The levying of vassals and recruiting of mercenaries was inefficient and extremely slow. In 1467 it took over two months to muster forces for the Liege campaign, and troops often arrived after the fighting was over. The only solution was to pay for a permanent professional army. There had been a permanent ducal household guard from at least 1419. Powerful aristocrats also maintained similar, smaller bodyguards, and towns retained permanent garrisons, but there was nothing that could be called a standing army.

 In 1467, after the Liege campaign, Charles the Bold asked his captains if any of their men would be willing to continue their service beyond the normal time, in order to assure the occupation of the principality. Those who accepted were garrisoned at Liege and Maastricht and were immediately paid for 15 days, but unfortunately no records seem to exist that would tell us how long these men served.

In January 1471 war erupted in Picardy, and although peace was proclaimed in March Charles took the unprecedented step of continuing to recruit troops. In April Charles announced his intention of mustering 1,250 lances; and any men-at-arms, archers or others wishing to serve in his ordonnance, as it was called, were to gather around Arras in Artois on 15 May, with their weapons and equipment. On 20 May the duke proclaimed his wish to reinforce the number of his companies with l ,200 crossbow men, 1,250 handgunners and I,250 pikemen, who were to present themselves, fully equipped, before 1 June. On 29 June Charles went down to Dijon and announced that any men-at-arms, archers, crossbowmen, handgunners or pikemen in the two Burgundies wishing to serve should muster on 2 August, armed and equipped in accordance with 'an ordinance soon to be proclaimed'. This Abbeville ordinance of 31 July 1471, the first of three principal documents, was to mark the progress of Burgundian military power from an antiquated, inefficient feudal system to that of a modern army.

In addition to feudal levies, the town militia and foreign mercenaries, who could still be called up in time of war, Charles now had a serious force at his permanent disposal. At the same time he transformed the household troops, increasing them in 1474 to an elite force of about 40 mounted chamberlains and gentlemen, and a personal bodyguard of 126 men-at-arms and 126 archers. In 1476 the household troops consisted of 400 infantry, and the guard included four 100-strong companies of mounted English archers. On the eve of the battle of Morat the household troops alone numbered over 2,000 combatants.

The Compagnies d'Ordonnance Charles the Bold's military reputation rests mainly on this extraordinarily detailed re-organization of his armies: his compagnies d'ordonnance, although at first based on earlier models of King Charles VII of France, were to become the basis for most 16th century armies for long after his untimely death at the battle of Nancy in 1477, and may be said to have influenced the organization of all European armies in early modern times.

Charles introduced many ordinances, the first being in 1468, which dealt mainly with disciplinary measures and equipment. However, the most important and enlightening ordinances were those of 1471, 1472 and 1473 from which a remarkable picture of the life and organization of a late medieval army may be gleaned: salaries, leave, uniform, equipment, drill, inspections, flags, billeting, roll-calls, punishment -- all are laid down in the detail that reflects the direct intervention of Charles himself. It is very unusual to find Charles the Bold's military ordinances set out in full in modern history books, but as these are so important to the understanding of the organization of his armies, particularly the remarkable ordinance of St. Maximin, I have set down the contents of almost all the clauses with very little editing: (1) The Abbeville ordinance: 31 July 1471 The Abbeville ordinance dealt with the organization of the 1,250 lances that were recruited. Around the first half of the 15th century the word 'lance' came to designate not an individual by his weapon, but a group of combatants varying in number from four to nine, headed by a man-at-arms.

Although most military historians claim that the lance was purely an administrative entity, there seems to be evidence that it could well have served as a tactical unit.

In the Abbeville ordinance each lance was to consist of: one man-at-arms, with a mounted page and a swordsman (coustillier); three archers, mounted; and one crossbowman, one handgunner, and one pikeman, on foot. This gives a total for 1,250 lances of 10,000 combatants in all (pages did not fight), divided into 12 companies. It will be noted that the distinction between chevalier bannerets/bacheliers/ecuyers has been dropped: the army is becoming a professional one, no longer being based on social status, and all men-at-arms are paid the same. The equipment of certain members of the lance is prescribed: the man-at-arms must have a full armour, three horses (two being ridden by the page and swordsman), a war saddle and chamfrain, and must have blue and white plumes on his sallet and chamfrain. He was also issued with a vermilion velvet St. Andrew's cross for his armour, but we are not told how it was to be fixed.

The three mounted archers must each equip themselves with 30 arrows, a bow, a two-handed sword and a dagger. The swordsman must have a spear, a sword and a dagger, and both he and the archers were issued with a blue and white jacket bearing a red St. Andrew's cross.

As stated, the army was organized into 12 companies of 100 lances each: a company of ordinance was commanded by a conducteur (* from the Italian condottiere, which shows how much Charles was influenced by the Italians: the usual French term was capitaine) and the 100 lances were divided into tens, each group of ten commanded by a disenier. This group of ten lances was itself divided into two unequal chambres, six lances commanded by the disenier and four commanded by a chef de chambre. The chain of command stipulated that the chef de chambre was subordinate to the disenier, who must obey the conducteur. The conducteur was under the orders of the commander-in-chief.

Each company also enjoyed the services of a clerk and a trumpeter, and possibly a surgeon and a billeting officer. Salaries were as follows: Conducteur 100 francs Disenier 24 francs Chef de chambre ? Man-at-arms 15 francs Mounted archer 5 francs Handgunner 4 francs Crossbowman 4 francs Pikeman 2 patars Wages were distributed at inspections, which took place every quarter.

However, occasions are found where salaries were paid three or even four months in arrears: this does not reflect the state of Charles's treasury, but was common practice in order to encourage potential deserters to remain with the army until the next pay-day.

(2) The ordinance of Bohain en Vermandois: 13 November 1472 Besides elaborating the previous ordinance, that of 1472 called for a slight reduction in the number of troops. There were to be 1,200 men-at-arms each accompanied by a mounted page and swordsman, 3,ooo mounted archers, 600 mounted crossbowmen, 2,000 pikemen, 1,000 archers on foot, and 600 handgunners on foot. It may be seen that the composition of the lance was not always the same: however, the organization of the company and hierarchy remained unchanged, as did the salaries, apart from the pikeman, who now received four francs like the handgunner and crossbowman.

In this ordinance we are informed of the costume and equipment of the three infantrymen: The handgunner should be equipped with a sleeved mail shirt, a gorgerin (mail or plate armour protecting the throat and neck), a sallet and a breastplate. Apart from his gun, he should carry a dagger and a one-handed sword.

The archer should wear a brigandine over a padded jacket, some armoured reinforcement on his forearms, a gorget, a sallet, and must carry a long sharp dagger, a lead hammer (presumably for planting stakes) and a bow and quiver hanging behind.

The pikeman must wear a sleeved jacket reinforced with plates, and a breastplate. His right arm should be protected by more plate armour, and his left arm by a targe (a small round shield). Since he would need both hands free to wield his weapon, the targe may have been fastened to his arm.

(3) The ordinance of St. Maximin de Treves: October I473 This remarkable ordinance is by far the most complete, and involves a total re-organization of the company in the Italian style. Instead of being divided into groups of ten lances, commanded by a disenier, the company is to consist of four squadrons of 25 lances, each squadron led by a chef d'escadre. The squadron is subdivided into four chambres, each of which is composed of six lances under a chef de chambre. The composition of the lance (which is not stated) was almost certainly based on the original 1471 ordinance, and a company would have been organized as in Table B.

Table B: Company Organization, 1473

In practice, the company rarely achieved the necessary effectives, and the missing numbers were sometimes provided from the feudal levies or mercenaries not connected with the ordinances.

After the preamble, the ordinance describes how the conducteurs are to apply for their positions in writing, and their subsequent election by the duke, which is to remain in force for no more than a year. Conducteurs are responsible for selecting their chefs d'escadre and hearing their oath of loyalty to the duke.

The chefs de chambre must furnish their superior officer with a list of the names and addresses of each man under their orders. The chef d'escadre must similarly provide a list to his conducteur, who is to give one copy to the duke, if present on campaign, and keep the other in a safe place: the ordinance suggests he keep it in his hat! Billeting procedures are set down in detail: the army must wait outside the town while a billeting officer from each company, together with a man-at-arms from each squadron accompanied by three archers, make the necessary arrangements. Soldiers are not to leave their ranks during this time and may not take lodgings other than those allotted them. Any complaints are to be referred to the conducteur.

For prolonged stays, however, men may choose ,between lodging in a hostel or in private houses, with the consent of the householder in the latter case. Much space is devoted to discipline, and the conducteurs and chefs d'escadre must assure the good conduct of their men towards the population. A commissary is to be appointed to record any complaints from the civilians and make good any damage, the cost being deducted from the culprit's next pay (* It is illustrative to note that in earlier French orders concerning billeting heavy punishments were provided for billeting officers who accepted bribes from townspeople not to billet men in their property and also substantial fines for townspeople who purposely made their lodgings uninhabitable, by breaking furniture etc. It seemed to be common opinion that any civil possessions used by the armies, from beds to utensils, were as good as lost). The common practice of forcing one's host to go out and buy wine at his own expense must cease forthwith, and victuals are to be paid for at market prices. However, the town is to provide cooking utensils and bedding.

The morning of departure is to be heralded by three trumpet calls. On the first, everyone must pack his baggage; on the second the lances, chambres and squadrons must form up; and on the last call, they must assemble in their respective companies. The conducteur of each company must carry an ensign of distinctive design and colour. Each chef d'escadre must carry a cornet matching his conducteur's ensign, but marked in golden lettering respectively 'c', 'cc', 'ccc', 'cccc' for each squadron. Each chef de chambre is to wear a bannerole on his sallet, again matching his company's ensign, bearing the number of c's corresponding to his squadron, and designating the number of his chambre. Thus cccc/iii indicates the third chambre of the fourth squadron of the company. On the march everyone must keep together and carefully follow his ensign or cornet. Anyone leaving his rank to forage or pillage is to be severely punished, by loss of wages in peacetime, by loss of equipment in time of war, and if in enemy territory, by death. Deserters are of course treated most severely; and when a desertion is reported, marshals are to be sent to the offender's place of residence to await and arrest him. The army must march for two days, progressing at least five leagues daily, and may rest on the third day only if necessary.

Any man requiring leave must apply in writing to the man-at-arms under whose orders he is, giving his reasons and the length of time required. If his request seems reasonable, the man-at-arms should present his case to the conducteur for his signature. The request is handed to the chef d'escadre for a further signature, then to the chef de chambre who must sign yet again, then to the relevant man-at arms who must also sign it, and finally give it back to the original applicant. Bureaucracy certainly abounded! In peacetime, no more than five men-at-arms and 15 other soldiers from a squadron may take leave at any one time, and in time of war this is further restricted to two men-at-arms and six soldiers. Moreover, in order to discourage desertion, a man-at-arms must leave his best horses behind him, and a soldier all his fighting equipment. Any overstaying of leave is punished by the offender's loss of wages for an equal time to that of his unauthorized absence.

In order to prevent squabbles, the sharing of booty is laid down: the conducteurs are entitled to five per cent of the value of booty seized by their companies, the chefs d'escadre to two-and-a-half per cent of that seized by their squadrons, and the chef de chambre to a quarter of that taken by his chambre, but only if he was present when it was acquired.

Inspections of men and equipment are to be held every three months in the presence of commissaries and notaries. The borrowing or substitution of missing equipment (a regular practice even then, judging from legal records) is to be severely punished, and the offending equipment confiscated, half its value being paid to the accuser and half to the inspecting commissary. Pay is distributed at each inspection as follows: Man-at-arms 18 francs per month Chef d'escadre 30 pietres + 3 francs per month Archers 3 sols per day Mounted crossbowman 3 sols per day In case of death, wages due up to the time of death are to be made to the executors of the deceased.

When there is time, or when garrisoned, the conducteur and chefs d'escadre and de chambre should take a detachment of their men-at-arms into the fields, with or without armour, and train them to charge with the lance, to withdraw on command, to rally while covering one another, and to withstand a charge. The archers are to practice dismounting and shooting their bows, to manoeuvre their horses while on foot, and to advance rapidly without breaking rank. The pikemen must be made to advance in front of the archers and to kneel at the latters' command so that the archers may shoot over their heads. In this way, the ordinance declares, the pikemen will be near enough the enemy to charge them if they break rank. The archers should also practice fighting back to back or in formation, always surrounded by pikemen to protect them from an enemy charge. It is this detailed tactical drill which seems to suggest that the lance was not only an administrative unit, but could perfectly well be used on the field.

The presence of women in the army must be controlled, and the ordinance deplores the way in which some men maintain women as if they were their wives, which, we are told, leads to great argument and inconvenience. No more than 30 women are to be allowed to a company, and no man must take one as his own (* This rule was obviously overlooked in 1476 when the Swiss, looting Charles the Bold's camp after defeating him at Grandson, apparently found [to the pleasure of some, who are vividly depicted in the Swiss chronicles with their new friends] 2,000 filles de joie, far above the proportion the ordinance would have allowed for his 11,000 strong army.). There is to be no swearing, bad language or dicing.

The equipment of most of the members of the lance is given in detail. The man-at-arms must wear a full breastplate, a fauld (a skirt of metal hoops), a sallet, barbute or armet surmounted by a plume. He must be armed with a long, light lance, a sharp knife hanging on the left side of his saddle, and a mace on the right. One of his three horses must be capable of charging and wear a plumed chamfrain and bard; and the other two, for his page and coustillier (swordsman), must have cost at least 30 ecus and 20 ecus respectively. The coustillier must wear a brigandine or a split corselet 'in the German manner', a gorget (mail or plate collar), tassets (braies d'acier, literally 'steel breeches', which could also imply mail), vambraces (armour for the forearm), and gauntlets. He must be equipped with a light lance, that may be lowered for charging if necessary -- the Burgundians interspersed their coustilliers among their men-at-arms on occasions, in order to deceive the enemy as to their real numbers, which could imply that there was not much apparent difference in equipment between them, at least from a distance. He must also have a good sword and a long double-edged dagger.

The mounted archer must possess a horse worth not less than six francs, and should wear a visorless sallet, a gorget, a brigandine or a sleeveless mail shirt under a ten-layered jack. He should carry a long, sharp two-handed sword and a double-edged dagger; his doublet must not have the fashionable puffed-out upper sleeves and his forearms should be armoured in such a way as not to impede his shooting. Knee-length boots should be worn with short spurs and without pointed toes, in order to let him walk freely. Mounted crossbowmen must wear a brigandine or corselet, as the coustillier, light armour on the arms, a gorget, sallet, and the same spurs as the mounted archers. Their horses must not be worth less than ten ecus.