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the Multilateral Agreement on Investment - the MAI

Monday 26 October 1998 MAI deserves being revived The death of the much-hated and much-debated Multilateral Agreement on Investment comes at an unfortunate moment. If there was ever a time when the world needed a system of rules on foreign investment, it is now.

Large parts of the world economy are in recession. Investor confidence around the globe has been shaken. Yet talks on the MAI by the 29-nation Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have reached a dead end. France, worried about the proposed agreement's impact on culture, has said it will no longer participate. Canada, which also has concerns about its cultural industries, pulled out, too. [must we give the uninformed the right to bable DTN]

October 16, 1998 Death by 1,000 trade cuts Sid Tafler

IN VICTORIA -- Barry Appleton was reaching for metaphors: "death by a thousand nicks"; chemicals that are harmless on their own but "very volatile" when mixed together. The potential victim of these explosive chemicals is our body politic, our collective will to determine the future of the country. And the concoction of chemicals is the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), the subject of intense scrutiny over the past three weeks at a series of provincial committee hearings that ended yesterday in Victoria [ full story ]

Thursday, October 15, 1998 France pulls out of MAI talks Canada loses big ally in investment treaty process Heather Scoffield Ottawa -- Attempts to revitalize talks for a controversial international investment treaty flopped yesterday after France -- Canada's strongest ally at the negotiating table -- announced it would no longer participate. [ full story ]


The MAI is designed to establish a whole new set of global rules for investment that will give transnational corporations the unrestricted right to buy, sell, and move their operations whenever and wherever they want around the world, completely free of government intervention or regulation," says Tony Clarke, president of the Ottawa-based Polaris Institute.


From: whitehallk@citenet.net (MML)
Fri May 2, 1997
COMMENTARY ON THE MAI (as broadcast on CBC Radio at c.8a15 on Thurs May 1st 1997)

The parties and the candidates are off and running in another election to choose a national government. Yet an issue which may not even get raised could make this and subsequent elections almost irrelevant. That issue is the multilateral agreement on investment - the MAI. It is NAFTA on steroids - a proposed agreement amongst the 29 developed nations of the OECD which will, in effect, put the actions of international investors and transnational corporations beyond the reach of our laws.

Most Canadians have never heard of this agreement because negotiations have been conducted virtually in secret. This is particularly alarming because Canada is playing a key role in promoting the deal. In effect, while the Chretien government is campaigning on a promise to return to liberal values and policies, it is brokering a deal which makes such policies next to impossible.

The MAI is explicitly designed to forbid government use of investment rules to promote social, economic, or environmental goals. At a time when Canadians' top priority is reducing unemployment, the government is pushing a deal which will cripple its ability to promote job creation.

The MAI states that no government, federal, provincial or municipal, will be able to oblige any foreign corporation investing in Canada to provide jobs, do research or invest in productive activity.

One section of the MAI would, quote, "outlaw" any measure that restricts the right of foreign investors to bid on government contracts and to buy up privatized crown corporations. Public interest guarantees for such privatized services would also be outlawed. For example, a privatized utility could not be obliged to provide equitable services to rural areas. Foreign corporations could not be required to buy local goods or hire locally.

The MAI would not only stop governments from passing new regulatory legislation. It would oblige them to gradually, quote, "roll back" existing laws which do not conform to MAI liberalization goals. If we sign this deal, our existing tax, labour, consumer protection and environmental laws could all be up for review by unelected international panels. One of the first challenges would almost certainly come from the tobacco and alcohol industries who could use the MAI to turn back laws restricting the advertising and promotion of their products.

Unlike NAFTA, this agreement is binding for twenty years, and gives corporations the right to sue governments directly for any perceived violation of their rights. Like NAFTA, the dispute settlement mechanism is binding, beyond our courts and legislature.

Only a few last minute glitches have prevented this constitution for the global economy from being signed this month. The four to five month delay and the current election campaign have given Canadians a narrow window of opportunity to demand a full public debate. If we don't, future elections may well be reduced to the status of ritual.

For commentary, this is Murray Dobbin in Vancouver.

Letter from MLA letter from Margaret Lefebvre on MAI and the OECD



* "Until the control of the issue of currency and credit is restored
* to government, and recognized as its most conspicuous and sacred
* responsibility, all talk of the sovereignty of Parliament and of
* democracy is idle and futile ... Once a nation parts with control of
* its currency and credit, it matters not who makes that nation's laws.
* Usury, once in control, will wreck any nation. "
*
* -- Prime Minister Mackenzie King --




 OECD Secretary-General Donald Johnston  

Alexa McDonough, Leader of Canada's NDPis oppose tosee NDP pages

Strategic-road to MAI

  • Thursday, October 22, 1998 Reviving MAI The apparent failure of the attenuated and fractious talks on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment reminds us of a high-powered game of marbles. The players are the 29 countries, including Canada, that belong to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. They all want to play, they all have plenty of marbles, but they can't agree on the rules. Should outsiders be allowed to join? Can some marbles be protected? Are aggies as precious as puries or cat's-eyes? (saved)

  • Monday, 25 May 1998 Address by OECD Secretary-General the Hon. Donald J. Johnston at the Canadian Club of Montreal

  • a nignt in June 98 on MAI

  • Friday 1 May 1998 MAI and the Web The story of how the MAI died is an instructive lesson about democracy in the Internet age. [ democracy sucks! DTN]

  • Saturday 14 February 1998 MAI worth the effort The Multilateral Agreement on Investment, or MAI, has been under discussion since 1995. It aims to provide the world's first comprehensive set of rules on how foreign investors are treated by national governments. If the 29 nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development are able to reach a deal, the MAI could later be extended to include the 130 countries in the World Trade Organization. [a good read ]

  • May 26, 1998 MONTREAL: 100 arrested as globalisation conference delayed several hours ...But in the opinion of constitutional and civil rights lawyer Julius Grey, the authorities must be able to show that that in Popovic's case, the demonstration was no longer peaceful, and that he did not leave a demonstration that was supposedly turning violent.
  • Multilateral Agreement on Investment
  • OECD Home page
  • MAI-NOT Cdn project
  • MAI Information and Resource Kit

Search File

Conclusion

The trading and investment system will undoubtedly open and expand further in the coming years, implying a dramatically growing number of economic actors and emerging economies. Never before have so many firms from so many industries invested in so many countries. International competition is pervasive. Given these global market trends, borders will not protect national economies nor their markets--be they developed, developing, or in transition. Should governments fail to reform obsolete regulations, to open up markets to foreign competition and to take advantage of further trade and investment liberalisation to penetrate export markets, they will likely condemn their enterprises to become second rank actors, even in their own markets. This is a challenge we are seeking to help our Member countries meet.
Mr. William Witherell Director, Financial, Fiscal, and Enterprise Affairs, OECD Maude Barlow

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