The Israeli Supreme Court, relying solely on universal common law, has ruled that any conversions to Judaism must be accepted for the purposes of citizenship and culture. But by ignoring religious law, and by accepting religious practices that are empty of any true religious meaning, the Court added to the destructive power this controversy carries with it.
But what does any of this have to do with Peres's current negotiations with the NRP? Well, according to a report in the Jerusalem Post (November 24), Peres is considering legislation banning Reform and Conservative conversions in Israel as part of the package he is offering to the NRP for their passive support. As might be expected, the Conservative and Reform movements have joined with other major Jewish organizations which cater to the less religious among Jewish people to vocally oppose this consideration. The organizations listed in the Post article are all left-wing oriented in their policies, adding yet another interesting wrinkle to the scenario. It is precisely these organizations that have formed the backbone of American support for the Oslo Process, and it is they who now threaten the government with a decrease in fundraising and a rise in the level of argument over religious issues.
Perhaps it is not so surprising that Meretz and the religious left should unify over the same issue (the negotiations with the NRP and Tsomet). After all, what the religious left does to the Jewish nation through conversion and inter-marriage, Meretz proposes to do through political and territorial suicide. The two are natural allies.
Indeed, the complaints of one only support the claim of the political and religious right that the other is wrong. Most people on the right belong there for either political or religious reasons, if not both. Those who are religious see the plain hypocrisy of the demand of the Reform and Conservative movements to legitimize intermarriage by false conversions. Through the unity of these movements with Meretz, the lies of Meretz are also brought to the front. And those who are right-wing politically, but secular, know what is wrong with Meretz's policies. If these policies are ever implemented, they will destroy Israel from within. Through the unity of Meretz with the Reform and Conservative movements, the false Judaism represented by these conversions and inter-marriages is also laid bare.
The interesting development to watch for, though, lies in the purely political ground. When all the talk of Oslo is done, and when all the arguments of inter-conversion are done, what is left is pure realpolitik. Shimon Peres has an election to fight within a year. He, just like everyone else, knows that an unstable, violently divided citizenship is the least likely to re-elect any government. He knows, thanks to President Weizman, that it is the fault of his predecessor that Israel is so divided and unstable. He realizes that his chances of re-election are slim at best, sympathy notwithstanding. And so, just like every other major party, in every other democracy, he is appealing to the political centre, through the two parties that best represent them: one religious, and one secular. By bringing them into the government, even if only passively, Peres ensures himself a greater portion of the centrist vote than he otherwise could hope for. This despite the fact that his concessions to the centre are only good until the election happens.
It is an interesting side note that the NRP has been polling only around one percent of the vote lately, even though they have six seats in the Knesset. Tsomet, too, is becoming less popular than they have been until now. They are also polling lower than their results of the last election. But these two parties easily have the most to gain by passively supporting the government. The concessions they would get in return would satisfy their constituencies for a while, and their stature in the public eye would increase.
Meretz, of course, cannot idly stand by and watch all of this happen. Their dreams for a better, if smaller, weaker, and de-Judaized Israel, are about to go down the drain, and with them, their own public support. Meretz leaders are threatening to pull out of the coalition, which, under the current numbers, would cause the government to fall.
But never mind their threats. If they are carried out, Tsomet and the NRP together equal Meretz's representation in the Knesset. They would be brought in to the cabinet to replace Meretz. I, for one, would love to see the education ministry under NRP control again. The damage done in that Ministry since Meretz took it over is so vast it would take the NRP almost an entire term to repair it.
I am, therefore, heartened this afternoon, as I read the words of Prime Minister Peres in reaction to Meretz's complaints. Peres is quoted as saying that he "has no intention to deepen the gulf between the religious and the secular segments of the population. We are not religion baiters, and we never signed anything which obliges us to subscribe to Meretz' anti-religious views."
Labour Party Secretary-General Nissim Zvilli went a few steps further. He commented that "What we are discussing with the NRP is frankly none of Meretz' business." Zvilli, of course, is correct. While Meretz is concerned first and foremost with inflicting as much damage as possible to Jewish Israel, what Labour and NRP are discussing is the resurrection of a great State, lead by and for a great nation. And that, after all, is none of Meretz's business.
Copyright 1995. Reproduction in electronic or print formats by permission only.
