets him off. Finally, Mountbatten (accompanied
only by Ismay, his personal adviser) flies to Lahore to meet Jinnah.
Nehru communicates to Liaquat Ali on 31 October that Kashmir's
accession has been accepted on condition that as soon as law and order
have been restored "the people of Kashmir would themselves
decide the question of accession". He adds: "Our
assurance that we shall withdraw our troops from Kashmir
as soon as peace and order are restored and leave the decision regarding
the future of the State to the people of the State is not merely a pledge
to your government but also to the people of Kashmir
and to the world".
November
1947 Nehru repeats the same undertaking in a radio broadcast on 2 November.
"We have declared that the fate of Kashmir is ultimately to be decided
by the people ... We will not, and cannot back out of
it. We are prepared when peace and law and order have been
established to have a referendum held under international
auspices like the United Nations. We want it to be a fair and just reference
to the people, and we shall accept their verdict."
1948
On 1 January, India lodges a complaint with the Security Council
alleging that a situation, continuance of which is likely
to endanger peace and security, has developed between
India and Pakistan owing to aid which invaders across
Pakistan into the State of Jammu and Kashmir are receiving from Pakistan.
India places their number augmented by Pakistan nationals
at 19,000. The letter stresses that India is not using the
"State's immediate peril for her own political advantage"
and repeats that once the State has been "cleared of the invader and normal
conditions restored, its people would be free to decide their future by
recognised democratic method of a plebiscite or referendum
which, in order to ensure complete impartiality,
might be held under international auspices". The complaint
requests the Security Council to ask Pakistan to desist from course it
has chosen.
Gopalaswamy Ayyangar , India’s representative, when presenting his
government’s case to the Council on 15 January, states: “The
question ... whether she (Kashmir) should withdraw from her
accession to India, and either accede to Pakistan or
remain independent with a right to claim admission as a Member of
the United Nations - all this we have recognised to be a matter for unfettered
decision by the people of Kashmir.”
Following President’s consensus statement, Council members work
on draft resolution contemplating simultaneous withdrawals
of tribesmen and Indian troop, setting up a neutral
administration and holding plebiscite under United Nations
control.
February-May
1948 In early February, at crucial stage of Security Council’s consideration
of the dispute, India asks for suspension of proceedings
expression dissatisfaction with trend in the Council. Council
members, notably Phillip Noel-Baker of Britain (later
a Nobel Peace laureate) and Warren Austin of the United States protest.
It seems, Austin says on 10 February that “what
he (Indian representative) desired ... was that
the Council should take up a position which would amount to that of
an ally in a war ... and allow India to finish the job by force against
the tribesmen. That is the very last position
which the Council ought to take.”
Mountbatten helps India bring pressure on Britain to help modify
proposals under Council’s consideration.
On 21 April, Council adopts comprehensive resolution instructing United
Nations Commission (membership raised to five) “to proceed at once”
to subcontinent with mandate to bring about cessation
of fighting and “necessary measures”
for holding plebiscite. Resolution recommends demilitarisation of the
State (except minimum forces required for law and order) “equitable”
share of major political groups in government, establishment
of Plebiscite Administrator headed by a nominee of Secretary
General and return of all displaced persons.
On 30 April, Pakistan states that measures envisaged in Council’s
resolution “are not adequate to ensure an impartial plebiscite”.
On 7 May, India voices objections to Council’s
recommendations. Both parties, however, agree to confer
with United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP).
With end of winter and roads no longer snow-bound, India poised on
large-scale military offensive to capture Muzzafarabad. Gen. Gracey, commander-
in-chief of Pakistan Army, makes urgent request to his government to permit
Pakistan’s regular forces, in limited strength, to enter Kashmir
to prevent “an easy victory of the Indian army”.
To forestall grave danger to Pakistan, Gen. Gracey states,
India cannot be “allowed to sit on the doorsteps of Pakistan”
and “to advance beyond the general line Uri-Poonch-Naushehra”.
Pakistan moves in three army brigades with strict instructions
to take defensive positions behind Azad forces and not
to take part in battle unless Indian troops break through. No air
cover is provided to Pakistan forces, lest fighting escalate to India-Pakistan
war.
May-June
1948 On 18 May, Indian army launches offensive on Uri front, advancing
half- way to Chakothi on 20 May. “Our advance petered
out on the Uri-Domel road,” says a senior Indian
commander (Kaul) The halt on 21 May seems to be caused
by strategic points being tightly held by Azad forces in the wooded, mountainous
area and the risk of scattering Indian strength in assaulting different
positions. Fighting, however, continues sporadically
on this front (of principal political importance) but
steadily elsewhere.
July
1948 UNCIP arrives in subcontinent on 7 July after delay (never explained)
of 76 days since passage of Security Council resolution
instructing it “to proceed at once”. Enters
into intensive negotiations with both governments at highest level towards
formulating an agreement to a ceasefire and synchronises withdrawal of
all regular Pakistan forces and bulk of Indian forces (constituting
a truce between the two sides) and reaffirmation of
their common wish that “future status of the State shall
be determined in accordance with the will of the people”.
Large number of arrests in Srinagar by Indian-sponsored government
(headed by Shaikh Abdullah) to prevent any formal representation being
made by people’s delegations to UNCIP members
during their projected visit to Kashmir. Arrests include
those of wives of already imprisoned political activists. “Simple,
modest, humble Kashmiris” in the words of Joseph Korbel (Chairman
of UNCIP) “with tears in their eyes” secretly
approach UNCIP members and “beseech them to undo
the wrongs, to stop the political terror and to make it possible for them
to choose freely”. Simmering resentment, especially
in Valley.
13
August 1948 UNCIP adopts resolution (see Appendix -) which is a draft
agreement between India and Pakistan and submits it
to both governments.
August-October
1948 On 20 August, Prime Minister Nehru addresses letter to UNCIP
Chairman saying that his government “have decided to accept the
resolution”. Acceptance is based on India’s
understanding (stated in letter) of several of resolution’s
key terms.
Foreign Minister Zafrulla Khan of Pakistan seeks “elucidations”
from UNCIP of its proposals and of explanations it has
supplied to India and expresses reservations about ambiguity
concerning specific nature of conducting plebiscite.
UNCIP decides to return to Geneva to prepare interim report to Security
Council .
Indian forces launch determined offensive in Poonch, lifting the
siege of the main town and overrunning Mendhar and also,
in an operation involving use of tanks at altitudes
of 10,000 feet or more, capture Kargil.
November
1948 Security Council meets on 25 November in Paris to consider UNCIP’s
report but is informed that talks are continuing with Indian and Pakistani
representatives relating to UNCIP resolution of 13 August.
December
1948 On 11 December, UNCIP supplements its resolution with provisions
regarding conduct and conditions of contemplated plebiscite. Both India
and Pakistan accept the UNCIP proposals along with resolution
of 13 August. Acceptance is conveyed in communications
dated 23 December (from India) and 25 December (from
Pakistan). These proposals as agreed to by both governments
are embodied later in UNCIP resolution of 5 January 1949 (see appendix
-). The peace plan contemplates three stages of settlement:
first, ceasefire, second, truce (synchronises withdrawals
of forces on the two sides), third, plebiscite.
Joint acceptance of peace plan comes at time when after reverses suffered
by Azad forces, Pakistan army has launched an operation at a vital point
(Beri Pattan bridge) to sever India’s line of
communications. Operation is halted on Gen. Glancey’s
orders.
1 January
1949 Ceasefire takes effect on all fronts “pursuant to the
agreement arrived at as provided for in UNCIP resolution
of 13 August 1948”.
Relief and joyful expectancy at popular level (especially in Kashmir)
is dampened by scepticism in knowledgeable circles about
prospect of implementation of peace plan.
February-March
1949 On 4 February, UNCIP returns to subcontinent to draw up true
agreement between India and Pakistan. In advance of agreement, Pakistan
withdraws all tribesmen and Pakistani nationals from Kashmir. Some thinning
of forces takes place on both sides. Final exchange
of POWs (along with a dozen prominent political prisoners
in Indian-held Kashmir is arranged through International
Red Cross between 10 and 13 January.
Truce Committee of UNCIP obtains agreement on cease-fire line on 18
March.
Admiral Chester Nimitz (a US war hero) is nominated as Plebiscite
Administrator by UN Secretary General on 22 March, his formal induction
into office to take place on completion of withdrawal
of forces according to jointly agreed schedule.
These auguries of progress towards settlement begin to fade in atmosphere
thickened with controversy. Divergent interpretations of the international
agreement (embodied in UNCIP resolutions) put forth as “elucidations”
of the agreement provided by UNCIP to the two sides
are published.
UNCIP convenes meeting in March of representatives of the two parties
at which they are invited to present for discussion their
proposals for truce. Pakistan presents a paper suggesting
framework within which, subject to agreement, the high
commands of the two armies can work out together a detailed and
synchronised withdrawal programme and Pakistan forces would be withdrawn
within three months. India does not submit any plan to joint discussion
and agreement.
April
1949 On 28 April, UNCIP formulates “truce terms” - i.e.
programme of demilitarisation - and communicates them
to the two governments.
Indian demands (a) disbanding and disarming of Azad Kashmir forces as
condition for phasing withdrawal of bulk of Indian troops
and (b) acceptance of principle that Indian troops garrison
important strategic points in the northern areas. India
further requires that programmes of withdrawal of Indian forces agreed
upon with UNCIP should not be communicated to Pakistan
until Truce Agreement has been arrived at.
Pakistan declares its readiness to withdraw all Pakistan troops from
Kashmir as soon as schedule of withdrawal of “bulk” of Indian
forces is known “on the basis of which a synchronised
withdrawal of the two armies could be arranged”.
Regarding disposition of Azad Kashmir forces, Pakistan suggests that
as the issue corresponds to disposition of Kashmir State forces on the
other side, Plebiscite Administrator (whose mandate
under jointly-accepted resolution of 5 January 1949
includes disposal of all forces in Kashmir) be associated with
discussion to evolve an agreement even before his formal induction into
office.
July
1949 On 9 June, under auspices of UNCIP and on its initiative, Ceasefire
Line Agreement is signed in Karachi by military
representatives of India and Pakistan along with representatives
of UNCIP. Karachi Agreement demarcates ceasefire line
and provides (in accordance with resolution of 13 August 1948) that “UNCIP
will station observers where it deems necessary”. Agreement is promptly
ratified by both governments, United Nations Military
Observers’ Group (UNMOGIP) present. Since ceasefire,
is now provided strengthened legal foundation.
August
1949 As logical sequel to Karachi Agreement. UNCIP proposes tripartite
meeting at political level on 17 August to conclude Truce Agreement stipulating
programme of withdrawal of forces. Meeting is cancelled in view of persisting
differences between the two sides.
On 26 August, in effort to end stalemate, UNCIP makes formal proposal
that the two governments agree to submit to arbitration by Admiral Nimitz,
Plebiscite Administrator-designate, all questions at issue between them
regarding implementation of Part II of UNCIP resolution
of 13 August 1948 (listing truce terms), the arbitrator
“to decide these questions according to equity”. UNCIP
makes clear that arbitration will not affect objective of demilitarisation
and free plebiscite and that it will “terminate
once the truce terms are agreed upon”.
On 20 August, US President Truman and British Prime Minister Attlee
issue joint appeal to India and Pakistan to accept UNCIP proposal for
arbitration.
September-October
1949 As demonstrative of world leadership interest in peaceful
settlement of Kashmir dispute, Truman-Attlee appeal quickens hope
in Kashmir aroused earlier be ceasefire but dashed by
tortuous course of later negotiations.
Pakistan responds to UNCIP proposal with a one-sentence letter of
acceptance.
India rejects proposal mainly on ground that question of Azad Kashmir
forces “cannot be leftto the decision of an arbitrator”. UNCIP
replies to this contention on 10 September: it points
out that “both governments have agreed to large-scale
disbanding and disarming of their forces” and “the difference
that has arisen on this matter has not been one of substance
but of scope, method and timing” and that “arbitration
would apply to this aspect only”. Unconvinced, India
expresses surprise and disappointment at UNCIP suggesting a procedure
India calls “novel and without precedent”.
This spells end of UNCIP’s labours. In its final report (submitted
some weeks later), it recommends Security Council appoint
a representative, rather than a commission, to help resolve
contentious issues between the two governments.
Kashmir dispute runs along a two-track course. At formal diplomatic
level, negotiations via United Nations continue with focus on establishing
conditions for a fair plebiscite. At domestic level, India pursues systematic
policy of integrating Indian-held Kashmir with
India and thus seal Maharaja’s accession. On 17 October,
Article 370 is inserted in Indian Constitution giving
Kashmir certain special rights not available to other states of India.
December
1949 Following UNCIP’s final report, Security Council on 17
December requests its President, Gen. A.G.L. McNaughton
(Canada) to mediate between the parties and find a “mutually
satisfactory basis for dealing with the Kashmir problem”.
Gen. McNaughton formulates his proposals on 22 December.
Comprehensive in scope, they seek “to preserve the substantial measure
agreement on fundamental principles already reached”
between the parties “under the auspices of the
United Nations”. They affirm the objective of determining “the
future of Jammu and Kashmir by the democratic method of free and impartial
plebiscite to take place as early as possible”. In an effort
to cut through the tangle of controversies about implementation
of UNCIP plan, McNaughton’s proposals contemplate
“an agreed programme of progressive demilitarisation ... on either
side of the cease-fire line to withdrawal, disbandment and disarmament
in such stages as not to cause fear at any point on
both governments to reach agreement by 31 January 1950
on progressive steps to be taken in reducing and redistributing
the forces to the minimum level “complete with the maintenance of
security and of local law and order”.
The Plan envisages the appointment of a United Nations Representative
authorised to supervise demilitarisation and “to make any suggestions”
to the two governments “likely to contribute to the expeditious
and enduring soultion of the Kashmir question.”
This broadens scope of United Nations mediation.
Pakistan accepts NaCnaughton proposals while suggesting minor
alternation in wording to make paragraph conform to terms of UNCIP resolutions.
India formulates its objections to them in the form of “amendments”
which would radically change their scheme: it does not
countenance what it regards as equality of states between
Indian-sponsored government and Azad Kashmir regime
which is implied in execution of a balanced or symmetrical
demilitirisation plan. it also insists on tetaining Kashmir state forces
after demilitirisation.
January
1950 Gen. MaCnaughton begins earnest mediation effort but finds
positions of parties wide apart.
February
1950 On 3 February, Gen. MaCnaughton reports to Security Council
that “further actvity” on his part will
not “serve any useful purpose”, but emphasises
urgency of working out solution of problem.
March-April
1950 Security Council adopts resolution of 14 March reflecting intention
of MaCnaughton proposals. It appoints a UN Representative
to replace UNCIP and calls upon India and Pakistan to
prepare and execute within five months “a programme
of demilitirisation” on basis of MaCnaughton proposals or on
“mutually agreed modifications thereof”. On 12 April, Security
Council appoints Sir Own Dixon, eminent jurist from
Australia, as UN Representative. Appointment is
accepted by both parties.
June-July
1950 Owen Dixon conducts intensive neogtiations with governments
of India and Pakistan and also meets Shaikh Abdullah
in Srinagar and Ghulam Abbas in Muzafferabad. he is
struck by peculiar nature of situation: the two governments
acknowldedge objective of plebiscite but disagree on measures necessary
for it. India takes stand that Pakistan is an “aggressor”
and should be so declared, that there must be “no
impairment of, or prejudice to, the recognition of the sovereignty of
the State of Jammu and Kashmir” (meaning the Indian-sponsored regime)
and that its authority should be recognised on both sides of the ceasefire
line.
In a concession to India in view of its rejection of the UNCIP truce plan,
Dixon puts forward a plan whereby “the first step in demilitirisation
should consist in withdrawal of Pakistan regular forces commencing
on a named day” and “after a significant
number of days from the named date, other operations on each side of
ceasefire line should take place and as far as practicable, concurrently”.
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali of Pakistan questions reasoning
behind the proposition but “expresses his readiness
to accept” it “in compliance with” Dixon’s “request”.
India, however, raises a number of objections to the rest of Dixon’s
proposals; these persist even after Dixon provides
certain satisfactions to India with regard to her arguments
over status of Azad Kashmir. Dixon notes that India does not
“put forward any suggestion for amendment” of his plan “or
offer any alternative solution ”.
After shuttling between the two capitals, Dixon convenes summit meeting
of the two Prime Ministers in his presence in Delhi from 20 to 24 July.
This is the highest point of face-to-face negotiationsunder
UN auspices over Kashmir.
At the conference, Dixon formulates three plans for placing entire State
under one administration which would be collectively impartial and amd
thus for removing all difficulties arising from “division
of the State by the ceasefire line as a political boundary
during period of the plbebiscite”. The single administration
would alternatively be composed of coalition of Indian-sponsored regime
and Azad Kashmir Movement, of “trusted persons outside
politics” or of United Nations representatives
. “None of the suggestions,” he says “commended themselves
to Prime Minister of India.”
“In the end,” says Dixon, “I became convinced that India’s
agreeement would never be obtained to demilitirisation
in any such form or to provisions governing the period
of the plebiscite of any such charter as would ... (guard)
against intimidation and other forms of influence and abuse ...”
With this line of negotiation blocked, Dixon tries an imaginative approach.
He suggests “holding a partial plebiscite including or consisting
of the Valley of Kashmir and partitioning the remainder
of the State” between India and Pakistan according
to already known wishes of different zones of the State. Pakistan
expresses fear that attending a conference to consider this plan may mean
abandoning demand for overall plebiscite in advance of agreement on an
alternative plan. India agrees to attend such a conference. However, while
Dixon is trying to assure Pakistan that its claim will remain
unaffected as long as an alternative agreement does
not emerge, India raises objections to his plan. “I came
to the conclusion,” says Dixon “that it would be impossible
to give effect to doctrines formulated by India in objection
to any plan for partition and a limited plebiscite which
I could ask Pakistan to accept.”
These doctrines stem partly from India’s contention that Pakistan’s
position is that of an aggressor in Kashmir. As a jurist, Dixon deals
deftly with this contention. In the first place, he
says in effect, he is not mandated to adjudicate
the claim. Secondly, even if he assumes that Pakistan has acted in
breach of international law, how can that detract from recognition of
Pakistan’s interest in Kashmir which is implied
in agreement to the principle of plebiscite? The claim,
whether factual or otherwise, is wholly devoid of relevance to Kashmir
problem’s settlement.
In his report to Security Council, Dixon states, “If there is any
chance of settling the dispute over Kashmir by agreement
between India and Pakistan, it now lies in partition and is
some means of allocating the Valley rather than overall
plebiscite.”
On
15 January, Pakistan in its reply refutes Indian charges but concedes
that some "independent tribesmen and persons from Pakistan are helping
the Azad Kashmir government in their struggle". It files 10 counter-charges
against India accusing it of having "obtained the accession of Kashmir
through fraud and violence and large-scale massacre of Muslims". Pakistan
requests Security Council to appoint a commission to "arrange for the
cessation of fighting in Jammu and Kashmir and the withdrawal of all outsiders,
whether belonging to Pakistan or the Indian Union". It also calls for
a plebiscite when these steps have been taken "to determine whether the
State should accede to India or Pakistan".
On
17 January, Security Council in preliminary move, asks both governments
to recognise urgency of situation, take measures to improve it and report
progress. On 20 January, Security Council sets up three-member Commission
to investigate the two complaints.
On
28 January, President of Council states that “the three ideas”
viz. (a) question of accession to be decided by plebiscite, (b) the plebiscite
to be conducted under conditions ensuring complete impartiality and (c)
hence to be held under the aegis of United Nations “are not disputed
between the parties”.
A
White Paper issued by Government of India on 10 August states: "The Government
of India are firmly of the view that whatever sovereign rights reverted
to these (princely) States on the lapse of paramountcy, that is to say
when the British sovereignty ceased to operate, they vest in the people
and conditions must be created in every State for a free and unfettered
exercise of these rights."
On
13 August, Security Council passes resolution calling for ceasefire, truce
and plebiscite and acceptance of certain principles. Pakistan agrees to
withdraw troops and use its best endeavours to secure withdrawal of tribesmen
and Pakistan nationals. Resolution says pending final solution, territory
evacuated by these troops will be administered by local authorities under
close Commission supervision. This is ipso facts recognition of Azad Kashmir
government as "local authority". Once Pakistan troops and national are
gone, India to begin to withdraw "bulk of its forces" in stages. Pending
final settlement, India to maintain remaining forces for law and order.
India and Pakistan asked to reaffirm commitment to plebiscite and to enter
into consultations with Commission to determine fair and equitable conditions
for free expression of people's will. India accepts while Pakistan expresses
reservations regarding specific nature of carrying out of plebiscite.
After extensive negotiations, on 11 December both governments accept resolution
which calls for free and impartial plebiscite in State, appointment of
a Plebiscite Administrator, re-establishment of political and human rights
and return of refugees. Question of final disposal of armed forces in
State to be solved by Plebiscite Administrator in consultation with the
two governments. Both governments agree to ceasefire in State from 1 January
1949 and appointment of 36 UN observers.
1949
Ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir takes effect on 1 January.
On 5 January, UNCIP meeting in New York adopts formal resolution embodying
agreed proposals including plebiscite in State.
On
4 February, Commission returns to subcontinent to resume discussions.
Truce Committee begins work on 9 March. It is reported that up to 8,000
tribesmen are being withdrawn from Kashmir in accordance with UNCIP resolution
of 13 August 1948. Two Pakistani battalions and some Indian air force
units all pull out. Final exchange of POWs is arranged with help from
International Red Cross. General agreement on permanent truce line is
reached on 12 March and implemented on 18 March.
Admiral Chester W. Nimitz of the US Navy is nominated as Plebiscite
Administrator by UN Secretary General on 22 March. His formal appointment
to take place by Jammu and Kashmir government after acceptance of permanent
truce agreement and settlement of plebiscite details. But difficulties
arise soon after on question of disbandment of Azad Kashmir forces, withdrawal
of troops and control of State's Northern Areas (Gilgit and Baltistan).
Pakistan contends that disbandment of Azad Kashmir troops, it has been
given to understand, is to take place at plebiscite stage and objects
to India's attempt to raise this and other issues at truce stage.
On
9 June, Maharaja Hari Singh abdicates in favour of son, Karan Singh.
On
27 July, military representative of the two governments meet in Karachi
and reach full agreement on ceasefire line (CFL) which the two governments
ratify.
Meeting
between Indian and Pakistani representatives is fixed for 22 August at
New Delhi by Commission but is called off owing to disagreement of agenda.
While India insists on inclusion of question of Northern Areas and disbandment
of Azad Kashmir forces, Pakistan opposes it. UNCIP submits to the two
governments on 29 August proposal with regard to settlement of differences
about truce agreement. President Truman and Prime Minister Attlee also
appeal for its acceptance, but while Pakistan accepts, India rejects it,
also making it clear that it resents outside interference.
When
UNCIP resolution of 13 August 1948 was adopted, disbandment of Azad Kashmir
forces was considered a matter of detail their number being insignificant
and their organisation loose. However, by now they are in control of large
areas of Azad Kashmir. India insists their disbandment is vital to taking
next step on road to settlement and maintains there is no distinction
between Pakistan and Azad forces. It insists that agreement on disbandment
and disarming of Azad forces be reached before India will withdraw the
bulk of its army.
Pakistan
demands strict adherence to terms of 13 August resolution which does not
consider Azad Kashmir forces part of truce agreement, its interpretation
being that this question will come up when final disposal of forces remaining
on Indian side comes to be considered.
In
a clarification of 13 August resolution UNCIP provides to Pakistan both
orally and in writing, it states: "The resolution does not contemplate
the disarming or disbanding of the Azad Kashmir forces."
India
argues that first step under 13 August 1948 resolution is unconditional
withdrawal of regular Pakistan troops which it says entered Kashmir after
Indian complaint placed before Security Council and as such constitute
and act of aggression. Also says Pakistan has no right to be advised on
nature and timing of withdrawal of Indian forces which is a matter between
Indian and Commission.
Pakistan
maintains that withdrawal of forces should be synchronised and so arranged
as to keep a balance between remaining forces and argues that unless it
knows how many Indian troops are being withdrawn, it cannot be in position
to maintain desired balance or synchronisation. Commission fails to reconcile
the two positions.
India
also insists that Northern Areas are part of State and after Pakistani
forces and irregulars pull out, responsibility for administration should
revert to Jammu and Kashmir government and for defence to India. Pakistan
considers area "evacuated territory" claiming that it has been under its
control. While Commission does not confirm Pakistan's viewpoint, it points
out that induction of Indian troops into area will lead to renewal of
hostilities as local population has been in active and organised resistance
to Indian army.
Commission
recommends Security Council designate a single individual with broad authority
to help resolve contentious issues between the two governments.
On
17 October Indian Constituent Assembly adopts Article 370 giving Jammu
and Kashmir certain special rights and privileges not available to other
states of Union.
On
22 December Gen. A.G.L. McNaughton, President of the Security Council,
transmits a proposal to India and Pakistan providing "a basis for an agreed
programme of demilitirisation" as in his view the area of disagreement
is confined to various stages of withdrawal preceding plebiscite. His
proposal brings in the militia, Azad Kashmir force and Northern Areas
in demilitirisation programme, with Northern Areas continuing to be administered
by existing local authorities, subject to UN supervision and Pakistan
providing assurance to India of "adequacy of arrangements to prevent tribal
incursions". Proposal requires India and Pakistan to confirm further inviolability
of ceasefire line and calls for investing UN Representative with authority
to "make any suggestion" to the two governments "likely to contribute
to expeditious and enduring solution". Both Pakistan and India proposed
amendments to proposal which are found to be mutually unacceptable. While
India demands disbandment and disarming of Pakistani irregulars and Azad
forces, it wishes continuance of armed forces and militia of Jammu and
Kashmir state which it considers lawful as against Azad Kashmir government
which it does not wish to enjoy identical status.
1950
Gen. McNaughton informs Security Council on 3 February that "I do
not believe further activity on my part would serve any useful purpose"
and asks Council to take it from there.
On
14 March, Security Council decides to appoint a UN Representative to take
over UNCIP's functions and asks India and Pakistan to prepare and execute
within five months "a programme of demilitirisation" on basis of McNaughton
proposals or on "mutually agreed modifications thereof".
Security
Council appoints Sir Own Dixon of Australia as UN Representative on 12
April whose appointment is accepted by Pakistan and India on 15 May and
1 June respectively. UNCIP formally ceases to exist on 31 May.
Dixon travels to Pakistan and India and spends May to July conferring
with the two governments. From 7 June to 12 July, he tours Jammu and Kashmir
State. In his report to Security Council on 15 September, he confesses
there are strange features charceterising situation. While both governments
agree on a general plebiscite, they cannot agree on even preliminary measures.
India, he reports, considers Pakistan "an aggressor" with "no locus standi"
and whose troops have "no title to be in the State" and further that "during
the period of preparation for and taking of the plebiscite the territory
to the West of the ceasefire line should not be under the immediate governmental
authority or direction of Pakistan or be administered by the Azad Kashmir
government. There must be no impairment of, or prejudice to, the recognition
of the sovereignty of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and over the Northern
Areas ..."
At
Dixon's suggestion, Prime Minister of India and Pakistan meet in New Delhi
from 20 to 24 July but have no "affirmative plans or proposals to
make". His attempt at achieving demilitirisation fails because of fundamental
differences between the two sides with India not willing to dilute its
position that since Pakistan is the aggressor, its troops as well as those
of Azad Kashmir have any right to be in the State. Dixon records: "No
alternatives were suggested, and no solution of the difficulties was put
forward by either party."
India
violates UNCIP resolution of 13 August 1948 when it insists that no authority
other than that of the State should be recognised on the other side of
ceasefire line when above resolution part II A 3 provides for administration
of evacuated territory by "the local authorities under the surveillance
of the Commission".
Dixon's
three proposals for interim administration of entire State are rejected
by India. He states in his report: "In the end I became convinced that
India's agreement would never be obtained to demilitirisation in any such
form, or to provisions governing the period of the plebiscite being conducted
in conditions sufficiently guarding against intimidation and other forms
of influence and abuse by which the freedom and fairness of the plebiscite
might be imperilled."
Dixon
proposes plan partitioning some parts of the State between India and Pakistan
and holding plebiscite in Valley. "I considered that unless it was by
a partition of the State either outright, or combined with a partial plebiscite
limited to an area which included the Valley of Kashmir, no agreed settlement
of the Kashmir dispute could be brought about."
India
agrees to attend conference with Pakistan Prime Minister to discuss Dixon
plan but Pakistan declines as it considers it departing from claim that
fate of entire State should be decided by overall plebiscite and does
not wish to abandon that claim by attending proposed conference. India,
for its part, advances territorial demands that Dixon finds "to go much
beyond what according to my conception of the situation was reasonable".
Dixon continues efforts to get the two sides together but is frustrated
with India insisting "that Pakistan is an aggressor and it would be to
surrender to aggression to allow her any part in the plebiscite" In his
words: "Indeed, I came to the conclusion that it would be impossible to
give effect to doctrines formulated by India in objection to my plan for
partition and a limited plebiscite which I could ask Pakistan to accept."
Nehru
and Pakistan Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan agree with Dixon that there
is nothing he can do in the subcontinent and there is no hope of agreement
for plebiscite deciding fate of Valley. Dixon in his report to Security
Council concludes: "If there is any chance of settling the dispute over
Kashmir by agreement between India and Pakistan, it now lies in partition
and in some means of allocating the Valley rather than overall plebiscite
... It is now perhaps best that initiative should now pass back to the
parties."
1951-52
On 16 January, Nehru and Liaquat hold meeting in London during Commonwealth
Conference. Prime Ministers of Australia, UK, Canada, New Zealand and
Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) present. Australian suggestion about posting a
Commonwealth brigade in Kashmir and holding of limited plebiscite not
acceptable to either country, with Pakistan insisting on plebiscite for
entire state and India unwilling to countenance stationing of "foreign
troops on Indian soil". Nehru also questions two-nation theory saying
India unwilling to accept that as basis of Kashmir settlement. Attlee
refutes Nehru's contention, arguing India partitioned on religious grounds.
No agreement reached.
On
30 March, Security Council decides through resolution to appoint new UN
Representative (appointment of Dr Frank Graham of United States is announced
on 30 April) whom it requires to submit report on effecting demilitirisation
of State within three months. Resolution also refers to move, brought
to Council attention by Pakistan on 14 December 1950, by Jammu and Kashmir
National Conference vide its resolution of 27 October 1950 to convene
a Constituent Assembly to decide accession issue and affirms that action
taken by State Assembly will not constitute "disposition" of State in
keeping with UNCIP resolutions. On 29 March, Indian representatives assures
Council that "while the Constituent Assembly may, if it so desires, express
and opinion on the accession issue, it could take no decision on it ...
this opinion will not bind my government or prejudice the position of
this Council". Council asks India and Pakistan to accept arbitration to
settle their difference. Indian rejects arbitration while Pakistan accepts.
Graham
arrives in subcontinent on 30 June and is greeted by hostile, stage-managed
demonstrations in Kashmir. His three-month term stretches to nearly two
years and ends with presentation of his fifth and final report to Security
Council on 27 March 1953. Of his earlier four reports two are presented
in 1951 and two in 1952.
On
7 September 1951, Graham presents 12 proposals to India and Pakistan.
While some are acceptable to both, disagreement arises on the quantum
and disposition of troops and induction into office of Plebiscite Administrator.
Meetings take place to resolve differences at New York and Geneva but
fail to do so.
In
his revised proposals on 16 July 1952, he tries to narrow down differences
on size and disposition of troops but does not succeed. Negotiations continue
and agreement is reached on all points except size of Azad Kashmir and
Indian and Kashmir State forces to be retained on eve of plebiscite and
timing of Plebiscite Administrator's appointment. Negotiations continue
at UN and Geneva but do not reduce differences on these two points. Finally,
Graham reports failure of his mission to Security Council on 27 March
1953 and appeals to Indian and Pakistani governments to "join in negotiating
an agreement on Kashmir and thereby light a torch along the difficult
path of the people's pilgrimage toward peace".
One
of the debates on Graham's mission is marked by Soviet delegate Jacob
Malik attacking US and UK on 17 January 1952 for interference in "internal
affairs of Kashmir" and attempts to turn it into a military base against
Soviet Union. He also criticises Security Council resolution of 30 March
1951 as restricting Kashmir's right of free expression through a "democratically
elected Constituent Assembly".
On
24 July 1952, India signs agreement with Shaikh Abdullah granting a certain
measure of autonomy to State not available to other states of Union. It
also provides for abolition of dynastic monarchy. It is decided that the
Indian "Union flag will occupy the supremely distinctive place in the
State", fundamental rights guaranteed under Indian Constitution as well
as jurisdiction of Indian Supreme Court will apply to Kashmir, not only
in regard to fundamental rights but in respect of disputes between states
and between State and Centre.
On
21 August 1952, Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly passes resolution
providing for abolition of Dogra dynasty and its replacement by a constitutional
head for five-year term. Karan Singh, son of former Maharaja, appointed
head of State of Sadar-i-Ryasat by Constituent Assembly.
1953-54
Graham informs Security Council on 27 March that efforts to break
impasse between India and Pakistan on Kashmir have failed. This marks
the end of his mission.
Indian
and Pakistani Prime Ministers meet in Karachi from 25 to 27 July and agree
that a resolution of their disputes is "essential to progress in both
countries". Talks continue when Pakistan Prime Minister Mohammed Ali goes
to New Delhi - 17 to 20 August. Communiqué issued at end of meeting says
issue of Kashmir "should be settled in accordance with the wishes of the
people of that State with a view to promoting their well-being and causing
the least disturbance to the life of the people of the State". They also
agree on appointment of Plebiscite Administrator by end of April 1954.
US
Admiral Chester Nimitz is proposed for the post but Nehru demands that
Administrator should come from one of the smaller nations. Pakistan maintains
it has full confidence in "the integrity and impartiality of Nimitz.
On
9 August Shaikh Abdullah is dismissed from his post by the Sadar-i-Ryasat
at the direct instance of New Delhi which has been finding his repeated
demand for the promised autonomy irksome and, finally, intolerable. Abdullah's
successor Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad accuses him of conspiring with foreign
powers to establish independent Kashmir.
Abdullah
is arrested on ...
Direct
negotiations between India and Pakistan continue until 21 September 1954
when Pakistan Prime Minister tells Nehru his attitude leaves no
chance for a settlement and matter "must revert to the Security Council"
On 10 December 1953, Jawaharlal Nehru writes to Prime Minister of
Pakistan that because of the growing military alliance between the United
States and Pakistan, situation in Kashmir is directly affected. He writes:
"... it becomes rather absurd to talk of demilitirisation (of Kashmir),
if Pakistan proceeds in the reverse direction with the help of the United
States."
On 3 February 1954, despite Pakistan's protests, the Jammu and
Kashmir Constituent Assembly ratifies State's accession to India, describing
it as "irrevocable". Pakistan urges Nehru to repudiate the move, but he
while reiterating India's continuing commitment to plebiscite, declines
to take action.
On 1 October 1954, India and Pakistan issue White Paper on Kashmir
containing correspondence between both governments. Nehru's view that
US military aid to Pakistan has "changed the entire context of the problem"
and the problem now was not one of "demilitirisation but militirisation"
now increasingly begins to colour India's attitude towards Kashmir and
Pakistan. India also feels that it is now obliged to keep a much larger
force in Kashmir, disregarding Pakistan's assurances that US military
aid has no bearing on Kashmir dispute. President Eisenhower's reassuring
letter to Nehru on military aid to Pakistan fails to placate Indian leader.
Nehru proposes No War Declaration to Pakistan to which Pakistan says it
should contain guarantee for the two parties to abide by arbitration should
negotiations and mediation fail. This is rejected by Nehru.
1955
On 29 March, Nehru declares in Parliament in New Delhi that "Pakistan
is out of court" since it has failed to honour obligation under UNCIP
resolution of 13 August 1948 of withdrawing its forces from Kashmir. Also
hints at his opposition to plebiscite. He repeats this in more open terms
at his press conference in Indian capital on 2 April. This is followed
by Indian Home Minister declaring Jammu and Kashmir to be integral part
of India
Soviet leaders Nikita Khruschev and Bulganin declare in Srinagar
on 10 December that Jammu and Kashmir is part of India. Khruschev says:
"The question of Kashmir as one of the States of the Republic of India
has already been decided by the people of Kashmir". He sharply attacks
Pakistan and charges that its policy is "not based on the real interests
of the people and of the State, but is dictated by the monopolistic circles
of other countries." He also denounces partition of India on a religious
basis. Pakistan reacts sharply and there is also some criticism in Indian
Parliament.
1956
On 17 November, Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly adopts constitution
which includes unamenable provision about State being an integral part
- atoot ang - of India. New constitution due to come in force on 26 January
1957. It declares: "The State of Jammu and Kashmir is and shall be an
integral part of the Union of India."
1957
Five years after its last meeting and nearly 30 months of direct
though fruitless India-Pakistan negotiations, Security Council meets on
16 January to continue consideration of Kashmir issue at Pakistan's request.
On 24 January, through a resolution Council reaffirms determination
of Kashmir's future by plebiscite and declares that any action by Jammu
and Kashmir Constituent Assembly and its support by parties would not
constitute a disposition of the State in keeping with that principle.
On 21 February, Security Council asks its President, Gunnar Jarring
of Sweden to examine with the two governments any proposals likely to
promote a settlement having regard to earlier UNCIP resolutions. During
debate USSR denounces what it calls "imperialist interference" in Kashmir
and supports India and its stand. Also vetoes on 20 February resolution
which includes provision for "a temporary UN force for Kashmir". Pakistan
charges India with going back of solemn international commitments and
brutal repression in Kashmir of popular upsurge in favour of plebiscite.
India calls Pakistan "aggressor" and maintains it has no obligation to
discharge until vacation of aggression (more or less the same stand as
it has taken 38 years later in 1995). Also declares that its voluntary
effort to consult people of State already implemented through elections
to Jammu and Kashmir Assembly. Adds that UNCIP and other resolutions have
become outdated.
Jarring visits India and Pakistan from 14 March to 11 April and
submits his report to Security Council on 29 April which makes no specific
proposals as such but affirms that "the parties were still desirous of
finding a solution". Reports that on being told by India that Pakistan
has not implemented Part I of UNCIP resolution of 13 August 1948, in particular
provisions relating to agreement to "refrain from taking any measures
that might augment military potential of the forces under their control
in the State" and creation and maintenance of atmosphere favourable to
promotion of further negotiations, he suggested arbitration. Jarring's
proposal that arbitration should be limited to determining which state
has failed to implement provisions and to indicate to parties concerned
which measures they should take to arrive at full implementation is accepted
by Pakistan but rejected by India.
Jarring expresses hope that India and Pakistan agree to hold high-level
conference "without prejudice to their respective positions on the Kashmir
question". He proposes that the agenda "might include the basic differences
which the parties find to stand in the way of a settlement and such other
matters as the parties might find would contribute toward the implementation
of the resolutions of the United Nations Commission on India and Pakistan
on 13 August 1948 and 5 January 1949 and toward a peaceful settlement".
1959
State constituti On 1 April, permit system for entry to State
from India is abolished.
on is amended on 1 October to extend jurisdiction of Union Election Commission
to Jammu and Kashmir and State high court is brought at par with high
courts in rest of India.
On 15 September Pakistan President Ayub Khan holds meeting with
Jawaharlal Nehru at Delhi airport in bid to persuade India to settle Kashmir.
1960
Ayub and Nehru meet in London at Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference
in May and discuss Kashmir but without making progress towards settlement.
In September, Nehru visits Karachi and Rawalpindi and Kashmir forms
one of main topics of discussion between Ayub and him but once again this
meeting too fails to produce results.
1962-63
After an interval of four years, Kashmir returns to Security Council
at Pakistan's request which India opposes but at Pakistan's insistence,
meeting is convened on 1 February. Pakistan's delegate Zafrulla Khan draws
Council's attention to recent Indian statements which he sees as posing
threat to Pakistan's and Kashmir's security. Reference is made to call
by Indian National Congress President Sanjiva Reddy in Patna on 4 January
1962 "for liberation of areas under Pakistan's occupation in Kashmir".
Also brought to Council's notice is Indian Defence Minister Krishna Menon's
statement threat that India will "take steps to end Chinese and Pakistan
aggression in India".
India seeks adjournment of meeting owing to national elections,
while Soviet delegate says the meeting is "unnecessary and uncalled for".
Adjournment until 1 March is announced. However, next meeting takes place
on 27 April and is followed by 10 more before tabling of an Irish resolution
urging resumption of direct negotiations which is once again vetoed by
Soviet Union on 22 June.
While Zafrulla Khan stresses India's commitment to UNCIP resolutions,
Indian delegate V.K. Krishna Menon states that "accession of Jammu and
Kashmir to India was complete and final" and there is no provision in
Indian constitution for provisional or conditional accession. He calls
Pakistan an "aggressor" which does not stand on the same footing with
India. He claims that people of Kashmir have expressed their will and
solidarity for India through three general elections. He argues that Indian
acceptance of UNCIP resolutions is not a commitment but an engagement
which can only come into effect when Pakistan has withdrawn its forces
from Kashmir. Pakistan, he asserts, had no locus standi in Kashmir and
urges Council members to persuade Pakistan to "vacate her aggression".
Also holds it responsible for non-implementation of UNCIP resolutions.
He further states that India cannot submit to mediation or arbitration
and: "No power except a secession act by Indian parliament could cut Kashmir
asunder from India."
India is supported by USSR and Rumania, its Warsaw Pact ally, with
the Soviet delegate saying, "It was unrealistic to demand plebiscite and
the UNCIP resolutions were not capable of mediation." He states that Security
Council "must respect the wishes of the people of Kashmir which has irrevocably
decided to link its fate with India."
Zafrulla, speaking for Pakistan, says no unilateral obligation is
enjoined on his country to withdraw its troop from Kashmir. India, on
the other hand, is required under UNCIP resolution of 13 August 1948 to
withdraw "the bulk of her troops". He points out that these principles
have been accepted by both countries but no Truce Agreement has so far
been concluded because of Indian intransigence. He offers Pakistan's readiness
to "refer the question to any body of international standing if the responsibility
to withdraw troops begins before the drawing up of the Truce Agreement
and act accordingly".
Zafrulla draws Council's attention to "the universally accepted
principle of international law" that a nation cannot invoke its constitution
and laws to obstruct implementation of international agreements and treaties
as India is doing. Elections to Kashmir Constituent Assembly, he points
out, are no substitute for plebiscite, stressing that in its resolution
of 30 May 1951, Security Council has specifically stated that any action
by said Assembly cannot mean determination of State's future in keeping
with principles embodied in various resolutions on the subject including
those of UNCIP.
Pakistan envoy also points out that Kashmir Constituent Assembly
represents, at best, part of the State, and it is universally accepted
in law that a part cannot decide for the whole. All Council members favour
another resolution calling for resolution of Kashmir dispute through direct
negotiations but USSR threatens veto, which it duly applies on 22 June
1962, its 100th in Security Council. Heated exchanges take place, with
Zafrulla stating, "If India wants to be released from its obligations,
it should propose as much to the Security Council and seek the advisory
opinion of the International Court of Justice on all these matters: the
validity of accession, question of sovereignty and other questions in
dispute and issues not yet determined."
Six months after this inconclusive debate, India-China border conflict
breaks out with Indian army suffering major reverses and complete loss
of face at Chinese hands. US and UK rush arms to "neutral, non-aligned"
India and decide that to eliminate possibility of Pakistan taking military
advantage of India's situation to clinch solution of Kashmir, talks between
Indian and Pakistan should take place Averall Harriman of US and Duncan
Sandys of UK rush to subcontinent and persuade Nehru to have direct talks
with Pakistan on Kashmir. Joint communiqué issued in New Delhi on 29 November
1962 but everything threatens to get unraveled when next day Nehru says
status quo in Kashmir cannot be affected by forthcoming talks. Sandys
who is on his way to London via Karachi flies back to New Delhi and makes
Nehru retract statement.
Between 26 December 1962 and 16 May 1963, six rounds of talks are
held between Indian External Affairs Minister Sardar Swarn Singh and Pakistan
Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
First round at Rawalpindi - 26-29 December 1962 - is confined to
preliminaries, historical aspects and respective stands, second round
at Delhi - 16-20 January 1963 - and third at Karachi - 21-25 April
1963 - see Pakistan calling for plebiscite and India opposing it, at fourth
round at Calcutta - 12-14 March - India suggests readjustment of ceasefire
line to settle dispute which Pakistan rejects, while fifth round at Karachi
- 21-25 April - is taken up with Indian protest at recently signed Sino-Pakistan
boundary agreement under which some area of former State is ceded to China.
At sixth and final round at Delhi - 14-16 May 1963 - Pakistan proposes
plebiscite confined to Valley which it further suggests should be placed
under international control for 12 to 15 months prior to holding of vote.
If plebiscite not acceptable, then people's wishes should be ascertained
in some other form and dispute settled. India rejects both proposals.
Meanwhile much political upheaval in Kashmir with installation of
openly integrationist government in State, climaxed with mysterious disappearance
on 27 December of Prophet of Islam's hair - a much revered relic - from
Hazratbal shrine near Srinagar. Mass protests all over State with hundreds
of thousands out in streets, wailing and denouncing India and its puppet
regime in State. Holy relic just as mysteriously reappears on 4 January.
Awami Action Committee formed to recover relic demands release of Shaikh
Abdullah, withdrawal of cases against him and holding of plebiscite.
1964
Security Council meets on 3 February and holds seven meetings, last
of which on 18 May ends with summation by President of Council. Bhutto
informs members that Kashmir is in revolt against India and refers to
anti-Muslim riots in India. Indian representative M.C. Chagla counters
by restating that Jammu and Kashmir is India's integral part and UNCIP
resolutions have become obsolete and, further, that constitutional changes
to bring about Kashmir's integration with India are internal Indian affair
and Pakistan has no right to interfere or complain. Bhutto replies that
UNCIP resolutions can only be abrogated by agreement of India, Pakistan,
UN and people of Jammu and Kashmir. Points out that if UNCIP resolutions
are obsolete, so is the ceasefire which they produced. Members suggest
indefinite adjournment to enable new trends emerging to take over, especially
in view of Abdullah's release on 8 April.
Nehru invites Abdullah to Delhi and the two make up. Abdullah travels
to Pakistan on 24 May and also goes to Azad Kashmir where he confers with
its President K.H. Khurshid. It is said that Nehru has had a change of
heart on Kashmir, though others deny it - to this day. Ayub later records
that Abdullah proposed conferral arrangements between India, Pakistan
and Kashmir, which he rejected. Mirza Afzal Beg, who accompanies Abdullah
to Pakistan later tells Indian author P.L. Lakhanpal, "Various solutions
of the dispute were talked about in general terms but no preferences for
any particular solutions were indicated." However, Abdullah's mission
is aborted without any understanding on any point when Nehru suddenly
dies in Delhi on 27 May. Abdullah returns to India.
Following elder Indian statesman Jayaprakash Narayan's visit to
Pakistan in September during which he feels there is a chance of settling
Kashmir dispute, on 12 October, President Ayub Khan and Indian Prime Minister
Lal Bahadur Shastri meet in Karachi but no dramatic announcements are
made, nor is there any expression of mutual goodwill. However, it is agreed
that next contact will be at ministerial level.
On 21 December, Article 356 and 357 of the Indian constitution providing
for extension of Presidential or federal rule in Jammu and Kashmir by
India evoke strong protests in Valley and is taken exception to by Pakistan
through various communications to Security Council.
1965
In March,
Indian government permits Abdullah and Afzal Beg to make the pilgrimage
to Makkah. From there they decide to travel to Algiers via London to attend
Afro-Asian Conference -which never takes place because of coup d'etat
against regime. In London, they learn about arrest in Srinagar of 165
leaders and supporters of Plebiscite Front. Abdullah travels to Algiers
where he meets Chine's Prime Minister Zhou En-lai which causes widespread
official and public anger in India. Abdullah's passport is cancelled and
he is ordered to return. He turns down offer of Pakistani passport and
arrives in New Delhi with Beg on 8 May and is arrested and detained in
Ootacumand, thousands of miles from Kashmir. Widespread protests in Valley
and a near civil disobedience movement..
After military clashes in Rann of Kutch, separating Pakistan's Sind
province from India's marshy Kutch region. Pakistan seems to get better
of Indian troops. British mediation produces ceasefire and on 30 June
status quo ante agreement is signed and arbitration accepted in case the
two sides fail to settle differences (dispute is finally settled in July
1969).
More changes are introduced on 10 April State to integrate it further
with Indian Union. Nomenclatures are changed to bring them in line with
those prevailing elsewhere in India, with the Prime Minister now called
Chief Minister and Sadar-i-Ryasat. Earlier in January, Indian National
Congress, ruling party in Delhi, has established branch in Kashmir and
Prime Minister G.M. Sadiq has announced dissolution of National Conference
and absorption of its membership in Indian National Congress.
On 19 May, major clash occurs on ceasefire line in Kashmir and 40
Pakistani troops are reported killed. Incidents continue through June
and July. There are increasing reports of infiltration from Azad Kashmir
and Pakistan into Indian Kashmir. By first week of August, as part of
'Operation Gibraltar', an estimated 1,000 to 3,000 fighters ('infiltrators
to India; freedom fighters to Pakistan) have crossed over. A clandestine
radio station calling itself Sadai Kashmir (The voice of Kashmir) starts
broadcasting calling for uprising against Indian occupation. On 14 or
15 August, Indians attack Pakistani positions in Kargil in north Kashmir.
On 16 August, 100,000 people march on Indian Parliament and demand action
against Pakistani "aggressors". Indian army capture important positions
in Azad Kashmir's Titwal region and Uri-Poonch salient.
On 1 September, Pakistani and Azad Kashmiri troops supported by
armour cross the Pakistan-Jammu border near Chhamb and capture sizeable
territory. On 6 September, India attacks Pakistan on two fronts near Lahore
and Sialkot. Full-scale war breaks out though there is no formal declaration.
UN Secretary General U. Thant travels to subcontinent on 9 September and
after 14 days of intense fighting in which there is much loss of life
on both sides, ceasefire is declared on 23 September after Security Council
demands one.
In Security Council, Pakistan Foreign Minister Z.A. Bhutto demands
discussion of Kashmir question in near future or he will withdraw his
delegation. Both India and Pakistan feel cheated by United Nations and
western powers and this encourages USSR to step in to fill void and promote
its international peacemaking stature. On 17 September, Aleksei Kosygin
writes to Ayub and Shastri proposing that they meet in Tashkent.
Meanwhile, in Srinagar demonstrations take place with student participation
in October demanding plebiscite to decide future of State. Many leaders,
including Mirwaiz Mohammed Farooq in arrested on 10 October and many others
by 21 October.
1966
From 3 to 10 January Ayub and Shastri meet in Tashkent and reach
agreement with Soviet Union playing honest broker. Shastri dies on 11
January of heart attack. 'The Tashkent
Declaration' of 10 January does not deal with Kashmir dispute but notes
its existence. Some see it as having relegated issue to cold storage while
concentrating general improvement of relations. Withdrawal of armies behind
established international borders and ceasefire line, as laid down in
agreement, is implemented in February. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto exhibiting
open disenchantment with Tashkent begins to distance himself from what
he later denounces as a sellout of Kashmir and is finally forced to resign
in June on grounds of "ill health".
1967
Indian People's Representation Act is made applicable to Jammu and
Kashmir as part of continuing efforts to integrate State with Indian Union
and further erode Article 370 and what autonomy it conferred to Kashmiris.
Elections held in Jammu and Kashmir are almost massively rigged
by G.M. Sadiq government which has become almost totally subservient to
New Delhi. Sadiq's party, the old National Conference, now renamed is
an extension of Indira Gandhi's Congress. Plebiscite Front which is believed
to represent Abdullah's views boycotts elections.
Mirza Afzal Beg is permitted to return to his native Annantnag in
the Valley in July as is Shaikh Abdullah's wife Akbar Jahan. Maulana Sayeed
Masoodi, another detained leader, is released in December.
1968
Pakistan
continues to press for further negotiations as sequel to Tashkent through
the UN or direct talks. Possibility of no war pact is again explored but
Indian attitude remains "noncommittal and evasive", to quote Alistair
Lamb.
Jammu and Kashmir People's Convention holds session in Srinagar
under Shaikh Abdullah's leadership and looks at various options to solve
Kashmir problem.
1969
In May, Shaikh Abdullah announces entry of Jammu and Kashmir Plebiscite
Front in electoral politics. Front fares well in local elections and is
set to take part in State elections.
1970
In June, another session of Jammu and Kashmir State People's Convention
is convened by Shaikh Abdullah in Srinagar and Front policies more clearly
enunciated. A supreme government for entire State, including Azad Kashmir,
is visualised with regional authorities responsible for Valley, Jammu,
Ladakh, Northern Areas including Gilgit and Azad Kashmir. The State seen
as federally structured either becomes independent or joins Pakistan.
While Abdullah does not declare what option he favours, he admits that
in 1947 he erred by trusting Nehru. "I trusted Nehru and I never thought
Nehru would change," referring to commitment by India about accession
being provisional. Convention's basic positions are supported by Awami
Action Committee (set up at time of disappearance of holy relic from Hazratbal)
of Mirwaiz Maulvi Muhammad Farooq.
On visit to Srinagar in July, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
says, "The accession of Kashmir is part of our history, and history cannot
be reversed or changed. The Kashmir question has been settled once for
all." This clear declaration of Indian position followed by arrests of
political activists known to favour Pakistan.
An organisation calling itself Al-Fatah carries out number of acts
of sabotage in Valley, first time such actions have taken place in this
manner.
1971
Plebiscite Front led by Shaikh Abdullah is banned the Indian Home
Ministry on 14 January under Unlawful Activities Act to keep it out of
State elections.
On 30 January, Ganga, an Indian Airlines Fokker Friendship
airliner with 30 passengers and crew on board is hijacked to Lahore while
flying from Srinagar to Jammu by two young Kashmiris seeking release of
36 political prisoners in Indian-held Kashmir, asylum in Pakistan and
their families' which are still in Srinagar, safety. They release passengers
and crew who cross over into India on 1 February. Airliner set on
fire and destroyed by hijackers on 2 February before India can take decision
on their demands. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, whose party, PPP, has scored runaway
victories in Punjab and Sind in December 1970 elections, declares that
the hijackers are "two brave men" and have shown that "no power on earth
can stifle the Kashmiris' struggle for liberation. India holds Pakistan
responsible for destruction of aircraft on 3 February and one day later,
on 4 February, announces that it has suspended with immediate effect overflight
of all Pakistani aircraft, both civil and military over Indian territory.
It also demands that hijackers be surrendered by Pakistan.
Pakistan replies that the hijacking is directly attributable to
Indian repression in Kashmir and also protests against continuing hostile
demonstrations outside its Delhi mission and burning of some of its property.
Meanwhile political crisis in Pakistan deepens every day with no chance
of compromise between Shaikh Mujibur Rehman's Awami League and Z.A. Bhutto's
PPP, with Gen Yahya Khan's military regime acting most dubiously.
Meanwhile, G.M. Sadiq, Chief Minister of Kashmir calls hijacking
an Indian plot and one of the two hijackers is an Indian intelligence
agent. This is confirmed by Shaikh Abdullah one week later. People in
Pakistan and Azad Kashmir, however, continue to view hijackers as Kashmiri
heroes. Pakistan government believes entire episode has been staged to
isolate East Pakistan and make it difficult for federal authority to ship
arms and soldiers there.
On 25 March, Yahya Khan cracks down on Awami League which has for
weeks been defying federal authority and demanding transfer of power.
Army units fan out all over East Pakistan and there is much wanton killing,
some of it in revenge for atrocities committed by Bengalis against West
Pakistanis and Biharis. Hundreds of thousands of refugees pour into West
Bengal and situation goes from bad to worse each day. Indians arm and
train East Pakistanis extensively in coming months and province is plunged
into violence with no sign of a political settlement since Yahya Khan
has declared Mujib traitor. Indian infiltration increases and Pakistani
garrison is stretched out and finds itself beleaguered and short on resources.
On 3 December to relieve pressure on East Pakistan, Yahya Khan authorises
attack on India from West. This reckless operation makes no headway, but
gives India the excuse it has been looking for. Full-scale military invasion
of East Pakistan by Indian army gets underway and after some fighting
Pakistani commander Gen. A.K. Niazi surrenders on 16 December. Ceasefire
declared in West.
Yahya Khan steps down and on 20 December, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto takes
over as President of Pakistan. East Pakistan has meanwhile declared itself
independent and is Bangladesh.
1972
Between 28 June and 3 July, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Indira Gandhi meet
in Simla, India, to deal with consequences of 1971. On the night of 2
and 3 July, after what looks like a deadlock in negotiations between delegations,
the two leaders find agreement and thus comes to be signed what is known
since as Simla Agreement. On Jammu and Kashmir, the accord renames ceasefire
line as line of actual control - to reflect some minor adjustments that
are mutually agreed on - and while it pledges both sides to respect the
new line, a proviso added at Bhutto's insistence says this will be "without
prejudice to the recognised position of either side" It also commits both
countries to "further undertake to refrain from the threat of use of force
in violation of this line".
On his return to Lahore on 3 July, Bhutto announced that "on the
vital question of Kashmir too, we have made no compromise, We told them
... categorically that the people of Kashmir must exercise their right
of self-determination. This was a question which can be decided only by
the people of Kashmir. Neither Pakistan nor India had any say in this
matter." However, at Simla, no representative of the people of Jammu and
Kashmir from any side is present.
Simla Agreement also speaks of bilateral relations being governed
by principles and purposes of UN Charter and draws a distinction between
the international border between India and Pakistan and line of control
in State. India has argued since that Simla rules out referral of Kashmir
to an international body including United Nations, while Pakistan maintains
that Simla does no such thing and, in any case, bilateral agreements cannot
override international agreements.
To Pakistan, UNCIP resolutions on Kashmir remain unaffected by Simla,
while India maintains that Kashmir has to be settled bilaterally without
third party intervention as laid down in Simla Agreement.
In June, externment order passed against Shaikh Abdullah is lifted,
followed by removal of similar orders against Mirza Afzal Beg and G.M.
Shah, Abdullah's son-in-law. Begum Abdullah has already been allowed to
enter the State in April. On 19 June, Abdullah returns to Srinagar and
declares that people of Jammu and Kashmir still enjoy right to self-determination.
Of Simla Agreement, he says that neither India nor Pakistan have any right
to decide State's fate over the heads of its people. He also chides Pakistan
for demanding self-determination for Indian-held Kashmir while denying
this to Azad Kashmir. His utterances appear to suggest that he does not
consider State's accession to India in October 1947 as final.
1973
Ban
on Plebiscite Front is not renewed when it expires on 12 January.
On 17 May students in Annantnag, not far from Srinagar, protest against
a representation of the Holy Prophet in a children's encycolpaedia. By
20 May, trouble spreads to Srinagar with strikes and marches, all with
a strong anti-India flavour. Total strike in Valley with public transport
halted. Police opens fire and there are some deaths. By 27 May, 100 have
been arrested and four have died in Srinagar alone. Indian government
bans offending book all over country.
On 6 November, Prime Minister Z. A. Bhutto of Pakistan while visiting
Muzaffarabad on 10 November, makes highly critical speech about India's
failure to hold plebiscite in Kashmir. Next day, there are riots in Srinagar
over renaming of a women's college after Jawaharlal Nehru. On 8 and 10
November, Bhutto calls for complete strike in Indian Kashmir to demonstrate
where people stand on question of self-determination. There is further
unrest in entire Valley which continues for next two weeks. There are
anti-Pakistan demonstrations in Jammu. Bhutto's call is supported by Mirwaiz
Maulvi Muhammad Farooq. Abdullah chides Pakistani Prime Minister for trying
to meddle in State's internal affairs. Indira Gandhi sees it as signal
of Abdullah's malleability and decides to mend fences with him.
1974
From the beginning of 1974, series of meetings take place between
Mrs Gandhi herself, her emissaries and Shaikh Abdullah and Mirza Afzal
Beg over terms on which peace can be made with the once-estranged Kashmiri
leader. Abdullah and Indian External Affairs Minister Sardar Swarn Singh
meet several times in June, while Beg hold series of meetings with former
Indian High Commissioner to Pakistan G. Parthasarathi. On 13 November
the two agree on all terms.
On 13 July 1974, celebrated as Martyrs' Day - Yom-i-Shauhdai
Kashmir - commemorating those who died in police firing on unarmed Kashmiris
in 1931, there are serious clashes in Srinagar between Mirwaiz Farooq's
Awami Action Committee and Abdullah's supporters. The former believe that
as in the past Abdullah has sold himself to India and bartered away Kashmir's
future.
1975
On
12 February, Delhi Accord is accepted formally by Abdullah. Mrs Gandhi
makes contents public on 24 February of what has now come to be known
as 'Delhi Accord'. On 25 February, Abdullah is sworn in as Chief Minister
of Jammu and Kashmir after Congress legislative party elects him as its
leader.
The Accord, contrary to Abdullah's wishes, does not return position
as is stood before his dismissal in August 1953. Contrariwise, it implies
clearly that accession of State to India is final. The Accord's key provision
says: "The State of Jammu and Kashmir, which is a constituent unit of
the Union of India shall in its relations with the Union, continue to
be governed by Article 370 of the Constitution of India". The Union Parliament
"will continue to have power to make laws relating to the prevention of
activities directed towards disclaiming, questioning or disrupting the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of India or secession of a part
of the territory from the Union."
On 25 February, Congress party in State legislature elects Shaikh
Abdullah as leader. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto calls countrywide strike in Pakistan
and Indian Kashmir for 28 February. Response is overwhelming.
He says Abdullah, who calls himself a champion of democracy is about to
become head of government of a party to which he does not belong in an
Assembly of which he is not even a member. On 1 March Pakistan protests
to United Nations arguing that Delhi Accord violates both Simla Agreement
and UN requirements for Kashmir plebiscite. China seconds Pakistan on
12 March. Rightist Hindus in Jammu oppose Accord and call for abrogation
of Article 370 and State's full and complete absorption in Indian Union.
On 4 March, Delhi Accord receives approval of Indian lower house massively
and is passed by upper house on 13 March.
Abdullah revives National Conference on 5 July after dissolving
Plebiscite Front with himself as President.
1976
In September, Abdullah announces that he intends to bring some form
of alliance with Awami Action Committee led by Mirwaiz Farooq who has
been held for a short time in June after an anti-Abdullah demonstration.
However, the promised rapprochement never quite takes place.
1977
In March, members of Congress in Kashmir Assembly withdraw their
support from Shaikh Abdullah's administration under the urging of Delhi
which is increasingly uncomfortable with the Shaikh and openly disenchanted
with Delhi Accord of 1975.
Elections called by Mrs Gandhi - 16-20 March - produced unexpected
results: she loses and state of emergency under which she has been ruling
is lifted. Abdullah persuades Governor of Kashmir to dissolve Assembly
on 27 March and order fresh elections in order to defeat conspiracies
being hatched against him. Elections take place from 30 June to 3 July
and Abdullah's National Conference wins 47 out of 76 Assembly seats.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto overthrown in a coup by his army chief, Gen.
Zia-ul-Haq on 5 July.
1979
Riots break out in Poonch city in December 1978 and continue into
January through March against charges of nepotism by National Conference
government. Police firing kills 10 people. There are also riots in Jammu
over "regional imbalances".
In June, four parties, including one formed by Abdullah's old comrade,
Afzal Beg, form alliance against National Conference and passage of a
controversial bill that if passed can only go towards establishment of
one-party rule. Bill is passed on 29 September.
1980-81
Mrs Gandhi is returned to power in January. On 13 July, Abdullah
says, "No one would be allowed to enslave us again, whether it is India
or Pakistan." Mrs Gandhi reprimands Abdullah when they meet in Delhi on
22 July.
Abdullah nominates his son, Farooq Abdullah, as his successor on
23 January 1981 and gets him elected President of National Conference
in August. Disagreement between Abdullah and Delhi over definition of
who is or isn't a Kashmiri citizen. The Resettlement Bill which Abdullah
wants passed will practically obliterate the ceasefire line in the sense
that refugees who from Indian-held Kashmir living in Azad Kashmir obtain
right of return to State as if they are returning residents.
1982
Shaikh Abdullah dies in Srinagar on 8 September. Farooq Abdullah
takes over as Chief Minister.
1983
Relations between Farooq and Delhi deteriorate. National Conference
announces that it is fighting State election, due that year, by contesting
all 76 seats, leaving Congress (Indira group) no option but to follow
suit. National Conference sweeps Valley in May elections, winning 46 seats,
while Congress scores landslide in Jammu with 26 seats. Riots in Srinagar
with several hundred injured.
On 5-6 October, Farooq Abdullah hosts conclave of Indian opposition
parties in Srinagar
1984
Maqbul Butt, head of J&K Liberation Front hanged in Tihar jail
in Delhi. Widespread protests in Pakistan, Azad Kashmir and Valley.
Intrigue hatched against Farooq by new Governor Jagmohan - brought
in in April - leads to dismissal of his government on
2 July. Curfew imposed on Martyrs' Day, 13 July. Assembly summoned by
Jagmohan on 31 July and through defections and other methods mandate is
conferred on G.M Shah by 43 votes to zero with Farooq and his partymen
staging walkout.
1985-87
Police fire on anti-India demonstration in Srinagar of 15 August
1985, India's independence day. On 7 March, G.M. Shah government is bundled
out of office and Farooq Abdullah is returned to power on 7 November but
only after he has agreed to share power with Congress.
On 19 January 1986, 14 Muslim parties in State form United Muslim
Front. Elections are held on 23 March 1987 and Farooq wins 38 seats, mostly
in Valley, with Congress taking 24 seats from Jammu. On 27 March 1987,
Farooq is once again sworn in as Chief Minister. Widespread rigging reported
and leaders of United Muslim Front arrested.
1988
Protest march in Srinagar on 10 June against rise in power rates
is fired on. Three killed; three-day strike follows. Indian independence
day on 15 August sees city under curfew. Demonstrations in streets on
17 August at news of President Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan's death in plane
crash. Next day, four protesters shot dead by police. On 26 August three
more killed. Curfew is lifted on 27 August after 13 days.
1989
Protests against Salman Rushdie's book, Satanic Verses, lead to
massive demonstration in Srinagar. In clash with police, 50 people are
injured. Protests and clashes with police continue into March. On 3 April,
two bombs are thrown at police by crowd demonstrating against indiscriminate
arrests of Kashmiri youth. Situation remains tense and marked by unrest
and use of force by police for about one week. On 7 May Jammu & Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF) calls for four-day strike.
Gen. K.V. Krishna is sworn in as Governor in place of Jagmohan on
11 July. JKLF calls one-day strike on 19 July to protest police atrocities.
On 20 July communal clashes take place in Leh, Ladakh. On 15 August, Indian
independence day is marked by total strike in Srinagar. On 21 August,
Yusuf Halwai, a supporter of the regime, is shot dead by armed men. On
15 September, Hindu right-wing BJP leader Jia Lal Taploo is shot dead
by unknown attackers.. On 4 November, Neel Kanth Ganjoo who had sentenced
JKLF leader Maqbool Butt to death is killed. On 8 December, JKLF kidnap
Rubaiya Sayeed, daughter of Union Home Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed,
who is viewed as India's prime Kashmiri collaborator.. On 13 December
Rubaiya is released unharmed in exchange of five JKLF men detained by
authorities. Curfew is imposed in entire Valley on 15 December and five
people are killed by police.
1990
On 19 January, Jagmohan is brought back as Governor and Governor
rule is declared once again. Farooq Abdullah resigns as Chief Minister.
Jagmohan celebrates is return to power by ordering night-long house-to-house
searches in Srinagar. Protests against these excesses are dealt with sternly
and 35 Kashmiris are killed on 20 January. Two days later, eight are killed
in firing by security forces in Srinagar. Two hundred policemen protest
against killing of their comrades by Indian para-military forces. On 13
February, Lassa Koul, director of Indian television Doordarshan's Srinagar
station is killed by unknown assailants. On 16 February, Gagman dissolves
State Assembly.
Mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits begins from Valley on 1 March largely
because of Jagmohan's orders, the aim being to give situation religious,
communal colour. Thirty killed in Zakura, near Hazratbal shrine and Barzala
locality of Srinagar. On 24 March, Mir Mustafa, former Assembly member
kidnapped and killed. On 6 April, Mushir-ul-Haq, Kashmir University vice
chancellor is kidnapped with two others by J & K Students Liberation
Front. They are killed on 10 and 11 April. On 21 May, Mirwaiz Maulvi Mohammad
Farooq is killed. His funeral procession is fired on by security forces
killing 50. Three days later, on 25 May Jagmohan resigns and is succeeded
on 26 May by Girish Chandra Saxena, once security adviser to Rajiv Gandhi
and V.P. Singh.
1991
On 5 May 73 Kashmiris described by India as militants are killed
near ceasefire line. Three days later, on 8 May, up to 50 people are killed
when security forces fire at funeral procession.
1992
On 11 February, JKLF leader Amanullah Khan leads march through Azad
Kashmir in bid to cross ceasefire line. Twelve are killed in clashes.
Marchers stopped well short of line, many arrests. Fourteen innocent Kashmiris
are killed by Indian security forces near Srinagar on 14 April in retaliation
against firing at two officers. On 15 July, JKLF and Hizbul Mujahideen
which seeks accession of State to Pakistan and has clashed various times
with independence-minded JKLF, make peace and accept self-determination
as their common goal. On 14 September, Indian Prime minister states that
action has been taken against 230 security personnel for excesses against
Kashmiri civilian population.
1993
On 7 January, 40 Kashmiris killed in Sopore in retaliatory action
by Indian security forces. On 12 March, Gen. K.V. Krishna is appointed
Governor. State police go on strike on 23 April against killing of constable
Riyaz Ahmed in Indian army custody. Army disarms strikers. On 1 May, almost
entire town of Sopore destroyed by fire believed to have been started
by Indian security troops.
In April, nearly 30 parties and groups, including JKLF, join
together to form All Parties Hurriyet Conference in Srinagar, nominally
headed by Mirwaiz Omar Farooq, son of the slain Mirwaiz Maulvi Mohammad
Farooq.
Valley is plunged into crisis in October-November when Indian security
forces surround
Hazratbal shrine where Kashmiri fighters who include non-Kashmiris, probably
Afghans and Pakistanis, are hiding. The month-long siege is finally resolved
through negotiations and those holed up are allowed safe passage. During
this crisis, Hurriyet Conference gains in importance as it organises mass
boycotts, public demonstrations and protests throughout Valley to protest
siege of Kashmir's holiest shrine. Hurriyet leaders play important role
in negotiating end to crisis.
In October, US Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia Robin
Raphel in a briefing to correspondents in Washington casts doubts about
finality and even validity of instrument of accession signed by Maharaja
to join Jammu and Kashmir State to India in 1947. Raphel's words: "We
view Kashmir as a disputed territory and that means that we do not recognise
that instrument of accession as meaning that Kashmir is forevermore an
integral part of India." This causes uproar n India where US is denounced
for interference in India's internal affairs. Subsequently, on several
occasions, administration officials reiterate that US considers entire
State as disputed territory.
1994
In March, during an interview in Geneva to a Pakistani newspaper
correspondent, Indian Minister of State for External Affairs Salman Khurshid
says India does not consider people of Jammu and Kashmir party to the
dispute.
Click here to continue
|
