AREA 7

AREA 1 : THE POWER STRUGGLE AFTER LENIN AND THE VICTORY OF STALIN

(a) The main contenders for the leadership

When Lenin fell ill in 1922 the leading members of the Politburo said that they would operate a system of collective leadership between themselves. However, in reality the struggle to determine who would succeed Lenin as leader of the Party began even before his death. It was a struggle among the members of the Politburo.

The Politburo, like the Party, was divided into left-wing and right-wing groups.

On the right, the main contender was Nikolai Bukharin. He approved of N.E.P. and believed that the peasants would only grow enough food to feed the cities if they were allowed to make a profit.

On the left there were three main claimants:

(a) Lev Kamenev, the leader of the party in Moscow. He had angered Lenin by opposing revolution in 1917 but had been forgiven. Like other left-wingers, including like Trotsky and Zinoviev, he saw no place for private profit in a Communist state and so opposed N.E.P. They wanted to build up Russian industry rapidly and they believed that this must involve the government taking control of all farmland and forcing the peasants to work it as paid labourers. That way, they argued, Russian agriculture would soon become modern and efficient enough to feed the cities.

(b) Gregory Zinoviev, the party boss in Petrograd. He had also opposed the revoluton and shared Kamenev's view about N.E.P.

(c) Leon Trotsky. He was the favourite to succeed Lenin. He had organised the Revolution and had been responsible for winning the Civil War. He had the Red Army behind him as its commander. He was very intelligent and Lenin wated him to succeed. Though Zinoviev and Kamenev agreed with many of his ideas, they disliked Trotsky and were determined to prevent his becoming Party leader. Many saw Trotsky as outspoken and arrogant and feared he was another Napoleon, Bukharin disagreed with Trotsky's ideas. Thus Trotsky had no support in the Politburo, though he was very popular with ordinary party members and the Army. He was a brilliant, original thinker and the kind of arrogant man who wins arguments rather then friends.

Between these two factions was Josef Stalin. Stalin's aim was to win power for himself, and he was prepared to side with either faction in order to achieve this.

No one thought of Stalin as a possible leader. He was a grey figure who did important administrative jobs and had the ability to make himself agreeable, but he lacked the brilliance of Zinoviev or Trotsky. However, the fear that many had of Trotsky was to help Stalin as they were eager to unite against Trotsky.

During the months after Lenin was taken ill in 1922 Russia was jointly ruled by Zinoviev, Kamenev and Stalin. Gregory Zinoviev was the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet and Lev Kamenev was the chairman of the Moscow Soviet. These three men were referred to as the Triumvirate or Troika.

(b) Lenin's views on Stalin

Stalin had been born in Georgia in 1879 into a peasant family. His real name was Joseph Djugashvili, but he later changed it to Stalin, which means MAN OF STEEL. His mother wanted him to be a priest but he discovered Marxism and was expelled from the seminary. He joined the Bolshevik Party and helped organise over 1000 bank robberies to fund the party. He had often been arrested, but kept escaping. In 1917 he was released and returned to Petrograd to edit Pravda. He did little during the Bolshevik seizure of power, but Lenin made him Commissar for Nationalities. However in 1922 he was made General Secretary of the party. Everyone believed this was a dull administrative job, but it was the keen position that was to help Stalin since it gave him control over the running of the party and the hiring and firing of officials.

During his illness Lenin recorded his thoughts about the future of the Party and the characters of its leading members. He instructed his wife to present this document, the Political Testament, to the Party Congress after his death. No one except Lenin, his secretaries and his wife, Krupskaya, knew of the document's existence.

Lenin wrote that the quarrels between Stalin and Trotsky were the main threat to the Party. He also came to view Stalin as dangerous. In October 1922 Stalin disagreed with Lenin over the issue of foreign trade and convinced the Central Committee to accept his view. Lenin began to fear that Stalin was taking over the leadership of the party and joined with Trotsky in getting the decision reversed. Lenin wrote to Trotsky suggesting that they should work together against Stalin. Stalin came across this letter and realised that if Lenin and Trotsky worked together against him, his political career was at an end. He made an abusive phone-call to Lenin's wife accusing her of endangering Lenin's life by allowing him to write letters when he was so ill. Lenin decided that Stalin was not the man to replace him as the leader of the party. In his Testament Lenin described Trotsky as "the most able man in the present Central Committee" but that he was "too much possessed by self confidence". He criticised Stalin : "Comrade Stalin, having become General Secretary, has concentrated enormous power in his hands : and I am not sure that he always knows how to use that power with sufficient caution". However, Lenin saw Trotsky as the best successor.

While Lenin was writing his Will, Stalin was presiding over the "All-Russian Congress of the Soviets". It was at this meeting that Stalin announced that in future Russia would be known as the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.). As Commissar of Nationalities, Stalin had considerable difficulty in convincing the various minority groups not to form independent states, separate from Russia. The area that caused him most concern was his native Georgia. He sent in troops to crush the independent Government. Even local communists complained about Stalin's treatment of the Georgian people. Lenin was bombarded by complaints about Stalin. Lenin sent an agent to Georgia, who confirmed the reports about Stalin. Lenin was shocked and added another passage to his last testament : "Stalin is too rude ... I therefore propose to our comrades to consider a means of removing Stalin from this post and appointing someone else who differs from Stalin in one weighty respect : being more tolerant, more loyal, more polite, more considerate of his comrades, less capricious and so on". Lenin sent a copy of a letter he sent to Stalin complaining of his phonecall to his wife, and asked Trotsky to help organise resistance to Stalin in Georgia.

A few days later Lenin suffered another stroke which prevented him from speaking or writing. Stalin was saved. Trotsky later claimed Stalin had poisoned Lenin when he discovered that he was planning to have him removed.

With Lenin unable to attend the Party Congress in April 1923, Stalin was able to reinforce his hold over the party organisation. The Congress approved the suggestion that the Central Committee should increase its size from 27 to 40 members. Most of the new members were supporters of Stalin. Trotsky decided not to act. He was over-confident and assumed he would automatically become leader of the party when Lenin died.

In the autumn of 1923, Trotsky went into the attack. He accused Stalin of becoming dictatorial and called for the introduction of more democracy into the party. Kamenev and Zinoviev united behind Stalin and accused Trotsky of creating division in the party. The fight for the leadership was beginning to warm up.

Stalin had accumulated "enormous power" because he was willing to do routine administrative work. Apart from his membership of the Politburo, he also belonged to the Orgburo, which ran the Party's organisation, and held the posts of Commissar for Nationalities and General Secretary of the Party Central Committee. The latter job gave him enormous power, and the opportunity to build up support for himself by promoting men who agreed with his views.

(d) Trotsky's illness and Stalin's manipulation of Lenin's death

At the beginning of 1924 Trotsky was taken ill with malaria. His doctors sent him to the Caucasus to recuperate. While he was away, Lenin died on 21st January 1924, at the age of 53. It was a four-day journey back to Moscow and Trotsky later claimed that Stalin had deliberately misled him about the date of Lenin's funeral so that he would be absent. It was therefore left for Stalin, Kamenev and Zinoviev to carry the coffin and make the speeches after the funeral. Stalin appeared as the chief mourner.

(e) Stalin moves against Trotsky

At Lenin's funeral Stalin stole the limelight, proclaiming his loyalty to Lenin's ideas. In the months that followed he played an important part in building up the cult of Lenin. He now set out to discredit Trotsky.

In 1913 Trotsky had written a letter to a friend in which he had made unpleasant comments about Lenin. This was not surprising as they were members of rival parties at the time. However, Stalin, who had obtained the letter, arranged for it to be published just after the death of Lenin. To the people reading the letter in Pravda, it appeared that Trotsky was attacking Lenin at the time when the whole country was mourning the death of their beloved hero.

There were many differences between Stalin and Trotsky :

STALIN

1. He had a poor background. He would be able to talk to ordinary people.

2. Stalin argued that Russia could build Socialism in One Country. With her vast resources she could manage on her own even if world revolution came to nothing. He presented Trotsky as a dangerous adventurer whose ideas would have meant a generation of instability, risk of war.

3. Stalin held offices which did not appeal to his more intellectual colleagues in Politburo. He had controlled the Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate, and as Secretary of the Communist Party, he controlled the personnel of the Bolshevik Party and was able to nominate or purge officials and secretaries throughout the country. This meant he was able to appoint his own supporters to important jobs within the party.

4. Stalin was a dull, often silent man, regarded by many as a mediocrity. He came from a Georgian background. He seemed moderate and loyal.

5. Other members of the Politburo regarded Stalin as a plodding donkey, useful, hard-working, harmless. The Communist Party hungered for peace and stability after years of war and revolution.

6. Stalin had been a loyal follower of Lenin since 1903.

TROTSKY

1. He was a well educated intellectual.

2. Trotsky believed that revolution in Russia could only succeed if it sparked off revolution in Europe too. Permanent international revolution was necessary for the real triumph of the workers.

3. Trotsky was a member of the ruling Politburo, and Commissar for War. As Commissar of the army from the early days of the Revolution his leadership in the Civil War had sealed victory.

4. Trotsky was a brilliant clever, intellectual, a participant in high-powered debates about Socialism and revolution since the turn of the century.

5. Other members of the Politburo were deeply suspicious of Trotsky's ambition and feared that he wanted to become supreme.

6. Trotsky had been a Menshevik and opponent of Lenin until 1917. He only joined the Bolsheviks at the very end, just before the October Revolution in 1917, but he had played a decisive role in it.

The struggle with Trotsky during the first year after Lenin's death was a war of words. Many Communists were afraid of Trotsky. They thought that he might become another Napoleon, turning the principles of the revolution into his own glory. Nobody realised how dangerous Stalin was.

Trotsky made much of the fact that Zinoviev and Kamenev had both voted against staging the revolution in 1917. Zinoviev, Kamenev and Stalin pointed out that Trotsky had only joined the Bolsheviks in 1917 and that before that he had often attacked Lenin's ideas. Stalin also attacked Trotsky's theory of Permanent Revolution.

Trotsky believed that Communism could not survive in Russia alone and that it was essential to spread the revolution to other countries; otherwise the capitalist countries would attack the U.S.S.R. and overthrow Communism. Even if they did not, Russia was too backward a country to build the perfect Communist society on her own. This policy became known as Permanent Revolution. These views were not popular. Attempts at Communist Revolutions in various European countries in the period 1918-1923 had all failed and most Party members were weary of war and upheavals and wanted a period of peace and stability for the U.S.S.R. Stalin argued that it was possible to build a modern, prosperous socialist society in Russia, whatever happened elsewhere. This theory of Socialism in One Country matched the mood of most Russian Communists, and was adopted as official Party policy in December 1925. In the debate between Permanent Revolution and Socialism in One Country Zinoviev and Kamenev agreed with Trotsky, just as they joined with him in criticising N.E.P., but they were determined to end Trotsky's political career, so they continued to attack him.

Stalin was taken aback when Krupskaya produced Lenin's Political Testament in May 1924 and explained that Lenin wished it to be presented to the Party Congress. A special meeting of the Central Committee was held to discuss the matter. Stalin was very frightened, but Zinoviev and Kamenev both supported him. They argued that Lenin's fears were groundless and that there was no point in publishing the Testament. The Central Committee accepted their advice and the Testament was suppressed. The members of the Committee probably decided to suppress it because it contained Lenin's views -- often critical -- on them as well as oon Stalin. This was fortunate for Stalin -- luck was on his side once again. Trotssky had no supporters on the Politburo. He loyally obeyed the Party rule which forbade members to make their disagreements public. He even denied the existence of the Political Testament, though by publishing its contents he could have damaged Stalin's reputation.

In January 1925 his Politburo colleagues forced him to resign as Commissar for War and leader of the Red Army. Trotsky offered no resistance. Though still a member of the Politburo, Trotsky now had little power. Kamenev and Zinoviev were in favour of having Trotsky arrested and put on trial. Stalin was against this strategy. He knew that Trotsky still had a very large following in the party and Stalin feared that at this stage, any attempt to punish him would result in the party splitting into two hostile factions. Before dealing with Trotsky, Stalin had to prepare the party for the purge that he wanted to take place. He rewrote history by publishing articles in Pravda claiming that Stalin not Trotsky, deserved the credit for the Revolution and victory in the Civil War. Trotsky was no longer a threat.

(f) Stalin moves against the Left-wing leaders of the Party

With the decline of Trotsky, Stalin felt safe enough to stop sharing power with Kamenev and Zinoviev. The party had two factions : a right-wing group, led by Bukharin and the left-wing group, led by Kamenev and Zinoviev. Stalin himself was not seen as belonging to either group.

Stalin wanted to get rid of anyone who might challenge his power. He decided, therefore, to ally with the right-wing of the party, led by Bukharin. In 1925 Stalin attacked Trotsky's idea of "world revolution" in favour of "Socialism in One Country". Trotsky believed that it was vital for the Russians to cause revolutions in advanced countries like Germany. Once Communism spread to industrialised countries they could then offer aid to the industrially backward Soviet Union. But most party members were tired of revolutionary upheavals and, besides, revolutionary movements in various European countries had all been beaten by 1923. Stalin offered what seemed to many Bolsheviks a more attractive revolution : "Socialism in One Country". It appealed to the patriotic feelings that many still had, whereas Trotsky offered only more struggle and hardship involved in spreading the revolution abroad.

The Bolsheviks were only now beginning to realise the extent of the losses caused by the Civil War and just how much needed to be done. Russia could and should concentrate on building a socialist system on its own, Stalin argued, no matter what went on elsewhere in Europe or the world. Trotsky had always argued that this was impossible but his message was too bleak and demoralising. Stalin's idea offered some hope for the future. Trotsky began to find himself isolated. However the debate put Kamenev and Zinoviev in an awkward position. They agreed with Trotsky's idea but were reluctant to support him, Stalin then supported the N.E.P., which he knew Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev disagreed with. Again Zinoviev and Kamenev continued to attack Trotsky. Now Stalin was convinced that Kamenev and Zinoviev were unwilling to support Trotsky against him and so began to support right-wing members of the Politburo like Bukharin.

During 1925 the argument about N.E.P. dominated the meetings of the Politburo. Stalin sided with the right-wingers on this issue. This was not because he supported N.E.P., but because he saw a chance of removing Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev from the Politburo. By supporting the right-wing he was speaking against the left-wing plan for rapid industrialisation. This argument came to a climax at the Party Congress in December 1925, and Stalin and the right-wingers won. The Congress elected several new members to the Politburo, all of whom were loyal to Stalin. With this large majority he dominated the Congress.

Kamenev and Zinoviev now realised what Stalin was up to but it took them to the summer of 1926 before they could swallow their pride and join Trotsky against Stalin. When they began attacking Stalin's policies, he accused them of creating disunity in the party and managed to have them expelled from the Central Committee.

The belief that the party would split into two opposing factions was a strong fear amongst active communists in the Soviet Union. They were convinced that if this happened, western countries would take advantage of the situation and invade the Soviet Union. Stalin constantly exploited this fear and many leading figures in the party were willing to agree to stern measures in order to prevent a split emerging. Under pressure from the Central Committee, Kamenev and Zinoviev agreed to sign statements promising not to create conflict in the movement by making speeches attacking official policies. Trotsky refused to sign and he was banished to Soviet Central Asia. In 1929 he was exiled from the U.S.S.R.

(g) Stalin defeats the Right-wing of the Party

Stalin still did not have complete control of the party. By adopting Bukharin's economic policies Stalin had elevated him to a position of considerable power. It was not until 1928, with Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev expelled from the party with no longer a danger to his leadership, that Stalin could start to consider deposing Bukharin.

In the spring of 1928, Stalin began dismissing local officials who were known to be supporters of Bukharin. At the same time Stalin began to attack N.E.P. He made speeches attacking the Kulaks for not supplying enough food for the industrial workers. Bukharin defended the kulaks in private but refrained from making speeches or writing articles on this subject in fear of being accused of "dividing" the party.

In July 1928 Bukharin went to see Kamenev. He told him that he now realised that Stalin had played off one group against another to gain complete power for himself. He went on to claim that Stalin would eventually destroy the communist revolution, and he argued that they should join forces to end Stalin's leadership of the party. By this time Stalin had placed his supporters in most of the important political positions in the country, and there was nothing his rivals could do. Bukharin was expelled from the Politburo in 1929.

Stalin was now the undisputed leader of the Party and of the U.S.S.R.

(h) Why Stalin won against his rivals

Stalin had won because he had been underestimated by many -- especially by Trotsky and others like Zinoviev and Kamenev -- which was to his advantage. Trotsky arrogantly dismissed Stalin as a "mediocrity" and another contemporary described him as a "grey blur". Unlike Trotsky, Stalin was a master schemer and tactician. Between 1924 and 1926 he sided with Zinoviev and Kamenev against Trotsky. With Trotsky out of the way by 1926 he sided with Bukharin against Zinoviev and Kamenev. Alarmed by Stalin's forcefulness, Zinoviev had joined Trotsky in 1926 to oppose the Secretary General, but by now Stalin's supporters dominated the Central Committee and less than 1% of the Party voted for the Trotsky-Zinoviev policies at the 15th Party Congress in 1927. This allowed Stalin to expel Trotsky and Zinoviev from the party for "factionalism". After expelling Zinoviev, Kamenev and Trotsky he had turned on Bukharin, who was expelled in 1929.

Stalin was a careful man. He rarely voiced his opinions at meetings. He wanted to see how the majority felt before coming down on their side. If Stalin wanted a change in direction, he would often persuade someone under his control to make a speech in favour of this new policy. If the response was favourable, Stalin would also make a speech which supported this policy. However, if the policy was received badly, Stalin would join in the attack on the unfortunate person who had been selected to make the policy statement.

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