Netaji's Addresses on Azad Hind Radio:

I'am compiling some of the addresses of Netaji Bose on Azad Hind Radio on this page. At the beginning is the Manifesto of the Radio service which transmitted out of Berlin during the Second World War. I intend to study the role of India and Indians in general during the Second World War. I've passively absorbed whatever i've been taught in school, in my history textbooks, and other pervading 'conventional wisdom' about these issues. Since India wasnt an independent country when WW II took place, and immidiately after India went through the traumatising Event of Partition and Indepenence, i believe very little historical work has been done about India's role in WW II. My impression, from what i've been taught, is that Netaji chose a different path than the Congress and did heroic deeds, culminating in his death in a plane crash off Formosa. This approach of Netaji's seemed very attractive and romantic at the agge i was told about it. On the other hand, Nehru more-or-less decided to support the British and this led to active miletary deployment of Indian troops in many different theaters of War. Again, i believe more research has to be done, and more importantly more people have to be made aware of what role, if any, this played in the entire scheme of things. Its only lately did i realise that Gandhiji took a adamantly pacifist approach to WW II. In fact, Gandhiji was prepared to continue his non-violent resistance against the Japanese, if they were to sieze control of India after a military conflict with Britain; but he did not endorse Indians fighting the Japanese to avert this from happening. I personally find this view extremely disturbing. In any case, it seems to me that Nehru alone (who refused to arrange a meeting with Missoulini and/or Hitler when he was in Europe, is spite of repeated requests) truely understood the importance of WW II, the importance of India's role in it and what implications this Event will have on India's future.
I intend to provide sufficient proof for the claim i've made in the last sentence above in the pages here, and provide other relavant references for the interested.

The Manifesto of The Azad Hind Radio, 19 Jan. 1942

Azad Hind radio service is organised by Azad Hind, an organisation embracing all Indians living abroad. It is only after extreme effort that it has become possible for us to bring into existence such an organisation. In these politically disturbed times it is absolutely necessary, at home as well as abroad, that we must stand together, and keep in touch with one another. We decided it was our duty to provide a political platform on which all Indians living abroad can work hand in hand, before we spoke to you. We had to wait long, but it was not in vain. We are filled with unlimited joy that we can speak to you today, in the same name of all Indians living outside India, who are still free from British and foreign control, and can express their political opinions.
Azad Hind will be operating in many parts of the world. Its activities are manifold and wide-spread, and radio-service is its latest enterprise. We attach great importance to it for it is the only way open to us of bringing to your ears our voice and feelings. We are free from British propoganda and control, and can view world affairs from a purely nationalist point of view. We know there are people in India not so fortunate, and we think it our moral duty to acquaint you with the world events, and to win your confidence in our activities to achieve freedom for our dear Motherland. Let it become a medium for co-operation between those outside and those inside India. The distinguishing feature will be that out transmission will be by Indians and for Indians. To most of the Indian public the only channel of information is British, and thus they imbibe unconsciously the British propoganda, and live in an unreal world. Some of you might listen to other foreign stations to learn the so-called 'other side of the picture', but this in no way compensates for the absence of a national radio. People who listen to foreign stations do not take advantage of the news andcomments because of their deep suspiscion of false propoganda, and such a prejudicial state of mind prevents them from distinguishing the truth. Therefore many listerners get an altogether false picture of the international situation. The right way to know world affairs is to listen to sources on whihc you can rely, and that will be the special duty of our transmitter. We want to prepare India for a fight for full national Independence. The time has come to act. If we want our freedom we must pursue a logical but bold policy.

India's hour of Destiny, 28 Feb. 1942

Sisters and brothers. For about a year I have waited in silence and in patience for the march of events and now that the hour has struck I Come forward to speak. The fall of Singapore means the collapse of the Bristish Empire, the end of the iniquitous regime which it has symbolised, and the dawn of a new era in Indian history. The Indian people, who have long suffered from the humiliation of foreign yoke and have been ruined spiritually, culturally, politically and economically while under Bristish domination, now must offer their humle thanks to the Almighty for the auspicious even which bears for India the promise of life and freedom. Bristish imperialism has, in modern history, been the most diabolical enemy of freedom and the most formidable obstacle to progress. Because of it, a very large section of mankind has been kept enslaved and in India alone about one fifth of the human race has been ruthlessly suppressed and persecuted. Fot other nations British Imperialism may be the enemy of today, but for India it is the eternal foe. Between these two there can be neither peace nor compromise and the enemies of British imperialism are today our natural friends.
The outside world hears, from time to time, voices from India claiming to speak either in the name of the All India National Congress or of the Indian people, but these voices come through channels of British propoganda and nobody should make the fatal mistake of regarding them as representative of free India. As is natural for a land that has been under foreign domination, the Bristish officers have endevoured to create divisions among the Indian people. As a consequence, we find in India some who openly support British Imperialism ans who, whether intentionally or unintentionally, help the British cause, often camouflaging their real motives by talking of cooperation with Chungking China, Russia and other allies of England. There is, however, a vast majority of Indian people who will have no compromise with British imperialsim but will fight on till full independance is achieved. Owing to wartime conditions in India, the voice of these freedom-loving Indians cannot cross the frontiers of the country, but we, who have faught for more than two decades for our national emancipation, know exactly what out countrymen think and feel today.
Standing at one of the cross-roads of world history, I solemnly declare on behalf of all freedom loving Indians in India and abroad, that we shall continue to fight British imperialism till India is once again the mistress of her own destiny. During this struggle, and in the reconstruction that will follow, we shall heartily cooperate with all those who help us to overthrow the common enemy. I am confident that, in this sacred struggle, the vast majority of Indian people will be with us. No manoeuvre, intrigue or conspiracy on the part of agents of Anglo-American imperialism, however prominent they may be and to whichever nationality they may belong, can throw dust in the eyes of the Indian people, or divert them from the path of patriotic duty. The hour of India's salvation is at hand. India will now rise and break the chains of servitude that have bound her so long. Through India's liberation Asia and the world will move forward towards the larger goal of human emancipation.

Message to Indians, 20 July 1942.

Recent happenings in the various theaters of war will have unavoidable repurcussions in India. It behoves Indians to forge ahead in the task of achieving national emancipation. The British Empire has two lungs - Egypt and India. Without Egypt that Empire would be reduced to one lung - India. If that lung is also put out of action death will immidiately follow. British politicians and propogandists never visualised a situation such as that facing them today. The reverses in Russia have been reacting on Britain and seriously affecting public morale. The declaration of Egyptian independence made by the Axis powers on entering Egypt had a profound affect on the Egyptians who have now been siezed with a desire to fight boldly for their independence. Our countrymen must have noticed that, since the situation in North Africa became critical for the British forces, feelers for a compromise have been sent out ot Indian leaders, largely through American and Chinese middlemen now living in India. On the other hand, Conservatives who will hang on to their Empire to the very last, show no sign of reconciliation. The Indian people have fully understood the imperialist role of Roosevelt and his desire to supplant the dying British Empire. Consequently, there is no apprehension whatever that our countrymen will be turned from the path of national duty by the smiles or frowns of American politicians. Unfortunately, there are people still carried away by their sympathy for other nations. They do not seem to realise the great change which has taken place in the world situation during the last three years. It would be the height of folly to cling to a past which does not exist today.
For some time past I have been standing outside the circuit of British imperialism as the one (?dog) of Indian Nationalism. It is my duty to tell you what I see and hear and advice you as to the best means of achieving out national liberation, and to do my utmost to further our national cause whereever I may happen to be. The only master I have served and shall serve, is India. Whetever I have done or may do, has been and will be, in accordance to the wishes of the vast majority of my countrymen. Despite all obstacles, I remain in constant contact with my countrymen in India so that there may be the fullest accord between the policy followed by us at home and abroad. In spite of all efforts of British politicians to manufacture differences between the Indian people, andto exaggerate slight existing differences, and of all bluff and bluster indulged in by the BBC, the whole world knows that the vast majority of Indian people are determined to overthrow the British yoke. The bold stand taken by our countrymen at home, despite favours and threats, has enabled Indians abroad to hold their head erect with pride. Let me now tell you that the fundamental feature of the present World War is the tragic efforts of Britain and America to hold on to their imperialist tradition, and the equally determined efforts of some other powers to overthrow Britain and America. From the point of view of Indian Nationalism every otherfeature is secondary. Every Indian has to answer immediately: 'Do I want Britain and America to win this war?' If Britain has recognised full independence of India there would have been some justification for desiring her to win, but the British have stubbornly refused to grant us our liberty. Perhaps they feel if India is lost, their Empire will virtually cease to exist. The Indian people have refused to accept the empty promise of Dominion Status after the war and are convinced that and Anglo-American victory will mean a continued enslavement of India and several other nations. Consequently, I say that any Indian who wishes Britain to win this war must be branded unpatriotic and dishonourable. It should be clear to every thinking man that only through the defeat and break-up of the British Empire can India obtain her liberty.
Is it the duty of the Indian people to work for the destruction of that Empire. By stroke of good luck we find today that several other Powers are striving to tear the British Empire to pieces. We should be greatful for the help given by Italy, Germany and Japan. It is for the Indian people to decide whether they should take any assistance in their struggle for liberty, but should they need such help, they will be perfectly justified in taking it. The less help India requires from outside, the better for her, however. No earthly calculation can offer the slightest hope for a British victory. Why, then, should there be regular attempts to compromise with Britain after every major military defeat suffered by her? They are a waste of time and probably do the Indian people infinite harm by side-tracking the revolutionary energy of the masses. There are three course open to the Indian people at present - firstly, to side openly with Britain; Secondly, to maintain strict neutrality; and thirdly, openly to enter the lists against Britain. To side with Britain will mean sharing her defeat and opening a new chapter of slavery in India. To maintain neutrality would mean a wiser course of action, but it would not entitle us to liberty on our own merits. In that case, we should have to accept liberty as a gift from the victorious enemies of Britain. Actively to fight against Britain would entitle us to liberty, by virtue of our own efforts and sacrifice and not by the mercy of any power. Such liberty can be preserved in future through our own strength. If we do not play a dramatic role in the struggle against Britain, we shall either not secure out freedom at all, or ,if we get it as a gift, we shall not be able to retain it. On the contarary, if we fight now, we shall not only win our freedom soon, but be able to preserve it forever. Is it not a suicidal policy to think of a compromise with a Power which will soon disappear from the face of the Earth? If any Indian has not the strenght to fight for his country's freedom, the least he can do is to remain entirely passive, but refuse to enter into any compromise.
The height of folly for an Indian would be to offer to fight for Britain in return for a compromise. Such an agreement is altogether dishonourable. What interest has India in Europe or Africa or the British Empire, that she should go to war on the side of Britain? The only honourable course for Indians is to untilise the present crisis and fight for Indian independence, which is now within easy reach. It is my duty to draw your attention to the consequences that will follow if we enter into a compromise with Britain. There are people, including some congressmen, who, in the event of a compromise, are prepared, not only to tolerate foreign troops in India, but also permit India to be used as a military base by Britain. Such a policy is as pernicious as that of active participation in war. No independant state will ever allow foreign troops to occupy its territory or to conduct military operations from bases within that territory. That would be the very negation of independence. It should be remembered that if British, American and Chinese troops are allowed to operate from Indian bases, the enemies of Britain will certainly attack them and India will become a theater of war. It is a back-door method of dragging India into the war and submitting her to the ineveitable horrors which will follow. Some of our countrymen are carrying out propoganda in favour of co-operating with Britain's war effort, but are comouflaging their real intentions by talking of helping China. Every Indian would like to help China, but the question is- does Chungking represent the real China? Did now Marshall Chiang Kai-Shek send troops to Burma to help the British retain their domination? Did not Chungking Ambassador in London publicly declare the other day that Britain would try to reconquer Burma? It seems clear that Chungking is an Anglo-American puppet. I am sure it is possible for Chungking to come to an honourable agreement with Tokyo. Britain's propoganda machinery has been trying to hoodwick the unsophisticated Indian people and to exploit thier poverty, thereby recruiting them for the army, the police, the civic gaurd and similar organisations. Yout endevour should be to keep them out of such organisations, but if you fail to do so, you should send nationalists and revelutionaries into all these bodies. They should recieve all the training the British can give, and use it later for the benefit of the Indian revolution. It is indeed gratifying to know that, in the new Indian Army built up by the British since 1939, we have a fair percentage of friends and supporters. That percentage has to be increased still further in the days to come. This is how revolutions have been made all over the world, and history will repeat itself in India. To all those in internment and prison, I send once again my tribute of love and fraternal greetings. We who are outside India are continuing the battle, and know that the day of Indian liberation is at hand. Once again, I pledge myself to carry on relentlessly the fight for India's independence until full success is achieved. Once again, I assure you, that my co-operation with other Powers has been, and always be, on the basis of a complete unconditional independence of India. When the hour comes, I shall be at your side in order to lead the Indian revolution to its glorious conclusion.
Then it will be your task to take over the responsibility. As I told Mahatma Gandhi in my last talk with him in 1940, when my mission is over and India is liberated, I shall appear before him once again. Till then, let us all go on fighting with his own weapons in his own place, but all agreed with the common cause and equally determined to bring about the speedy destruction of the British Empire!

Guerrilla war and plan of action, 4 Sept. 1942

Friends, I want to congratualte you most heartily on your achievements this fortnight. There is no doubt you did a lot of careful thinking and planning before the storm actually burst. There can also be no doubt that you set up in good time an underground organization to carry on the campaign, even when the leading men were cast in prison. Perhaps most creditable of all was your settin up a transmitting radio station on behalf of the Indian National Congress, to direct and guide the whole movement from one center. Your achievements have taken the enemy by surprise, and outwitted them completely. The prestige of India all over the world has gone up tremendously, and Indian national abroad can now hold their head erect with dignity and pride. This is the last and final struggle that we are waging against British imerialism, and it behoves us, therefore, to look out in advance for any dangers and pitfalls that may beset our path. If we are forewarned we shall also be forearmed, and if we are forearmed our success is guaranteed.
There are four dangers about which I should like to forewarn you. Firstly, the British Empire, which is now going through a process of volutary liquidation and is in the hands of auctioneers of Wall Street, may bring in more troops from America, from China and from Africa. We have already in India, American and Chinese troops, and we have in ceylon African and negro troops, and these... forces,... of the India..., have been growing more and more friendly towards us in recent months. Secondly, the British Government, in its desparation, may resort to more brutal measures for supressing our movement in the days to come. Thirdly, there may be a gradual weakening of our forces from within, after some months, owing to a feeling that non-violent resistance cannot prevail against guns and bombs. Fourthly, in such psychological moment, the agents of British imperialism may again put forward an offer or a compromise, and some of you may then be inclined to accept it as a lesser evil than failure.
Friends, it is my duty to warn you here that Britain will never surrender to India's demand for independance. India is the jewel of the British Empire. It is for preserving this jewel that Britain in now fighting. To this end she will fight to the very last. She will debase herself to an extent and stoop to any humiliation, so long as she can retain her hold over India. This is why Mr. Winston Churchill, the high priest of imperialism, the arch-enemy of Indian nationalism and the sworn opponent of all forms of Socialism, swallowed his imperialist pride and presented himself at the gates of the Kremlin.If the agents of Brtitsh imperialism again put forward feelers for a compromise, it will not be for the purpose of granting India's national demands, but only for creating confusion within our land and therby sabotaging our movement morally. It will, therefor, be our solemn duty to prosecute the campaign without any sort of compromise, till the last Britisher is expelled from the soil of India.
I must also tell you that in this fight between nationalist India and imperialist Britain the latter does not depend exclusively on her strength, nor do we. We know that today India does not stand isolated from the rest of the world. We, too, have powerful friends and allies who will gladly help us (and contrive?) to do so. Moreover, we are convinced that, as a result of shattering defeats which Britain has been suffering in all the theaters of war, her empire will soon collapse and break up. The next success in this direction will be the early expulsion of the British from Egypt. When the final dismemberment of the British Empire takes place, power will automatically come into the hands of the Indian people. Since our final victory will not come as a result of our effort alone, it does not matter in the least if we in India meet the temporary setbacks when confronted with machine-guns, bombs, tanks and aeroplanes. Our stategy should consist of sticking to our guns and continuing the campaign in spite of all obstacles and setbacks, to be firm in our belief that Britain will soon be overthrown, and with the dissolution of her Empire, India will automatically win her freedom.
Friends, I have already assured that whatever I have been doing abroad is in accordance with the wishes of a very large section of my countrymen, and I shall never do anything which public opinion in India will not enthusiastically endorse. Ever since I left home I have remained in constant contact with my countrymen at home through more channels than one, in spite of all the efforts of the intelligence... or of the British Secret Service to prevent it. During the last few months, you have had proof of my close contact with my countrymen in India, as many of you know by now how you can communicate with me whenever you so desire. It is no longer possible for the British to prevent my getting into India or out whenever I want to do so. If the British authorities think they know all about me I am glad, for I shall one day be able to give them the shock of their lives. If they had been as clever as they somethimes think they are, I should have been lying in a prison cell today, instead of fighting India's battle all over the world.
Friends, this is the time when all the countries suppressed or dominated by the satanic British Government are either in revolt or preparing for one. If the whole of India joins in this fight we shall not only effect out emanicipation speedily, but we shall also expedite the liberation of all the countries from Egypt to Iran. On th other hand, if Indian people were to remain inactive, the enemies of Britain would take the initiative in expelling the Britisher from India. The British Empire is in any case doomed, and the only question is as to what will happen to us when its final dissolution takes place. Shall we obtain our freedom as a gift from foreign Powers, or shall we win by our own effort? I would request Mr. Jinnah, Mr (J.K.?), and all those leaders who still think of a compromise with Britain, to realise for once that in the world of tommorow there will be no British Empire. All those individuals, groups or parties who now participate in the fight for freedom will have an honoured place in free India, but those who still hang on to the coat-tails of our British rulers will naturally be nonentities in the future.
You will be interested to know that British politicians are today terribly upset that the Indian people in general are not prepared to resist or oppose the civil disobedience campaign, even if they are not prepared to actively participate in it. It is but natural that the Indian people should take up this attitude. They know that the British are goingto be driven out of India soon, as they have already been expelled from Burma. Consequently, all those who now oppose the Nationalist Movement will have to pay for it rather dearly at the end, when we come out victorious.
Friends, I appeal most earnestly to my countrymen who are in the British armed forces not to use their weapons against their brothers and sisters fighting for the country's emancipation. I hope that in every crisis they will refuse to fire on the Indian people, and that, when a suitable opportunity comes, they will point their rifles at their alien oppressors. I also appeal to my countrymen who are seamen or Lascars not to risk their lives any longer in the service of the British. They know very well how badly they and their families are treated as compared to British seamen. When i was in Europe a few months ago I met some Indian seamen who had been rescues from torpedoes ships. Their experience had been horrible, and I was told many more seamen had lost their lives at sea than could be rescued from the sinking ships. If Indian seamen now sacrifice themselves in the service of a Government that is going to disappear soon, nobody will look at them or care for them or their families in future.
In this connection, I appeal also to all parties or groups who consider themselves to be Nationalists or anti-Imperialists to come forward and join in the epic struggle going on. I appeal to the progressive elements in the Moslem League, with some of whom i had the privilage of cooperating in the work of the Calcutta Municipal Corporation in 1940. I appeal to the brave Moslem..., the Nationalist Moslem Party of India, that started in 1939 the civil disobedience against Britain's war effort long before any other party did so. I appeal to the Jamat Ulama, the only representative organisation of the Ulamas, or Muslim devines of India, led by that distinguished patriot, Mufti (? Gefit Ulla). I appeal to the Azad Muslim League. I appeal to the Akali Dull, the Nationalist Sikh Party of India and to its leader, (? Massa Parossi) and, last but not least, I appeal to the (? Predar) Party of Bengal, which commands the confidence of the Moslem Presidency of that province, and is led by a well known patriot. I have no doubt that if all these organisations plunged into the struggle, the day of India's salvation will be drawn nearer.
Friends, the campaign now going on in India may be described as a non-violent guerrilla war. In this guerrilla war, the tactics of dispersion have to be employed. We shall spread our activities all over the country, so that the British police and military will not be able to concentrate their attack on one point. In keeping with the principles of guerrilla warfare, we should also be as mobile as possible. The authorities should never be able to predict where our activities will emerge next. By continually harassing them in this manner, their nerves should be worn down, but to achieve this result the campaign has to be carried on for months without any break. Then, we you already know, I have been through all the campaigns between 1921 and 1940 and i know very well the causes of our failure in the past. Of late i have had the opportunity of taking expert advice with regard to the tactics of guerrilla warfare, and i am now in a position to offer you some suggestions as to how the present campaign should be brought to a successful conclusion.
The object of this guerrilla campaign will be two-fold: firstly, to destroy Britain's war production in India, and secondly, to paralyse British administration. Keeping this twofold object in view, every section of the community should participate in the struggle. First, peasants should stop paying all taxes and rents that directly or indirectly bring revenue to the Government. Second, workers in all war industries should either launch a stay-in strike on a demand for higher wages, or they should try to hamper production by conducting a go-slow campaign inside the factories. They should also carry out small acts of sabotage, like removing nuts and bolts from machines, etc. Third, students should give a fitting reply to the threat of expulsion held out by provincial Governments and boycott schools and colleges with greater enthusiasm than before. They should organise secret guerrilla bands for carrying on sabotage in different parts of the country. They should also invent new ways of annoying the British authorities: for example burning stamps, etc. in post offices, shouting at Englishmen when they appear on the streets, creating noise and nuisance in Government offices, destroying British monuments, etc. Fourth, women and especially girl students should do underground work of all kinds, especially as secret messengers. They should also provide shelter for men who fight. Fifth, Governmenr officials prepared to help the campaign secretly should not think of resigning their posts at this stage. Clerks in Government offices and war industries should give all available secret information to the fighters outside and try to hamper war production by working inefficiently and slowly. Sixth, servants working in the houses of Britishers should be organised for the purpose of giving trouble and causing discomfort to their masters, for example by demanding higher salaries, cooking and serving bad food and drink, etc. Seventh, businessmen should give up all business with all English firms, banks, insurance companies, etc.
For the general public I suggest the following plan for work. Boycott of British goods, including British stores and Government stores as well; total boycott of all Britishers in India and all Indians who are genuinely pro-British. Holding public meetings and demonstrations in spite of official prohibition. Publishing Secret bulletins and setting up secret radio stations. Burning Anglo-Indian and pro-British newspapers in public. Marching to the houses of government officals and demanding their departure from India. Occupying government offices and institutions, like law courts, Secretariate buildings, etc., with a view of dislocating the administration. Punishing police officers and prison officials who oppress or persecute the people. Erecting barricades in streets whenever there is likelihood of a clash with the police and the military. Setting fire to Government offices and factories working for war purposes. Travelling without tickets in railway trains in large numbers. Interrupting postal, telegraph and telephone communications as frequently as possible and in different places. Interrupting railway, bus or tram services, whenever there is a possibility of hampering the transport of soldiers or war materials. Storming and destroying police stations, railways and gaols in isolated places. Carrying on agitations for the release of political prisoners.
Friends, I can assure you that if only a part of this paln is put into operation all over the country, the administrative machinery can be brought to a standstill and war production... In this direction, I must remind you that, in a non-violent guerrilla campaign, the peasantry always plays a decisive part. I am glad to notice that in several provinces, for example in Behar and the Central Provinces, the peasants are already on the forefront. I earnestly hope that... and the peasant leaders, who, with the Forward Bloc, started the fight in April 1940, long before Mahatma Gandhi did, will now lead the campaign to a victorious conclusion. We want Swaraj for the masses, Swaraj for the peasants and workers. Consequently, the peasants and workers must be in the front-line of the struggle, for they who fight and win liberty always inherit power and responsibility. Then it is encouraging to hear that, for the first time, the people of the Indian States have begun to participate in an all-India national struggle. Reports to that effect have already come in from Baroda, Mysore, Hyderabad, and Kashmir, and I am confident that the day is not far off when the States in general will line up with the people in British India and form a common front against the combine strength of British imperialism and the Indian princes. Most gratifying of all is the news that the clarion call of liberty has reached the ears and the hearts of our soldiers at home and abroad. In Meerut and other places in India, and also in Egypt, Indian soldiers have revolted. They have no doubt been court-martialled and put down with characteristic imperialist brutality, but the fire is spreading from one place to another. A large number of Indian soldiers have voluntarily deserted to the Axis forces in Egypt, and they have been welcomed with open arms by the latter. As a consequence all the Indian fighting Indian units have been withdrawn from the El Alamein Front, as being unreliable. No wonder some Indian flunkeys of British imperialism have been hastily brought up from India in order to influence the Indian troops, but their efforts have so far failed. In fact, even the London radio announces on 2nd September - that is yesterday - that Sir Sikander Hyad Khan had recieved many complaints from Indian soldiers against British officers, and that the soldiers wanted to g ohome on leave just as the British soldiers were allowed to do. In conclusion, I desire to draw your attention to the 6th September, 1942, on which day the Viceroy of India desires pro-British demonstrations to be organised. In accordance with the appeal of the National Congress Radio, I call upon you, friends, to organise from your side an all-India Day on the 6th September for opposing and, if necessary, breaking up all Governmental demonstrations, and for holding counter-demonstrations demanding that the Britishers should leave India at once. In other words, observe the 6th September as a National Quit India Day - not only British India but in the states as well. Let there be meetings and demonstrations from one end of India to the other. Let the sky be rent with the shouts of "Go back, John Bull" ('Ungrez chale jao') and write the words 'Go Back!' and 'Chale Jao' on every concievable place, on the walls, on the trees, on the tram-cars, on the buses, on the trains, in fact, everywhere. And, last but not least, flood the whole country with the letters 'Q.I.', so that wherever the Britisher may turn his eyes, he will see these large letters 'Q.I.' staring him in the face. I am sure, friends, that if you organize properly a National Quit India Day on the 6ht September, you will rouse such trmendous revolutionary enthusiasm among millions of our countrymen that, on that memorable day, you will also, sound the death-knell of British imperialism in India...


  • Orwell: The War Commentaries; West, W. J.