In the late 1980's in Minneapolis, a group of young people calling themselves Anti-Racist Action came into being after an anti-racist skinhead gang called The Baldies became overwhelmed with offers of support in their direct action, confrontational, and occasionally violent campaign against a neo-Nazi gang called the White Knights (Author Unknown). This original ARA chapter consisted of youth equally as militant in their opposition to extreme racism, but not aligned with the skinhead subculture.

ARA chapters soon spread in midwest America, largely thanks to a midwest anti-racist skinhead network called The Syndicate (Author Unknown). Soon thereafter, ARA chapters opened in California, with Canada receiving it's first chapter in Toronto in September 1992 (Author Unkown). Today, Anti-Racist Action has chapters in over 130 cities and towns in the United States and Canada, and is opening new chapters in Mexico, Colombia and Asia.

Despite its existence for over 10 years and its recent exponential growth, ARA has not been examined academically as a social movement. While ARA embodies a number of unique characteristics and circumstances, it certainly can be viewed in the framework of a new citizen movement. The choices Anti-Racist Action has made in terms of structure, strategies and tactics, as well as the outcomes of its' work, make this all the more clear and make more apparent the movement's lineage as an informal radical social movement.

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Anti-Racist Action has chosen a number of highly distinctive structural frames that serve to both mark it as significantly different from other anti-racist groups and characterize it as an informal, non-bureaucratic, highly decentralized organization. Each of the over 130 chapters operates on a non-hierarchal, consensual structure, with no formal positions of authority whatsoever. Decisions are reached by consensus or by majority vote, and each chapter is free to decide on what types of issues they will work on. The only requirement to continue as part of Anti-Racist Action is adherence to the "Four Points of Unity" a document drafted and adopted at an all-chapter ARA conference (see appendix A). Chapters communicate with each other primarily through email lists. An internal ARA Network bulletin, consisting of reports and proposals from chapters, is printed and sent out to all ARA chapters every three months. Most decisions that will affect the network as a whole are made at either an annual delegates' conference, held each spring, or at the annual all-chapter ARA gathering held each fall. This is largely the extent of any structure within the Anti-Racist Action movement. The reasons for this decentralized, non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic style have to do with reasons of ideology and resources and result in a structure that has profound impacts on strategies, tactical choices, and outcomes.

Sarah Waters has described how new citizens movements use informal, participatory forms of organization and avoid formal structures, placing

precedence on individuals and groups instead of on structure and organization (1998: 176). For Waters, these movements conceive of their members-citizens "as active participants in the political process." (Ibid.: 175). This brand of ideology is further explored by Suzanne Staggenborg, who noted that radical feminist groups in the 1970's, such as the Chicago Womens' Liberation Union, wanted to create a "non-hierarchal, democratic structure that would encourage active participation and personal growth among women and avoid domination by 'elites,'" (1989: 81) even if this meant sacrificing organizational maintenance in their rejection of bureacracy (Ibid.: 77).

These tendencies can certainly be found in ARA. The founding chapter has come out explictly as against hierarchy (Author Unknown), and in ten interviews I conducted with ARA members in different chapters, informants felt that the lack of formal hierarchy in the movement was "important," "immensely important," "tremendously important", "crucial for our work and our very survival, " and "what sets us apart from other activist groups." FOOTNOTE 1 Any decisions regarding the movement as a whole must be reached by consensus or majority vote at either of the two annual ARA conferences, though chapters are free to decide upon the direction of their own work, so long as they do not violate The Four Points of Unity.

Besides ideology, resource mobilization is likely to have played a part in determining ARA's structure. As a movement originating from marginalized youth heavily involved in the punk and skinhead subcultures, ARA had fewer resources than many social movement organizations from the outset. Lack of professionals in the membership, lack of experience with more traditional forms of organization, and a serious lack of material resources all informed ARA's structural choices and strategies, and continue to do so even now. How the movement funds its operations is indicitive of this. Aside from a one-time grant of $8,000 to hold a 1996 conference on anti-racism and youth, ARA remains entirely self-funded by producing their own concerts, selling ARA-related buttons, patches and t-shirts, (and, more recently, an ARA-benefit compilation CD) and from donations from members. ARA chapters have not only never asked for membership dues, most are vociferously against such meaures. This all means that the movement's income is marginal, erratic and highly unpredictable.

Anti-Racist Action would seem familiar to those acquainted with the more militant French anti-racist groups of recent years, such as SCALP and Ras l'Front, in that they all tend to focus on developing a militant counter-movement to extreme racists, going so far as to disrupt racist meetings and events (Waters: 173). Indeed, it is this willingness to confront extreme racists face-to-face that separates Anti-Racist Action from more moderate anti-racist groups and is

frequently their most controversial strategy. When ARA is successful at disrupting racist events, critics from moderate anti-racist organizations accuse them of things like "jumping on a bandwagon...to attempt to create disorder and take the law into their own hands" (Anonymous: 37) and refuse to support such actions (Ibid.). This schism between moderate anti-racist groups and Anti-Racist Action becomes important because of the moderates' access to the media. Having more experience with and access to media channels than ARA and perhaps seeking to minimize the potential impact of what Herbert Haines describes as a negative radical flank effect (1984: 32), moderate organizations, as well as police spokespeople (who may feel reason to fear ARA's tactics as vigilantism), use their relations with the media to disseminate the concept of who the "legitimate" and "illegimate" anti-racists are (Anonymous: 37). While ARA retorts that the moderate anti-racists' reliance on legistlation and the police is ineffective in dealing with extreme racism (Author Unknown), these are not the views seen in the newspapers and on the six o'clock news - lack of access to the media relegates this critique of moderate strategy to the self-published realm.

This lack of access to the media, as well as to the polity, when combined with a lack of resources that better-funded, grant-receiving moderate organizations with older, skilled members and volunters take for granted,

creates for Anti-Racist Action the need for the "new and alternative forms of intervention" seen by Waters in new citizens' movements (179). This may be more of a reason for ARA's strategic and tactical innovations than either their informal, decentralized structures or their multi-issue ideological approach (Staggenborg: 75) (in their sole unifying document, ARA declares their intention "to do the hard work necessary to build a broad, strong movement against racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, homophobia, anti-choice zealotry, discrimination against the disabled, the oldest, the youngest, the poorest and the most disenfranchised of our society." That "they intend to win" on such a broad number of issues necessarily calls for a broad range of tactic and strategies)(Author Unknown: 3).

While moderate anti-racist groups press for legistlative and other forms of political change, Anti-Racist Action rejects working with the polity. Again, their unifying document states that ARA does not "rely on the cops or the courts," (Ibid.) a position that certainly separates it from moderate groups. It could be that their lack of access to the polity (as defined by Mary Bernstein) (1997: 539) created a disinterest in the state. But another factor not to be ignored is ARA's hostile analysis to the polity itself as a racist institution. ARA chapters claim that racism "is perpetrated by the government and its internal army of cops." (Author Unknown).

It is a little ironic that while Susan Waters bemoans the decline of traditional forms of protest amongst French social movements (179), Anti-Racist Action has employed a very traditional French tactic - that of the charivari(Tilly, 1986: 30). In its most modern form (now referred to as an "outing" - a term adapted from a tactic of the radical gay and lesbian movement), ARA chapters in Minneapolis, Toronto and MontrŽal have gathered a group of people in a neighbourhood where known neo-nazi organizers reside. The anti-racists knock on neighbours' doors and discuss the presence of a nazi in the neighbourhood. They paste posters with the target's photo and address to neighbourhood lamposts. Finally, they converge on the target's house to confront him or her in a noisy display designed to garner as much attention as possible (Anti-Racist Action MontrŽal, 1999: 3).

Other radical and innovative tactics employed by ARA have included same-sex "kiss-ins" in front of the homes of gay-bashers or in the face of religous-right convention-goers; verbal and sometimes physical confrontations with neo-Nazi groups at the racist's intended rallying points; and organized monitoring of police activity with camcorder-equipped patrol teams (Author Unknown).

While ARA also engages in more mundane strategies and tactics including community speaking, creating and distributing information pamphlets, etc., it is the more innovative and "radical" tactics that separate them from moderate anti-racist groups, who are quick to distance themselves from such

activities. This creation of distance between moderate and radical anti-racists serves to push the radicals further towards the use of the very tactics the moderates disapprove of, as resources and polities and media become increasingly unavailable due to a moderate monopoly on access being utilized to villianize the radicals, which results in further restrictions on resources available to them.

Suzanne Staggenborg has rightfully illustrated the weakness of viewing success for a social movement as only its acceptance as legitimate (presumably by the governing elites) and its ability to win significant gains of advantage, suggesting that the goal of social movements "outside" the polity should only be to win policy outcomes from it (1995: 340). Such an analysis would lead to very erroneous assumptions regarding Anti-Racist Action, who, for the most part, ignore the polity entirely, focussing instead directly on extreme racist groups who, typically, also lack access to the polity and may suffer from the same resource mobilization problems as their anti-racist foes. Instead, Staggenborg's proposal of measuring social movement outcomes in terms of cultural, political/policy and mobilization outcomes (Ibid.: 341) seems particularly well-suited for radical movements like Anti-Racist Action.

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Of the three measures, ARA seems to have been least successful in the political and policy dimension. Rather than winning policy reforms, ARA has actually witnessed state institutions like school boards restrict their activities, or else be harshly reprimanded for treating ARA as a legitimate anti-racist movement (Di Matteo, 1999). But the lack of success here does not seem a sore spot with the movement; indeed, like Waters' new citizens movements of France (181), ARA demonstrates a genuine mistrust and hostility towards existing political structures and attempt to work in complete autonomy from, say, political parties.

There was, however, one recent anomoly in this pattern. When Madeline Albright announced that she would hold a "town hall meeting" in Columbus, Ohio in 1998 to "discuss" why the United States needed to bomb Iraq once again, the local ARA chapter mobilized local activists to disrupt it. Their successful disruption of the event, despite organizer's efforts to "manage" the "town hall meeting," was broadcast around the world, live on CNN and set the tone for media reports of a growing unease with U.S. policy towards Iraq. Their own efforts sabotaged, the Clinton administration was compelled to stand down.

Anti-Racist Action has been very successful in regards to mobilization outcomes. While ARA was the first form of organized political activity for only three of the ten members interviewed for this paper, nearly half became involved in ARA while in their teens. In addition, eight of the ten claim that ARA played a significant role in their work with other groups and on other issues since their initial involvement in ARA. "Through ARA I was able to access data, background info, contacts etc. that facilitated me taking on issues I wouldn't otherwise done," claimed one informant.

One area of mobilization that ARA has not been particularly adept at has been mobilizing financial resources. While this seems typical of informal radical movements (Staggenborg, 1989: 87-89), ARA may have some special difficulties due to the youth of its members (who, either lacking financial autonomy or well-paying employment, are unable to contribute financially to a significant degree); its work in youth subcultures (where subculture members are typically at the margins of society, including in terms of wages and employment); and its adherence to radical confrontational tactics (which effectively eliminate any potential to obtain grants or funding from governments or charitable foundations).

The cultural dimension of outcomes is of utmost interest to Anti-Racist Action. The introduction page for the website of the Toronto chapter speaks of "...our commitment to a multi-racial, multi-cultural, sexually diverse, liberated and fun society." (Author Unknown). The Minneapolis chapter brags that because of their work "...the Minneapolis youth scene is nazi free!" (Author Unknown). Most chapters have held benefit "Rock Against Racism" concerts, with more than a few putting them on regularly. While these events were initiated to raise money for the movement, the motivation behind them later on had as much to do with building an explicitly anti-racist youth culture, by offering local youth fun events to participate in that were explicitly anti-racist. This is contrasts with the implicit, lip-service anti-racist position of the style of youth culture offered by the mainstream (and most often endorsed by moderate anti-racist groups). While "...changing or challenging mainstream culture is rarely considered a goal of activism," (Bernstein: 524) Anti-Racist Action makes it their business and has reaped rewards for doing so that go beyond that of fundraising. In building an anti-racist youth culture that competes with both the fabricated youth cultures of the extreme racist right and of mainstream corporate society, ARA has politicized and recruited a large number of youth. Seven of the ten members interviewed for this paper credited their prior participation in a youth subculture with their awareness of and initial involvement in ARA. This is the same strategy seen with French anti-racist groups of the 1980's, linking to popular cultural themes to attract and politicize youth and youth culture (Waters: 173).

Another type of cultural outcome can be the "activation of a pool of people who can be drawn into subsequent movements." (Staggenborg, 1995: 341). ARA has been successful in this respect, with members working in alliance with anti-poverty groups such as the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP), Food Not Bombs! and the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now! (ACORN); with police brutality groups such as Copwatch; with immigrant groups, Native groups, the Free Mumia Abu-Jamal campaign and currently, with the efforts to stop NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. Eight of the ten members interviewed had become involved in other movements since joining ARA and cited their involvement in ARA as a main reason for their work in other areas.

Despite the dire forecast that Suzanne Staggenborg gives for non-hierarchal SMO's, Anti-Racist Action has been going for over 10 years in the U.S. and for seven in Canada and has experienced exponential growth in the last 3 years. But with growth come problems, particularly for movements without the routinizaton of essential tasks or clear authority structures. Whether ARA is able to surmount these challenges or whether it follows the path of disintegration that so many other informal, decentralized, non-hierarchical new

citizens' movements fell into remains to be seen. But, should it collapse, ARA has undoubtedly left its mark on the anti-racist movement in North America and on other social movements, as well as on North American youth culture in general. As a new citizens' movement, the achievements derived from its cultural and mobilization outcomes stand as testament to its success.

FOOTNOTE 1: From email interviews I conducted with members of ARA in Montreal, Quebec; Oakville, Ontario; Peterborough, Ontario; Louisville, Kentucky; Columbus, Ohio; Yellow Springs, Michigan; Muncie, Indiana, Vancouver, B.C., Fredericton, New Brunswick and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on May 23, 24 and 25, 1999.

SOURCES CITED

Anonymous. "On The Prowl: Anti-Racist Action And Developing Anti-Fascist Strategies In Toronto" Antifascism in Canada (Spring 1996) pp. 36-43.

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Anti-Racist Action MontrŽal, "ARA Outs Another Neo-Nazi" Press Release, May 22, 1999.

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Author Unknown. "Anti-Racist Skins Form The 'Syndicate.'" No KKK - No Fascist USA! Newspaper of the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee (Spring/Summer 1989).

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Author Unkwown, " The Battle of Saint Paul," fr. Fighting Words: The Street Zine of Anti-Racist Action Minneapolis, pp. 2-3.

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Author Unknown. "Anti-Racist Action : Introducing the ARA Network." (Fall 1998).

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Author Unknown. "What Is ARA?" Toronto Anti-Racist Action web page.

http://www.web.net/~ara.

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Author Unknown. "The 411 on ARA" Minneapolis Anti-Racist Action web page. http://www.oocities.org//CapitolHill/Lobby/2853/411.html

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Author Unknown. "The Baldies." Red and Anarchist Skinheads web page. http://www.oocities.org//CapitolHill/Lobby/1753/baldies.html.

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Bernstein, Mary. "Celebration and Suppression: The Strategic Uses Of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement" American Journal of Sociology. 103:3. November 1997. pp. 531-565.

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Di Matteo, Enzo. "How Angry Far Right Got Back At Trilluim: Wolfgang Droege One Of White-Rights Backers Who Lobbied Tories." Now , January 14-20, 1999.

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Haines, H.H. "Black Radicalization and the Founding of Civil Rights: 1957- 1970," in Social Problems vol. 32 (1) October 1984, pp. 31-43.

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Staggenborg, S. "Stability and Innovation in the Women's Movement," in Social Problems vol. 36 (1), February 1989, pp. 75-92.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne, "Can Feminist Organizations Be Effective?" in Feminist Organizations (M.M. Ferree & P.Y. Martin, eds.) (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995) pp. 339-355.

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Tilley, Charles. "Burgundy Battles." In The Contentious French Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986.

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Waters, Sarah. "New Social Movement Politics in France: The Rise of C ivic Forms of Mobilisation" West European Politics. 21:3. July 1998. pp. 170-186.

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1) ARA intends to do the hard work necessary to build a broad, strong movement against racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, homophobia, anti-choice zealotry, discrimination against the disabled, the oldest, the youngest, the poorest and the most disenfranchised of our society. We intend to win!

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2) WE GO WHERE THEY GO. Wherever racists are organizing or active, we're there. Ignoring a problem doesn't mean the problem no longer exists. In order to solve it, it has to first be confronted. For this reason, we are committed to ensuring that bigots and terrorists never feel safe to operate openly in our communities. ÊWe will never let the nazis have the streets!

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3) WE DON'T RELY ON THE COPS OR THE COURTS. This doesn't mean that we rule out using the legal system to achieve our goals. But when the legal and policing institutions themselves are clearly corrupted by racism, how can we trust them to do what's right? ÊWe understand that we must rely on ourselves to protect ourselves and our communities and to stop the fascists.

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4) NON-SECTARIAN DEFENCE OF OTHER ANTI-RACISTS. Our chapter, and the other ARA chapters across the globe, consist of lots of different groups and individuals. We don't agree on everything and we have a right to differ openly. This diversity of opinion is our strength, enabling us to work together with people of all different backgrounds, experiences and viewpoints to combat hatred.

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