Working Class Action
NEPAL: Red Power on the Roof of the World
June 25th 2003
by Alec Robertson
It is now seven years since the beginning of the insurgency that has taken hold across Nepal. The rebellion, under the leadership of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has built up it's People's Liberation Army (PLA), established liberated zones and continues to exercise red political power throughout the country. In this semi-feudal, semi-colonial monarchy, it's borders continuously threatened by Indian expansionism, the CPN(M) has declared it?s wish to plant the red flag atop Mount Everest, a revolutionary beacon on the very roof of the world.
On January 29th, this year, the Nepalese government called for a ceasefire, as a precursor to the opening of negotiations between the government and the rebels. The CPN(M) responded favourably, issuing a statement appealing for the people to mobilise politically and struggle for round-table discussions involving all political parties and institutions, the formation of an interim government and the election of a constituent assembly. As military operations between the two sides were suspended, a code of conduct was agreed.
In November 2001, the government declared a State of Emergency and for the first time unleashed the Royal Nepalese Army (RNA). This presented a major challenge to the PLA that had up to that point only confronted the police. However, in spite of the RNA?s hope for a quick victory, the PLA continued to develop. Now operating in brigades (of several hundred), the PLA and the CPN(M) have extended their influence to all 75 districts of Nepal, confining the reactionary state to district headquarters and the large cities effectively putting the countryside under the rule of revolutionary authority. This red power is exerted in the form of elected people's committees throughout the base areas, coordinated at the central level by the United Revolutionary People?s Council (URPC). In a country of 23 million people, 10 million now live in areas under the control of the new revolutionary forces. The People's War, maturing from strategic defence to that of strategic equilibrium, is now in a state of stalemate with the government, a stage in the revolutionary process described by Mao Zedong as "the most trying period but also the pivotal one".
In October last year, King Gyanendra, removed Prime Minister Deuba and seized executive power by dissolving the Council of Ministers and appointing a new pro-monarchy Prime Minister. This indicated starkly, the deep divisions that had emerged within the ruling class over how the insurgency could be defeated. They were however, united on one issue; the need for foreign military aid.
Proving once again, that for the US, no link is too tenuous when it comes to distributing the label of 'terrorist', in a proposal by President Bush for $20 million in military aid, claimed that Nepal has, "conditions that the al-Qaida would find favorable in its search for safe havens". Using familiar logic, the US, employing the language of "what could happen" to justify pre-emptive action, has begun sending soldiers from the US Pacific Command to help train the RNA. In spite of the numerous forces within the Nepal government that favour a negotiated settlement, the US continues to stress the need for strong military action.
In June 2002, Britain, a long-time beneficiery of cheap Nepalese mercenaries, hosted an international consortium that included the US, Russia, China, India, Australia and several European countries with a view to aiding Gyanendra in defeating the Maoists. Shortly afterwards, UK Foreign Office Minister, Mick O Brien declared, "that the Maoists will not be allowed to win".
On the 1st of May, three months into the current ceasefire, a development loudly hailed even by the imperialists, the US released a list of 37 so-called 'terrorist' organisations. For the first time, the CPN(M)'s name appeared. Previously, even when the People's War was at its height, the US deigned to add the Maoists to any of its lists. However, with the beginning of negotiations, and the CPN(M)?s tabling of a minimal democratic programme, something that received country-wide sympathy, the US suddenly felt terrorized.
It is clear that Western imperialism feels somewhat threatened by the prospect of even mild democracy. Consequently, there is concern within the CPN(M) that the US wishes to create turmoil in Nepal, fomenting an atmosphere for direct or indirect military intervention to further its own strategic aims in the region.
This article first appeared in Issue 14 of
Fourthwrite Magazine
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