The Fatah faction of the PLO, the only one even remotely interested in this agreement's implementation, has not shown anyone that it is strong enough to uphold it. Palestinian anti-Jewish violence has not decreased, but rather has escalated, since the agreement was signed. The PLO has been responsible for parts of the violence, even within the supposedly neo-pacifistic Fatah. Statements from Palestinian leaders, including those of Fatah leaders, have become more inflammatory and degrading of Jews since the signing. No leader, including Arafat, has shown that he actually recognizes Israel beyond a private letter to Rabin. Fatah and Arafat have shown no inclination to grant any of Israel's necessary demands, voiced or un-voiced, nor have they shown any willingness to try to curb increasing Palestinian terrorism.
On a wholly different scene, Fatah is the only one of many factions in the PLO, whose numbers keep multiplying, that supports the agreements. There is no way that they can control the other factions. Without this control peace will not take root, and therefore cannot be expected.
Who will control the government that is to be elected by the Palestinians under the self-rule agreements? If the results of last month's Bir Zeit University elections are any indication, Fatah has lost its credibility among the masses. If Hamas comes to power, as happened at Bir Zeit, this peace agreement is worthless, and through its implementation, Israel will be caught off guard by electoral developments.
On the Israeli side, Israel cannot hope to overcome its own internal opposition, which grows stronger every day, unless and until it makes the following minimum demands:
- The Palestinian police force must be armed with nothing larger than standard-issue, non-automatic side-arms, their calibre not exceeding .45. In any altercation between this police force and Israelis, whether "settlers" or not, the Israeli government must be involved in the resolution of the dispute on at least equal footing to the Palestinian authority.
- The Israeli government should make it clear and plain that Jerusalem is not open to negotiation now or ever.
- Jewish settlements must be allowed security arrangements that meet their necessities. This includes security and freedom of travel between the settlements and Israel.
- The Israeli armed forces must be allowed the right of pursuit of criminals wanted for crimes against Israelis, whether in Israel or Palestinian territory. This right must be extended to pursuit after the fact as well as "hot pursuit".
- The Arab boycott of Israel must be permanently discontinued, in all its aspects and manifestations, by all countries and businesses.
- The four Israeli MIA's must be returned to Israel immediately.
- A mutual defense pact between Israel and the Palestinian ruling authorities must be completed. This would insure Palestinian co-operation in the defense of Israel from external threats, as it would insure Israeli co-operation in the defense of Palestinian territory from external threats. This would also insure the interests of one in the maintenance of the other as a free entity.
- The Palestinian government must be democratically elected at fixed terms of no more than four years, with provisions for responsibility of the government to the electorate. This provision must also be made regarding Israel.
Israel should make it clear and unambiguous that until and unless these minimum demands are met, no further negotiations will take place, no further Palestinian prisoners will be released, and no further concessions will be made to Palestinian demands or interests.
The PLO has been whining for over two years that Israel is not conceding enough to meet their minimum demands. Israel has, in every such case, bowed to the pressure. But what about Israel's minimum demands? The Israeli government has, in their haste to reach some paper agreement, lost their perspective on their own minimum requirements. It is high time that they regain their composure and begin negotiating rather than cowardly agreeing to every demand made of them. The Israeli government has forgotten that victors do not live at the whim of the vanquished. They must now begin to assert their position as the victors and make these demands so necessary to Israeli national and strategic well-being.
Once such demands are made, the Israeli right will see that the government actually does have the interests of the state and the security of its citizens at heart. Until such proof is given, the Israeli right must be forgiven for not believing in empty rhetoric, meaningless promises, and agreements which are not worth the paper they are printed on.
Copyright 1993. Reproduction in electronic or print format by permission only.
