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Beware the Jihad in Southeast Asia


Asian Wall Street Journal, January 17, 2002

Commentary

Beware the Jihad in Southeast Asia

By Dana Dillon and Paolo Pasicolan. Mr. Dillon is a senior policy analyst, and Mr. Pasicolan a research assistant, at the Heritage Foundation.

Imagine an Afghanistan-by-the-South-China-Sea, a radical Muslim state carved out from renegade regions of Southeast Asia, led by fundamentalist clerics calling for the destruction of the West.

That's the vision that animates Jemaah Islamia, a group aiming to establish "Daulah Islamiah," a state that would include parts of Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines. Fortunately, the group's timetable for paradise on earth has suffered a setback, with the recent arrest of a 13-member unit in Malaysia and a squad of 15 in Singapore.

Forget about the stereotype of indigent freedom fighters trying to rid themselves of oppression. Like the al Qaeda hijackers of Sept. 11, the Jemaah terrorists arrested were mostly educated, productive members of society -- bank officers, businessmen, a school headmaster. But apparent respectability is not the only thing these thugs share with their al Qaeda brethren. Some received jihad training in Afghanistan. One is known to have met Khalid al-Mindar and Nawaf al-Hazmi, both members of the al Qaeda team that crashed into the Pentagon. And there is strong suspicion that Zacarias Moussaoui, the French national indicted on Sept. 11-related charges, may have made contact with the Jemaah Islamia organization when he visited Malaysia in late 2000.

These and other signs of international coordination and cooperation involving local, radical Islamic groups should trigger alarm bells throughout Southeast Asia. Yet so far, most governments have down-played the threat posed by these groups, regarding them as little more than for-profit criminal organizations, Islamic versions of La Cosa Nostra that deploy Muslim fundamentalism primarily for public relations purposes. That may have been the case a few years back. But evidence is mounting that these groups are much more sinister than some governments are willing to admit.

Consider the Kumpulan Militan Malaysia, the organization that oversees the Jamaah Islamiah. Their members train in Indonesia and raise money in Singapore. Or consider the Philippines-based Abu Sayyaf, which captured the international spotlight in April 2000 by taking 20 Asians and Europeans hostage at a Malaysian resort. The international range and organization of these activities would appear to be beyond the means of simple, homegrown mobsters. While criminal organizations tend to try to hunker down and control their "turf" by working out arrangements with local law enforcement authorities, terrorist organizations diversify operations into several countries to take advantage of each country's reluctance to share intelligence with others.

In Southeast Asia, the next logical step for terrorist groups is to work in concert. Al Qaeda would be their ideal umbrella organization. It has the resources and the experience to unite disparate groups of Muslim extremists. Al Qaeda operatives can help create an organizational structure, train locals in bomb-making and in how to circumvent existing intelligence safety nets. Al Qaeda reaps benefits from these arrangements as well. Ramzi Yousef, architect of the first World Trade Center bombing in 1993, got logistical support from the Abu Sayyaf to test his bombs in the Philippines. And with the "welcome mat" no longer on Afghanistan's doorstep, al Qaeda operatives could use the haven in Southeast Asia for a while.

That is why governments in the region must recognize that the terrorist organizations they combat are not merely local or domestic. Today's terrorism leapfrogs borders. In fact, groups like Jemaah Islamia plan to obliterate those borders. To keep up with these terrorist cells, governments must cooperate, share intelligence, and forgo the traditional limits of territorial jurisdiction. It's a lesson the U.S. learned the hard way. Had the Federal Aviation Administration had access to CIA intelligence on Sept. 11, particularly its terrorist watch-list, the hijackers might not have been able to board their planes.

Singapore already has set up a new national security secretariat within its defense ministry to coordinate anti-terrorism initiatives. Others should do the same. Moreover, Southeast Asian governments should set up offices that deal exclusively with coordinating efforts across national borders to combat terrorism. It is far easier to track down Malaysian terrorists training in Indonesia if the counter-terrorist unit tasked with finding them has both knowledge of Indonesian territory and Malaysian criminal organizations. The Philippine president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, has offered an even better idea. Following the Sept. 11 attacks, she suggested the formation of a regional anti-terrorism coalition. Alas, several months later it remains just another good idea.

U.S. involvement should continue to be significant, but nuanced -- one that encourages Southeast Asian governments to seek local solutions first, with the assurance that the U.S. will provide help to plug security holes. This strategy can be seen in U.S. support for the Philippine effort to destroy Abu Sayyaf. After its first kidnappings, the group pocketed a $20 million ransom, which it plowed back into the business, buying high-tech communications equipment and speedboats. These were used to launch a second kidnapping in May 2001, this time involving three Americans. The kidnappers have eluded the Philippine army ever since, on an island just seven miles long and nine miles wide.

The post-Sept. 11 urgency has convinced the U.S. to help end this embarrassing impasse. It sent a team of military officers to assess the needs of the Philippine troops. Shortly thereafter, a delegation led by President Arroyo came to Washington and requested additional equipment, training and resources. A 650-man U.S. force is to arrive in the Philippines shortly to provide local troops with military training and logistical support.

Although American soldiers will not battle the Abu Sayyaf, they will observe the performance of Philippine troops and modify future training and assistance according to their needs. This will permit maximum participation by the local government, yet still accomplish America's goal of eliminating another cell of terrorists.
 


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