Take the charge of incitement, levelled so quickly by the left against anyone on the right who even breathes a word that might run counter to the Peresian vision of peace. Take the radio broadcaster who, two years ago, broadcast a Purim spiel on his Shas-affiliated station referring to Meretz leader Yossi Sarid as Haman. He was villified in the media for weeks, investigated by the Justice Ministry and the Police, forced to close down his station, and eventually, yes, charged with incitement.
Of course, no voice of the left-wing then-opposition was ever silenced thus when they screamed anti-Netanyahu slogans, and no secularist was ever questioned for claiming that the religious mega-rally of last spring was "a sad day in the history of Israel" as one high-ranking staff member at Tel Aviv University did.
Now, we have the person who is probably the single-most powerful non-politician in Israel's political hierarchy voicing the same opinions as that radio broadcaster from a few years back. Sarid is Haman, he intoned, and he should be hanged like Haman was hanged. So sayeth Rabbi Ovadya Yosef, and so cheereth hundreds of his supporters.
Sarid is the Education Minister, and is currently embroiled in a fight to the death with Yosef over funding allocations to the Shas educational network and the job description of Shas's deputy education minister, Meshulam Nahari.
More than that, however, Shas has become the lone voice for the religious community within the coalition, while Meretz still clings to the hope that militant secularist voters actually support its platform. In the new political landscape that is developing in Israel, where religious politics is burying foreign affairs and security issues, it is indeed a wonder that these two parties can sit at the same cabinet table.
But what develops is astonishing even more. Yosef should be investigated and charged with incitement and with "insulting a public official" if we are to trust the media soothsayers. (And this last is yet another most farcical "crime" in Israel, while real criminal behaviour often goes unnoticed.)
Instead, though, we find that Prime Minister Barak and Sarid himself have tripped over themselves (doubtless due to their court jester shoes in honour of Purim) to quell the anger caused by Yosef. Barak announced quite quickly that the current coalition is his choice to continue as such, and that he is most comfortable with this array of support as he forges ahead with his momentous negotiations.
For his part, Sarid has said that he is not expecting any sort of apology, and that he takes Yosef's comments as a joke. No doubt this will anger Yosef even more, causing him further effort in goading Sarid. After all, Yosef is used to being taken seriously.
Both Barak and Sarid (at Barak's behest no doubt) are making nice to Yosef with the threat in mind that investigating Yosef will lead Shas's 17 seats out of the coalition. That number is virtually irreplaceable, and will leave Barak in the same hamstrung position as his predecessor, the late Rabin. Barak knows that Rabin's downfall was in his making such momentous moves with a one-seat majority (and even that one seat that had to be bought). Barak pledged loudly while forming his coalition that he would command a more decisive majority in his government.
The most seats Barak could hope to command should Shas leave the government would be 60, not including the Arabs. And that is assuming that both Yisrael Ba'Aliyah and the NRP stay in the government, which is not at all certain. Barak knows that he cannot conclude any treaties with his Arab negotiating partners on such a razor-thin wire.
Instead, he must quell the angst caused by Yosef and harness Sarid at the same time. Not an easy task, but one that he will accomplish. Yosef, on the other hand, can enjoy his Purim shtick with a huge grin on his face. He has nicely upped the ante in his battle with Meretz, and succeeded in getting Meretz, along with Barak, to shield him from the backlash.
What is more serious, though, is that there will be no enforcement of what passes for Israeli law in this case. I am not for one minute suggesting that Yosef should be charged, or even investigated. I am stating, though, that the Israeli justice system has now by this episode been shown for the farce that it is. Selective, manipulative, and applicable only to those who are not shielded by the Labor-Meretz elites of the country.
Copyright 2000. Yehuda Poch is a writer living in Israel. Reproduction in electronic or print format by permission only.
