THE
COMING OF ISLAM
The coming of Islam eventually
changed the nature of Sudanese society and facilitated the division of
the country into north and south. Islam also fostered political unity,
economic growth, and educational development among its adherents; however,
these benefits were restricted largely to urban and commercial centers.
The spread of Islam began shortly
after the Prophet Muhammad's death in 632. By that time, he and his followers
had converted most of Arabia's tribes and towns to Islam (literally, submission),
which Muslims maintained united the individual believer, the state, and
society under God's will. Islamic rulers, therefore, exercised temporal
and religious authority. Islamic law , which was derived primarily from
the Quran, encompassed all aspects of the lives of believers, who were
called Muslims ("those who submit" to God's will).
Within a generation of Muhammad's
death, Arab armies had carried Islam north and east from Arabia into North
Africa. Muslims imposed political control over conquered territories in
the name of the caliph (the Prophet's successor as supreme earthly leader
of Islam). The Islamic armies won their first North African victory in
643 in Tripoli (in modern Libya). However, the Muslim subjugation of all
of North Africa took about seventy-five years. The Arabs invaded Nubia
in 642 and again in 652, when they laid siege to the city of Dunqulah and
destroyed its cathedral. The Nubians put up a stout defense, however, causing
the Arabs to accept an armistice and withdraw their forces.
The Arabs
Contacts between Nubians and Arabs
long predated the coming of Islam, but the arabization of the Nile Valley
was a gradual process that occurred over a period of nearly 1,000 years.
Arab nomads continually wandered into the region in search of fresh pasturage,
and Arab seafarers and merchants traded in Red Sea ports for spices and
slaves. Intermarriage and assimilation also facilitated arabization. After
the initial attempts at military conquest failed, the Arab commander in
Egypt, Abd Allah ibn Saad, concluded the first in a series of regularly
renewed treaties with the Nubians that, with only wity arrangements whereby
both parties agreed that neither would come to the defense of the other
in the event of an attack by a third party. The treaty obliged both to
exchange annual tribute as a goodwill symbol, the Nubians in slaves and
the Arabs in grain. This formality was only a token of the trade that developed
between the two, not only in these commodities but also in horses and manufactured
goods brought to Nubia by the Arabs and in ivory, gold, gems, gum arabic,
and cattle carried back by them to Egypt or shipped to Arabia.
Acceptance of the treaty did not
indicate Nubian submission to the Arabs, but the treaty did impose conditions
for Arab friendship that eventually permitted Arabs to achieve a privileged
position in Nubia. For example, provisions of the treaty allowed Arabs
to buy land from Nubians south of the frontier at Aswan. Arab merchants
established markets in Nubian towns to facilitate the exchange of grain
and slaves. Arab engineers supervised the operation of mines east of the
Nile in which they used slave labor to extract gold and emeralds. Muslim
pilgrims en route to Mecca traveled across the Red Sea on ferries from
Aydhab and Sawakin, ports that also received cargoes bound from India to
Egypt.
Traditional genealogies trace the
ancestry of most of the Nile Valley's mixed population to Arab tribes that
migrated into the region during this period. Even many non-Arabic-speaking
groups claim descent from Arab forebears. The two most important Arabic-speaking
groups to emerge in Nubia were the Jaali and the Juhayna . Both showed
physical continuity with the indigenous pre-Islamic population. The former
claimed descent from the Quraysh, the Prophet Muhammad's tribe. Historically,
the Jaali have been sedentary farmers and herders or townspeople settled
along the Nile and in Al Jazirah. The nomadic Juhayna comprised a family
of tribes that included the Kababish, Baqqara, and Shukriya. They were
descended from Arabs who migrated after the thirteenth century into an
area that extended from the savanna and semidesert west of the Nile to
the Abyssinian foothills east of the Blue Nile. Both groups formed a series
of tribal shaykhdoms that succeeded the crumbling Christian Nubian kingdoms
and that were in frequent conflict with one another and with neighboring
non-Arabs. In some instances, as among the Beja, the indigenous people
absorbed Arab migrants who settled among them. Beja ruling families later
derived their legitimacy from their claims of Arab ancestry.
Although not all Muslims in the
region were Arabic-speaking, acceptance of Islam facilitated the arabizing
process. There was no policy of proselytism, however, and forced conversion
was rare. Islam penetrated the area over a long period of time through
intermarriage and contacts with Arab merchants and settlers. Exemption
from taxation in regions under Muslim rule also proved a powerful incentive
to conversion.
The Decline
of Christian Nubia
Until the thirteenth century, the
Nubian kingdoms proved their resilience in maintaining political independence
and their commitment to Christianity. In the early eighth century and again
in the tenth century, Nubian kings led armies into Egypt to force the release
of the imprisoned Coptic patriarch and to relieve fellow Christians suffering
persecution under Muslim rulers. In 1276, however, the Mamluks (Arabic
for "owned"), who were an elite but frequently disorderly caste of soldier-administrators
composed largely of Turkish, Kurdish, and Circassian slaves, intervened
in a dynastic dispute, ousted Dunqulah's reigning monarch and delivered
the crown and silver cross that symbolized Nubian kingship to a rival claimant
. Thereafter, Dunqulah became a satellite of Egypt.
Because of the frequent intermarriage
between Nubian nobles and the kinswomen of Arab shaykhs, the lineages of
the two elites merged and the Muslim heirs took their places in the royal
line of succession. In 1315 a Muslim prince of Nubian royal blood ascended
the throne of Dunqulah as king. The expansion of Islam coincided with the
decline of the Nubian Christian church. A "dark age" enveloped Nubia in
the fifteenth century during which political authority fragmented and slave
raiding intensified. Communities in the river valley and savanna, fearful
for their safety, formed tribal organizations and adopted Arab protectors.
Muslims probably did not constitute a majority in the old Nubian areas
until the fifteenth or sixteenth century.
The Rule of
the Kashif
For several centuries Arab caliphs
had governed Egypt through the Mamluks. In the thirteenth century, the
Mamluks seized control of the state and created a sultanate that ruled
Egypt until the early sixteenth century. Although they repeatedly launched
military expeditions that weakened Dunqulah, the Mamluks did not directly
rule Nubia. In 1517 the Turks conquered Egypt and incorporated the country
into the Ottoman Empire as a pashalik (province).
Ottoman forces pursued fleeing Mamluks
into Nubia, which had been claimed as a dependency of the Egyptian pashalik.
Although they established administrative structures in ports on the Red
Sea coast, the Ottomans exerted little authority over the interior. Instead,
the Ottomans relied on military kashif (leaders), who controlled their
virtually autonomous fiefs as agents of the pasha in Cairo, to rule the
interior. The rule of the kashif, many of whom were Mamluks who had made
their peace with the Ottomans, lasted 300 years. Concerned with little
more than tax collecting and slave trading, the military leaders terrorized
the population and constantly fought among themselves for title to territory.
The Funj
At the same time that the Ottomans
brought northern Nubia into their orbit, a new power, the Funj, had risen
in southern Nubia and had supplanted the remnants of the old Christian
kingdom of Alwa. In 1504 a Funj leader, Amara Dunqas, founded the Black
Sultanate (As Saltana az Zarqa) at Sannar. The Black Sultanate eventually
became the keystone of the Funj Empire. By the mid-sixteenth century, Sannar
controlled Al Jazirah and commanded the allegiance of vassal states and
tribal districts north to the third cataract and south to the rainforests.
The Funj state included a loose
confederation of sultanates and dependent tribal chieftaincies drawn together
under the suzerainty of Sannar's mek (sultan). As overlord, the mek received
tribute, levied taxes, and called on his vassals to supply troops in time
of war. Vassal states in turn relied on the mek to settle local disorders
and to resolve internal disputes. The Funj stabilized the region and interposed
a military bloc between the Arabs in the north, the Abyssinians in the
east, and the non-Muslim blacks in the south.
The sultanate's economy depended
on the role played by the Funj in the slave trade. Farming and herding
also thrived in Al Jazirah and in the southern rainforests. Sannar apportioned
tributary areas into tribal homelands (each one termed a dar; pl., dur),
where the mek granted the local population the right to use arable land.
The diverse groups that inhabitated each dar eventually regarded themselves
as units of tribes. Movement from one dar to another entailed a change
in tribal identification. (Tribal distinctions in these areas in modern
Sudan can be traced to this period.) The mek appointed a chieftain (nazir;
pl., nawazir) to govern each dar. Nawazir administered dur according to
customary law, paid tribute to the mek, and collected taxes. The mek also
derived income from crown lands set aside for his use in each dar.
At the peak of its power in the
mid-seventeenth century, Sannar repulsed the northward advance of the Nilotic
Shilluk people up the White Nile and compelled many of them to submit to
Funj authority. After this victory, the mek Badi II Abu Duqn (1642-81)
sought to centralize the government of the confederacy at Sannar. To implement
this policy, Badi introduced a standing army of slave soldiers that would
free Sannar from dependence on vassal sultans for military assistance and
would provide the mek with the means to enforce his will. The move alienated
the dynasty from the Funj warrior aristocracy, which in 1718 deposed the
reigning mek and placed one of their own ranks on the throne of Sannar.
The mid-eighteenth century witnessed another brief period of expansion
when the Funj turned back an Abyssinian invasion, defeated the Fur, and
took control of much of Kurdufan. But civil war and the demands of defending
the sultanate had overextended the warrior society's resources and sapped
its strength.
Another reason for Sannar's decline
may have been the growing influence of its hereditary viziers (chancellors),
chiefs of a non-Funj tributary tribe who managed court affairs. In 1761
the vizier Muhammad Abu al Kaylak, who had led the Funj army in wars, carried
out a palace coup, relegating the sultan to a figurehead role. Sannar's
hold over its vassals diminished, and by the early nineteenth century more
remote areas ceased to recognize even the nominal authority of the mek.
The Fur
Darfur was the Fur homeland. Renowned
as cavalrymen, Fur clans frequently allied with or opposed their kin, the
Kanuri of Borno, in modern Nigeria. After a period of disorder in the sixteenth
century, during which the region was briefly subject to Bornu, the leader
of the Keira clan, Sulayman Solong (1596-1637), supplanted a rival clan
and became Darfur's first sultan. Sulayman Solong decreed Islam to be the
sultanate's official religion. However, large-scale religious conversions
did not occur until the reign of Ahmad Bakr (1682-1722), who imported teachers,
built mosques, and compelled his subjects to become Muslims. In the eighteenth
century, several sultans consolidated the dynasty's hold on Darfur, established
a capital at Al Fashir, and contested the Funj for control of Kurdufan.
The sultans operated the slave trade
as a monopoly. They levied taxes on traders and export duties on slaves
sent to Egypt, and took a share of the slaves brought into Darfur. Some
household slaves advanced to prominent positions in the courts of sultans,
and the power exercised by these slaves provoked a violent reaction among
the traditional class of Fur officeholders in the late eighteenth century.
The rivalry between the slave and traditional elites caused recurrent unrest
throughout the next century.