SAINT James Michigan. June 22, 1855:

Dear Brother: In accordance with your request, I now proceed to write you a series of letters, narrating some incidents of my life and experience since I have been a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints.

In the early part of November, 1838, the wolves being unusually destructive to my flock of sheep, and to avoid the perplexity of having them daily killed. I resolved in my mind that I would reserve of my flock for family use a sufficiency, and take the residue (amounting to a little over five hundred) into the adjoining State of Missouri, (I was then living in McDonough county, Ill., about five or six miles east by north of the village of Macomb), and there find a market for them.

Whilst I was ferrying my sheep over the Mississippi, at the town of Quincy, Ill., I met with a young man on the ferry boat, who had been in the town to get himself armed and equipped for the purpose of entering the Mormon war, as he pleased to call it. This declaration of the ignorant young man was indeed news to me. I had heard through the medium of the newspapers that a sect of religionists had recently sprung up in north-eastern Ohio, but never took interest enough in the matter to read an entire article, thinking it all a humbug.

When I got to Mr. Merrill's (six miles from Quincy), who lived in Marion County, Missouri, being a Campbellite preacher and tavern keeper (where I put up my sheep for the night), I found a crowd collected there, and much excitement and confusion prevailing.

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This was the night of the eighth of November. It is not to be expected that I heard much good said of Mormons in this clamorous collection of ignorant, enthusiastic beings. Although I entered into the discussion of every topic, I gained very little knowledge of the causes of the Mormon war, as it was called.

Early the succeeding morning after my past night's confusion, I put my sheep drove in motion, and made near twenty miles on my way west, all the way trying the chances of selling my sheep, but found no buyers, on account of the war excitement; there being none but the old superannuated men, females and Negroes left at home, and they all excused themselves from buying sheep on the ground of having used all their ready money to arm and equip those who, at the Governor's proclamation, had responded to the call to drive out every Mormon beyond the limits of the State, or exterminate them.

Where I stayed the night of this day, was at the house of an old aristocrat, a native of Virginia (and of course one of the first families), possessed of more pride of family than sound judgment, or general information. I had many warm arguments with him on free religious toleration and the Mormon war, being, as I now considered it, nothing more or less than a religious persecution, together with their increasing numbers, and the fears excited thereby, that they might in a short period give political character to the State, if not nipped in the bud.

I became convinced during the argument against the Mormons by the old egotist (my host), and his disclosure of the cause of the Mormon war, that it was altogether as I supposed, a religious persecution and an ungodly crusade against an unoffending innocent people. And I ever after treated it as such, while I remained in Missouri selling my sheep. I did not return home until the first of December, and before I left the State the war was ended.

On my way home I was detained a week by the ice running in the Mississippi, cutting off the communication between the adjoining States. And the old preacher Merrill's being the nearest house of entertainment, there was a general resort to this house by all transient men that were waiting to cross the river.

The house was very much crowded by men from Kentucky, Indiana and Illinois, all prejudiced more or less against the Mormons, except Judge Holman, of Kentucky, who was on his return home from emigrating the Pottowatamy Indians, as principal agent, to the west of the Missouri River. He informed us that he had went and returned through Far West, and the firm conviction of his mind was that it was a religious persecution, and political jealousy of the growing strength of the Mormons.

Judge Holman and myself had to contend against the crowd, who were headed by our host, Preacher Merrill. Our arguments were (or rather quarrels on the part of our opponents) very bitter. All were more or less excited. Holman was a host to contend with, and bore down all opposition; and we really succeeded in silencing the crowd, before the end of our six days and nights discussion.

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By the time I got home the advance of the Mormons expelled from Missouri began to cross the Mississippi River in a poor, and apparent distressed condition. During the course of this winter, I found my health very much declining, and was advised by Dr. Wm. F. Barrett (who is now President of the Medical College of Mo.) to suspend all manual labor, and take moderate horse exercise; and he prescribed for me, and prepared the medicine for me to take.

I had already entered my sons and two nephews as pupils or students at the McDonough College located in Macomb, and concluded to rent my farm, teams and other stock and move into the village, and board my sons instead of hiring their board. I had 300 acres tillable land, between 5,000 and 8000 bushels of grain that I had no market for, a large quantity of bacon and lard, about 250 head of hogs, about 100 head of cattle, together with sheep and poultry, aud fourteen well selected horses, well suited for the saddle or harness; also three yearling colts.

The incumbrance of this amount of personal property was greatly in the way of my resolution to move to the village, I was not long in determining what to do. With the abundance about me, I immediately resolved to seek out some poor Mormon families, and establish them as farmers on my homestead, as I was well supplied with house room. My dwelling had eight rooms besides the cellar, and I had another good house that would accommodate two small families.

Sometime in the month of March I went down to Quincy, Ill., to put my plan into effect, I saw many families that had come out of Missouri, all more or less in destitute circumstances. But I had a friend in Quincy, the Hon. Archibald Williams, whose advice I wished to obtain in regard to suitable persons to take charge of my farm and property. Upon my arrival in Quincy, I waited on my friend Williams, who informed me that he had in one of his houses the families of Joseph Smith Sen., Samuel H. Smith, Don Carlos Smith, Jenkins Salsbury, and a Br. Henry Hoit. He said they were all destitute and he thought gentlemen, and would suit my purpose; and that he had warm prejudices in favor of them, and Mormons in general.

I waited on the venerable Patriarch and those under his roof. He received me with great cordiality, and after I had disclosed my business he frankly said that his sons would take charge of my farm and effects, and praised God that I had been sent in answer to his prayers.

We called the whole household together in council, whereupon it was determined that Samuel and Don Carlos would accompany me home, to see the premises and consummate the bargain. But the distance being sixty miles, and they on foot, it was concluded that I should start home that afternoon, and get there the next day and they would try to be at my house the night following. The old patriarch, during our brief interview, gave me a rather detached account of the persecution the saints had passed through since the organization of the church in April,

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1830, up to the expulsion of the saints from Missouri, and their unparalleled sufferings, with the circumstances of his son, the prophet and seer, remaining in prison in the hands of his enemies. But his confidence was unshaken in God; that he would deliver him from his enemies and restore him to the bosom of the church.

The manner and language used in narrating the above, and his allusion to the ignorance of mankind in regard to God and Godliness, and the period having arrived at hand for the ushering in (according to the words spoken by the holy prophets) of the dispensation of the fullness of times, and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, pursuant to the accomplishing of God's work for the salvation of mankind, bringing them to the glorious period when all should know the Lord from the least to the greatest, was really most thrilling, and made an impression on my mind which cannot be forgotten; indeed, I was almost persuaded to be a Mormon.

I arrived at home and the Bros. Smith came as was agreed upon, and in a few days they took possession of my farm and stock on hand, which was ample for the comfort of many families. I told the Bros. Smith, Holt and Salsbury to inform all the destitute Mormons to come and get provisions to subsist upon, as 8,000 bushels of grain would feed many persons, if used for breadstuff alone, and it could be had without money or price.

Notwithstanding the influence of the course of medicine I was under, my health was still rapidly declining, all seemed to move on smoothly with me and my tenants; but, however, there was an occasional freak of persecution against me for introducing Mormons into the neighborhood. In the meantime I had read the Book of Mormon, and was somewhat perplexed (as I was really a believer in the work; although I had not as yet heard a sermon) at the frequent occurrence of the words "had not aught," and such like provincialisms, however, I became more reconciled in regard to those errors as I was daily growing in faith.

About this time we had the news reach us that the prophet Joseph Smith had escaped from prison, and had arrived in Illinois, and was making an effort to buy the village of Commerce, at the head of the lower rapids of the Mississippi River. I had great anxiety to see him but Don Carlos informed me that as soon as the contemplated purchase was made, and a place fixed for the gathering of the saints, that Joseph would be at my place to pay them a visit. I therefore put my patience in requisition to wait the appointed time.

As I was in the daily habit of riding out every fair day; on a bland bright morning I prevailed on my wife to indulge in the luxury, of a ride on horseback, to visit our tenants on the farm. On our return home I perceived as we were leisurely riding along, that a carriage containing a number of persons was meeting us, and as we neared it the appearance of a large man sitting in front driving seemed to be familiar to me as if I had always known him, and suddenly the thought burst on my mind that it was none other than the prophet Joseph Smith.

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Indeed, my whole frame was in a tremor with the occurrence of the thought, and my heart seemed as it were coming up into my mouth. Getting in speaking distance, he suddenly reined up his horses; as making ready to speak, (I was much agitated as the words came from his mouth.) "Sir, can you tell me the way to the farm of a Mr. Miller, living somewhere in the direction I am going?" Instead of answering him direct, my reply was, "I presume, sir, that you are Joseph Smith, Jr., the Mormon prophet ?" "I am sir," adding, "I also presume that you are the Mr. Miller whose farm I inquired for ?" "I am sir." He then introduced me to his wife and family, and thus a formal (or rather informal) introduction passed between us and families. In our short interview many things were said in regard to our meeting, that on our approach we both supposed that the other was an old acquaintance.

I solicited him to preach. He excused himself not feeling like sermonizing, having just escaped from prison; that he felt like a bird uncaged and was more disposed to reconnoiter the country and visit his friends and people.

Upon my urging the matter of his preaching, he suddenly turned to me, saying, that he did think of some one of the elders preaching for me, but he was now resolved on doing it himself; that it had been whispered that a Samaritan had passed by and bound up the wounds of his bleeding friends,

adding that he would do the best he could in the way of preaching. Accordingly the time and place was fixed upon, and I went to notify the people of the appointment of the Mormon prophet to preach.

The appointment arrived at hand. The house and dooryard was filled with people, apparently anxious to hear, as I then thought, and do yet, more for the purpose of fault finding than seeking after truth. He took for his text that chapter in the writings of Luke, where a certain man fell among thieves when journeying from Jerusalem to Jericho, and was taken and ministered to by the Samaritan.

He took an extensive latitude while treating on this text, and took up a long time, and notwithstanding it was a rainy day, those outside of the house stood in the rain sheltered by umbrellas until the service was over. I had no remaining doubts left in regard to the truth of the prophet Joseph, and the doctrine of the gospel as taught by the Latter Day Saints. An arrangement was then agreed upon that I was to circulate notice of all appointment for two days' meetings, to be held in the court house on Saturday and Sunday, the weeks from that time, and Joseph was to send a couple of able elders to preach in this hot bed of Presbyterian and Methodism.

Three days before the appointed time of preaching in the court house in the village of Macomb, it

being sometime near the 26th of June, 1839, keeping up my custom of riding out every day on account of my declining health, I harnessed up my carriage horses and brought out the carriage, proposing to my wife to take our little daughter Mary, who was about the age to be interesting as

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a little prattler, and for us to take a ride to the farm, see our Mormon friends, and dine with my sister that lived at the adjoining my farm.

On our leaving our brother-in-law's, in the act of my handing our little daughter to her mother in the carriage and putting up the steps, I fell as if I had been shot down, with no more use of my body from the hips to the ends of my toes than if I had not had such parts. I would however persist in going home, and was accordingly bolstered up in the carriage and got home at night, or rather sun down, with much difficulty. Three doctors were called in, and upon consultation they opened the veins in both my arms, and took a half pint of blood every three quarters of an hour. They pronounced my disease tic-douloureux, and told me frankly if I had any matters to arrange in regard to my estate I had better be about it, as I could not possibly live.

On that afternoon elders Taylor and Rigdon arrived at my house for the purpose of filling the before mentioned anointment. They questioned me in regard to my faith, and told me I need not lay in bed another minute on account of my sickness. I was instantly healed, and had the use of my limbs and entirely free from pain. The entire village was in an uproar. Those who were watching with me at the time of this occurrence, fled from me and left my house as if I had been a hideous monster. The word was circulated all over the village that it had been a plan concocted between me and the Mormons, that I was to feign sickness and pretend to be healed by the Mormons, all for effect, to carry out our imposition upon the credulity of the people.

Elders Rigdon and Taylor preached as agreed upon to a full house, who were there to find fault rather than be profited by hearing the truth. There were preachers of different sects present, who, when challenged by the Mormon elders to defend their false doctrine and erroneous religious tenets, not one of them would take up the glove when opportunity was given.

I was baptized by elder Taylor, and here a new era of my life was fully ushered in. I was now openly persecuted for my religious belief profession. My cattle were shot on the prairies, (but not killed). My fences laid down, and the flocks and herds of the prairies turned on my grain fields. I was vexed by petty lawsuits. Men that I had never had dealings with would recover sums of money from me, by bringing into the Justice's court false witnesses, and those that owed me would prove payment, and it was openly avowed by some that they had just as well have the picking of my estate as the damned Mormons and Joe Smith, as they were all living off of my effects.

I immediately began to arrange my property matters, so that I put them in shape to be available, and gather with the saints; which I accomplished the ensuing spring.

In my next I will give an account of other remarkable incidents in my life.

Most truly and sincerely, etc.,

George Miller

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SAINT JAMES, Michigan. June 26, 1855.

Dear Brother: At the writing of my article bearing date 22nd instant, my health was so miserably wretched that I apprehended some doubts in my mind whether I should really be able to continue the writing the series of letters I had at that time intended.

In the fall season of 1839, I got my affairs so arranged that I moved to Commerce, or, rather, across the Mississippi into Iowa, where had a tract of land and house to shelter my family. This place of my farm in Iowa was nearly opposite (a little below) the present remains of the city of Nauvoo, then Commerce.

There I established a small wood yard for the steamers plying on the Mississippi, and remained here with my family until the first of September, l840, when I was solicited by the prophet to move into the city of Nauvoo, which was now growing up like a mushroom.

We bought a steamer at this time of the U. S., remodeled her, named her Nauvoo, and on the trade. A requisition was made by the Governor of Missouri, upon Governor Carlin of Illinois, for Joseph Smith, as a fugitive from justice. Joseph, to keep out of the way of the officers of the law, went two trips on the steamer, that was then plying on the upper Mississippi River. I was also on the steamer Nauvoo until the close of navigation, which was earlier than usual, taking place in November, at which time I moved into Nauvoo. I was requested by Joseph to rouse up some Elders and go into Iowa, and the region around about Nauvoo, and preach the gospel. This portion of the country having been neglected on account of the Apostles and many of the Elders previous being sent to England and the Eastern States on Missions. This was a great task for me, on account of my diffidence or lack of confidence in myself. I however was faithful in my calling and appointment of my mission, and our labors were blessed.

The Legislature had granted us a city charter, and other charters embracing powers and privileges so broad that our enemies had their jealousy aroused to the highest degree (either real or ideal) on account by the legislature to the Mormons. But my opinion was then and is yet that the main grounds of fear was to act to organize a military force, called the Nauvoo Legion, as according to the provisions of the act to organize the militia of Illinois, that this dreaded Nauvoo Legion would draw State arms; and if they should wish to expel the Mormons from Illinois, as they had from Ohio and Missouri, these State arms might be somewhat in the way of the undertaking, as our increasing numbers had already excited the fears of the knowing ones, in regard to our political as also our municipal strength.

Joseph Smith already began to make preparations to build a Temple, and had suggested the propriety to me of building a house suitable for a tavern or hotel, answering to the growing importance of the city. Whilst I was out in out on my mission, on the 19^th of January, 1841, Joseph Smith received the

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revelation appointing me to the office of Bishop, to organize an association to build the Nauvoo House, also the revelation to build a temple. Apheus Cutler, Reynolds Cahoon, and Elias Higby were appointed a Building Committee to superintend the building of the Temple.

In this commandment I was made one of the Committee of the Nauvoo House Association, and named by Joseph as its President. In the month of February I was ordained and set apart in the Bishopric, to which I was called in the revelation; and also as President of the Nauvoo House Association.

I immediately entered on the duties of the stupendous work before me, and a scene of activity peculiarly complicated and diversified in every feature, involving responsibility and manifold labors, hitherto unknown to me. Early this spring the English emigrants (late converts of the Apostles and the Elders in the vineyard) began to come in, in apparent poverty and in considerable numbers. Beside these, they were crowding in from the States, all poor, as the rich did not generally respond to the proclamation of the prophet to come with their effects and assist in building the temple and Nauvoo House. The poor had to be cared for, and labor created that they might at least earn part of their subsistence, there not being one in ten persons that could set themselves to work, to earn those indispensable things for the comfort of their families.

My brethren of the Committee of the Nauvoo House Association, and the Committee of the Temple, all bore a part in the employment of laborers, and the providing food for them, but I had a burden aside from theirs that rested heavily upon me, growing out of my Bishopric. The poor, the blind, the lame, the widow, and the fatherless all looked to me for their daily wants; and but for the fact of some private property I had on hand, they must have starved; for I could not possibly, by soliciting gratuitous contributions to bury the dead, obtain them, let alone feeding the living. I was here thrown into straits unlooked for. No tithing in store, the rich amongst us pretended to be too poor to barely feed themselves and nurse their speculations which they were more or less engaged in, and those there were really poor could not help themselves.

I was now in the midst of a sickly season, filled with anxiety for the suffering. Multiplied labors crowed upon me, and hundreds of mouths to feed. My days were filled with toil and care, and my nights were not spent with the giddy and the mirthful, but with sleepless anxiety in waiting on the suffering poor and sick of the city. Perhaps I am saying too much, but I praise the God of heaven that he gave me shoulders to bear, and patience to endure the burdens placed upon me.

In a conference of the Building Committee, Joseph and Hyrum Smith presiding, called at my suggestion, to deliberate on the best plan of operations for procuring lumber for the building of the temple and Nauvoo House, the result of our deliberations were that we should buy a mill in the pineries of the firm of Crane and

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Kirtz, situated on Black River, a tributary of the Mississippi, which they were holding for sale at fifteen hundred dollars.

Crane and Kirtz were sent for, (their residence twenty miles off). They came. The bargain was made upon the representation of Crane and Kirtz, and Peter Haws, of the Nauvoo House Committee, and Alpheus Cutler of the Temple Committee, were appointed to take immediate possession of the mills, and take a company of laborers, with nine months provisions and clothing, and enter into the businesses of lumbering, for the joint benefit of both buildings, each furnishing an equal proportion of the accruing expenses. The outfit was provided for a large company (I do not remember the precise number), and they all forthwith set out on their undertaking.

The residue of the summer and fall were taken up with providing the means for feeding and paying the wages of the laborers engaged on the Temple and Nauvoo House which was done abundantly for the time being, mainly by the exertions of Lyman Wight and myself, for both houses. The workmen were kept all winter, as we necessarily had to feed them where we discharged them form the work or not; they having no means of buying their winter's food without our aid.

At the closing in of winter Joseph advised me to go to Kentucky on a preaching excursion, and sell some property I had, to obtain means for the early spring operations; and Lyman Wight to Ohio, and the eastern States, and visit those that would not gather up to Nauvoo, get what tithing he could, and sell what stock in the Nauvoo House he could, and return early in the spring.

We severally set out. Lyman to the North East, and I to Kentucky. My labors were prospered. I returned in the ensuing April with a hundred head of cattle, some horses and other effects.

I will now take a retrospective notice of the progress of our operations in the pinery. Haws and Butler returned with a raft of hewed timber at the close of navigation, and twelve of the men. They left a man in charge at the pineries. They remodeled, or rather almost made anew the mill, but made but little or no lumber, and left the men to get logs ready for spring sawing.

This summer I was almost overwhelmed by the amount of business crowding upon me, having the burden to bear almost alone.

John C. Bennett, one of the most corrupt of corrupted men, having been severely reproved for his corruptions and false teachings, set out to get revenge for being so harshly dealt by. He wrote and published a series of exposures of Mormon corruptions, as he was pleased to call them, and by his falsehoods procured another requisition by the Governor of Missouri, upon the Governor of Illinois, for the expatiation of Joseph Smith, as accessory before the fact, to an attempt to commit murder on the body of Ex. Governor Liburn W. Boggs.

I was delegated to go to Missouri and see Governor Reynolds in person. E. H. Derby went with me, and for the time being the blow was warded off, and all was peace again. Soon after this Joseph wrote two letters of revelation

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in regard to the baptism for the dead. In the beginning of the month of October, 1842, we fully ascertained that our lumbering operations run us in dept $3,000, and the amount of lumber so little that our work was almost brought to a stand.

All of our lumbering operations having proved nearly abortive, Lyman's labors this summer produced very little for the Nauvoo House, but a large amount for the Temple.

We had another Conference of the committees, whereupon it was determined that I should go to the pineries and get Henry W. Miller and family, with two other families, to go up as cooks for the men, and for Lyman Wight to go east and return in the spring, and together with Peter Haws drive the work at home, whilst I should make an effort in the pineries to extricate our establishment from dept, and make the lumber in sufficient quantities to keep the work progressing. It was advised that I should take my wife along with me as she was very sick of ague and fever, and taking her North was advised to recover her health.

A few days after the Conference I started with my wife, female children and hired girl to Prairie DuChien; there having a suit pending against Jacob Spaulding, the owner of the mills at the falls of Black River, fifteen miles above our present establishment. The others were to come forthwith after me in a boat loaded with our winter supplies, which we intended to have towed up to the mouth of Black River, and then work it by poling to our lumber mills. I got to Prairie DuChien, and arranged my business with Spaulding, so as to secure my claim against him, in getting possession of his mills on my arrival there, and turn him over ours (which was of little or no value) in lieu thereof.

Spaulding returned to the mills to await my arrival and I remained awaiting the coming up of Henry W. Miller. It is often the case in the course of human events, that a man clothed with a little brief authority, that they get far above their principal. Unfortunately this seemed to be the case with Henry W. Miller. He loitered away his time at Nauvoo, swelling over his big authority, telling the men that we could not do without him, for his knowledge and mechanical skill was really indispensable to us. He also told the men that he was sent up to keep a kind of oversight of my movements; but he was finally urged out of Nauvoo by the men on the boat and the architect of the Nauvoo House, after having loitered away two weeks of time at this advanced season of the year, and it was not until three weeks after the time that he appointed to meet me at Prairie DuChien that this great personage arrived, and not until the steamers had all stopped running; leaving us ninety miles to tow or pole our boat to the mouth of Black River, and then over one hundred miles to the mills.

I, however, before the boat came, got on a raft, and met them coming on by poling, and on the evening or rather afternoon of the 12^th of November, we got to Prairie DuChien. I got my family aboard, and came on towards our destination. The weather cold, and the river running with slush ice, with intense labor we made at noon, on

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the 17^th of November, within seven miles of the mouth of Black River and stopped at a trading post. The river now being completely filled with snow and ice, here we secured our boat for the winter, and stored our freight.

I will not attempt to give in detail (as appears in my diary) the toil, cold, breasting snow banks (it was two and a half feet deep on a level), treading a road for oxen and sleds to travel on, and the labor of myself and the men in getting the teams down from the mills, and the families moved up; suffice it to say that Bonaparte's retreat from Moscow was a mere nothing in comparison, save there were no deaths or freezing amongst us.

It was not until the 31^st day of December that we got fully established at our mill at the falls of Black River and began our lumbering operations. We were one hundred and twenty miles from our principal winter supplies of provision, our cattle not half supplied with grain and forage to enable us to prosecute our winter's work to advantage; the men almost worn out with the incredible toil that we had just passed through, indeed they performed labors that are almost incredible to relate, and I felt in my heart to praise God that He had given me strength to take the lead, and go before the men in all their toil.

Too much cannot be said in praise of these faithful brethren. They really performed wonders. We were in the midst of a howling wilderness, and the aspect or our affairs to some might seem forbidding; but we were all buoyant with hope of better days, and resolved on accomplishing the work we had undertaken. We now being organized for regular train of operations, we though our labors and exposures might in a great degree be past; but it was not so and with the best division of labor that we could possibly devise, it was all we could do to keep our families and cattle from perishing for want of food, from the fact of our winter's supplies being far distant, and the depth of snow on the mountains and valleys intervening, we had to draw on sleds, and carry by back loads the principal supplies for men and animals beside our lumbering operations.

The foregoing was not all the difficulties we had to encounter. Several bands of Winnebago Indians were scattered up and down Black River on their winter's hunt, and as is common, a number of traders and whiskey sellers were also in attendance, in order to buy or rather cheat the Indians out of their furs and peltry. Those fiends in human shape influenced the Indians to come in sufficient numbers (as they supposed) to our mill and make a demand of us for the pine trees we were sawing, two barrels of pork with proportion of flour, or, on our refusal, they would burn down our mill. The lumbermen on the river had a hand in this matter, but they tried to excuse themselves clear.

When the Indians came to our mills they were drunk, or partly so, and very clamourous. I could not understand their language so as to know what they wanted, more than I conjectured by their signs; but prevailed in making them understand that I would go with them to a trading post, where there was an interpreter, and I would have a

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talk with them; and accordingly set off with them, unattended, as I did not wish to raise any excitement amongst our men.

On our arrival at the post, the Indians told me that we were cutting and sawing up the pine that was once theirs and of right ought then to be; that their children were perishing with hunger, the snow so deep that they could not hunt, and the white men had told them that we ought to pay them, or they ought to burn our mills.

In my speech in reply, I told them that I did not fear them, or the white men either; that when they got ready to burn our mills, to come on and bring the white men with them; that I had not at any time sold them whiskey to make them drunk, causing them to lay in the snow and freeze to death, as had been the case several times the present winter; nor had I at any time cheated them out of their furs and peltry by giving them trifles in return, thereby depriving them of the means of buying food to feed their starving children; nor had I any hand in buying the Indian's lands; nor had I, as a lease, held up the bottle, or trifling presents as an inducement to sell; that they might receive annuities for the traders to squabble over, which of them should get the first chance to cheat the Indians out of them by smuggling whiskey to them, thereby disqualifying them from getting their living as their forefathers had done; and that the white man had done all this and more too; that they had driven them from the bones and homes of their fathers, and that I did not sanction any of these wrongs done the Indians; that I had been, and always expected to be, their friend; that I had fed and warmed them, when they came to my house, and had sent food to their hungry children; and if for these things, they wanted to burn our mills to come and burn them.

While I was speaking the tears rolled down the cheeks of several of their principal men, and they came up to me when I closed my remarks, and embraced me, telling me in broken English, good captain, brother, good captain.

I bought some flour and pork of the traders and gave them telling them to take it home to their children. I returned to the mills the same day. No further difficulty occurred with the Indians, lumberman or traders in the course of the winter and spring. Nothing but toil and hardships awaited us at every stage of our undertaking.

We had sent a man down about the first appearance of the melting of the snow and breaking up of the ice, to place we had left our boat and stored our provisions, to take care of them.

On the 6^th of April, I, with four of the young able bodied men, started down to bring up our boat and provisions, that we had left last fall, (or winter.)

The grounds was beginning to show itself on south exposures. We arrived at our boat on the morning of the third day. The men we had sent to take care of our boat were all safe, but had not been able to free the boat of the ice that had accumulated through the winter. We immediately set about it, and had all clear by night; but it was not until 11 o'clock on the 10^th of April that the river was freed from ice so as to be at all practicable to work our boat.

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We loaded up and started, breaking the gorges of ice, making headway by the most tremendous exertions that men could possibly make, worn down and exhausted, we encamped for the night fairly up in Black River Lake (a widening out of the river above its mouth).

In like manner we prosecuted our daily task until the afternoon of the 19^th day of April when we arrived at out mills, worn out with the violent exertions we had made on our voyage. We however did not slacken our hands, until with the assistance of the men at the mills we unloaded the boat, and put our flour, pork, etc., into the storehouse.

I took this spring two rafts of lumber to Nauvoo, and obtained supplies to feed and clothe the men engaged in lumbering. I conceived it necessary to buy three or four yoke of oxen, as we had lost three head of the severity of the winter. Our mills daily turning out over twelve thousand feet of lumber, it necessarily took much team work. About the first of June I came up on a steamer to Galena, that being a better place to buy oxen than Nauvoo, and would save transportation that part of the way. I bought the oxen required, but could not get any boat to take them up under two weeks. I, upon this information, yoked up and chained my oxen together, lashed my trunk on the middle yoke, and forthwith set out for Prairie Du Chien about 4 o'clock P. M., a distance of 75 miles, where I arrived on the afternoon of the third day. I had yet a hundred and fifty miles to go on a right line, and on the traveled road two hundred. I was at a loss to determine on the rout I would travel, weather to aim at a straight line never trod by the white man's foot, or to take the track frequented by those who had occasion to travel in this region. I however was but a few minutes in determining. I provided a supply of provisions, and started forthwith to reach the mills by the straight line, through the woods; went out four miles to the last house on my way, where I stayed all night.

I set out early, and without entering into detail in giving the incidents attendant on this lonesome journey, no company but my three yoke of oxen, and by perseverence arrived at the mills at noon on the sixth day from Prairie DuChien, to the surprise and apparent joy of all my friends present, to see a man all tattered and torn, through not forlorn, emerging from the woods, driving three yoke of oxen. The brethren would hardly accredit me when I told them the route I came up, and all alone. Some would say, Were you not afraid wild beast would eat you, having no gun to defend yourself? I told them I had a knife, that answered just as well.

In my next I will conclude my operations in lumbering in the Mississippi pineries.

As ever, most truly and sincerely, GEORGE. Miller.

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Saint James, Michigan. June 27, 1856.

Dear Brother:-In my epistle of yesterday I closed with an indefinite relation of a trip on foot, and driving three yoke of oxen from Galena, ILL., to the falls of Black River, in Wisconsin, June, 1843.

I got clear of a great clog in my business operations in the month of May, I believe, viz., Henry W. Miller, who carried with him all of his consequential dignity back to the vicinity of Nauvoo.

I received an additional supply of hands this summer, and we made lumber rapidly, paying our expenditures, besides liquidation part of the indebtedness that had accrued before I came up to this country. We sent to Nauvoo a large amount of hewed timbers, and two hundred thousand feet of sawed lumber, suitable for the Temple and Nauvoo House, together with a large about of shingles, and a raft of barn boards.

In the latter part of August I went down with tow large rafts of prime lumber, 400,000 feet; on my arrival I found that Lyman Wight had returned from his eastern mission, accomplished nothing that could be made available from the Nauvoo House, had lost a trunk containing many thousand dollars of Nauvoo House stock certificates, and had shod a large amount of stock for a canal boat and other property, that was never received in Nauvoo, nor could in any way be made available. Lyman had become wholly disqualified for business of any kind, in consequence of his indulgence in a habit that he was occasionally addicted to, his face and body very much bloated or swollen.

The prophet advised a temporary suspension of the work on the Nauvoo House and for all of the committee of Nauvoo House to direct all their efforts unitedly to the work on the Temple. Joseph and Hyrum conferred with me privately in regard to Lyman, and it was agree upon that we would persuade him to gather up a company of young men and families and go with me to the pineries. Lyman readily agreed to enter into the arrangement, and forthwith raised quite a crowd ready for the undertaking, a number of widows and children among them, that we really supposed would be a great incumbrance to our establishment, but Lyman persisted in taking them, as to they had to be cared for and fed, and I was the proper person to do it; and furthermore that they would earn their living by cooking, washing and mending for the men, and making to their clothes, etc.

notwithstanding the difficulty of supplying the destitute at the increased expense of doing it in the pineries, we thought it best to indulge Lyman in the matter, that we might the more readily get him from temptation, where he could not indulge in the habit he had contracted.

I procured the steamer Maid of Iowa (which now belonged to the church) to take the company and their effects up to the mouth of Black River, together with a stock of provision I had laid in for supplying the lumbermen. We all got to the mills in the month of August.

We had houses to build for the comfort and convenience of the families, and having great facilities of building (and Joseph wishing to make those mills a permanent establishment), It was thought the best to make them permanent, good houses. I procured a drive of cattle, and had them taken up by the young men. They consisted of oxen, milch cows and young cattle.

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We cleared and broke up land to put in the ensuing fall fifty acres of wheat. We had procured and bought up seed for the purpose. In fine we pushed forward our work with great energy and dispatch in all things we had undertaken to do, that we had even succeeded beyond our most sanguine expectations, so that in the course of the summer and early part of the fall we had filled all bills for the lumber and shingles for both Temple and Nauvoo House and forwarded it on, so that we felt easy on this score.

But when I took down the last rafts in the fall season, upon my arrival at Nauvoo, I found a great deal of lumber that we had (the two last seasons of toil and sacrifice) made for the temple and Nauvoo House had, to my great mortification, been used for other purposes than those intended. The Temple Committee said that the workmen must needs have houses, and they had to pay their men. But the truth of the case was that committee had become house builders; that they were not alone content to have fresh eggs to set themselves, but they wanted eggs to set all their numerous brood of chickens, and that it was really convenient to use the material provided for the Nauvoo House (as its operations were temporarily suspended), as in like manner the Temple materials also, as we had in common such productive mills in the pinery.

I remonstrated at this course of procedure, but Joseph told me to be content, and that he would see by and by that all should be made right, saying it was most likely his persecutors would let him alone since his final discharge by Judge Pope, and he would in future have more leisure.

I gathered up a large supply of provisions to make up the deficit that might be feed the hundred and fifty persons we then had in the pineries, and shipped on the steamer Gen. Brooks, then on her last trip to Saint Peters. The water was very low this fall, and the boat lay so long from time to time on sand bars, that when she got to Prairie Du Chien the master concluded to go no further up, as the water was low and the season far advanced, and abating something on the price of my freight put it off and turned back.

I stored my supplies with Mr. Dousman, the principal of the fur company's house at that place. This was now the early part of November. On the next day in the morning we made up a company that were going up to the pineries, who agreed to go with me through the near way, the road I had taken with the oxen a year ago last summer. The company consisted of eight persons. One gave out the first day and turned back.

I found no walkers among them. None of them had perhaps ever been without food an entire day. Two of the men, however, were brethern, viz., Pierce Hawley, of Black River, and Moses Smith, of Nauvoo, who were going up to make shingles. The other five were all gentiles.

I took what provisions I thought sufficient to last me through and requested the others to do likewise. They asked me how long I was going through with the oxen. I told them six days. They said they could go up in a little over half that time. I told them that it was then winter, and they would find out that when I walked I did not stand still, and they had better take six days provision, as it was then snowing, and we might have a deep snow before we got up to the mills.

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They said they were three guns in the company, and they could kill what they could eat.

We traveled hard all day, the snow falling rapidly and very wet and heavy. Four of us went about thirty miles, and camped before night to await the coming up of the other three. They did not however get up to camp, as we had expected. The snow was near a foot deep. Hawley, Glover and a man I have forgotten the name of, and myself, came thus far, and the other three came up about ten o'clock A. M., of the next day, foot sore and tired. They declared that we must have walked fifty miles.

After resting a short time we started, and came on about two miles further than I had made the first day with my oxen from the house four miles this side Prairie Du Chien, where we camped for the night. We had frequent snow storms this day. Some of the men said we must be pretty near half way to Black River. At these remarks I began to apprehend trouble and told them that they had better turn back; at the distance we had come was only what I had made in a day and a piece travel. At this three or more replied that they believed I was lost, and did not know where I was going. I replied pretty sharply, at which they begged my pardon, and said they were all joking, and hoped I would take no offence.

This day we made a later start, on account of the men being foot sore. We came on our way about twelve miles, and some of the men so tired that they said they could go no further. We therefore took up camp for the night. This night finished up all our provisions. The morning of the fourth day we set off early, our gunmen to hunting, the other four following me. We camped early, that our hunters might have time to catch up. They came, but had no meat. All or most of them quite snappish and fretful.

On the morning of the fifth day we set out on our journey very early. Our hunters set out to bring into camp a good supply of meat, and the others went on with me to make a trail and take up camp as on the day before. But night again brought all up without food. It was indeed laughable to hear the occasional complaints, followed a period of silence, and see the bitter faces of all hands, this kind of starvation being nothing new to me, I did not mind it.

On the morning of the sixth day we all set out together, traveled hard all day, and took up camp for the night, having made the best progress that we had any day since we left Prairie Du Chien. We decreed this night to slay a dog that had followed us from Prairie Du Chien, and make a supper of him. We halved him, and roasted him before the fire. I tasted the dog, it is true, but my prejudice were such that I could not eat (not so now). One old man, whose name I did not hear, as we called him old gentleman, could not be prevailed on to taste the dog. All hands seemed to be cheerful and happy whilst feasting on the dog, and by the morning light he was wholly demolished.

We set off this morning of the 7^th, intending to make near our mills, as we were in plain view of a mountain that was situated three miles southeast of our place, which I pointed out to the men from an eminence soon after our starting. The snow was quite soft this morning, and we moved on finely a few miles and came to where three bear tracks crossed at right angles the route we were going.

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It was soon agreed upon that I and one of the men (gentile) were to pursue the bear, and the other five were to go on towards the mills, and leave us to come up after night.

I pointed out the mountain for them to steer for, and put in chase after the bear. We several times got near the bear, but could not get a shot, on account of the thick underbrush. We abandoned the chase about three o'clock P. M., and made our way for the mills. After going about ten miles we encountered an Indian who was going in chase of the bear we had left. He was on horseback. I inquired of him if he had seen anything of our men. He said he had. I told him that I had pointed out the mountain southeast of the mills that they were to steer for. He said that they were lost; that they did not see him; that at a certain hill he pointed out to us our men turned off to another mountain, twenty miles below, that looked just like that at our near the mills.

My other companion wanted to go on toward the mills, and leave the damned fools, as he was pleased to call them, to go to hell, for he was so tired he was not going to trail after them. I told him then he could go towards the mills, and I would follow the lost men. No; he'd be damned if he would do that, for he did not believe that I was right about the mills. I told him to go to the Indian, and get him to take him to the mills; that he was frequently there, and was an acquaintance of mine.

By the end of this disputation we came upon the men's trail that had turned down to the other mountain and he followed with me on the trail of the men. We did not go far until dark overtook us, and in some places had difficulty in keeping their tracks or trail. About nine o'clock at night my hunter companion told me not to walk so fast, that he could not stand it. I slackened my pace, and all went on well for a while. He again called to me, saying, he'd be God dammed if he didn't shoot me if I continued to walk so fast. I turned to him and clubbed my gun, and placed myself in a position to strike, telling him that I was almost minded to make a finish of him. He humbly begged my pardon, and would be more patient in future, and to have pity on him, for he was almost perishing with fatigue and hunger.

I told him to take courage, I would take care of him, and that we were near a camp, for I smelled pine burning. After a half hour's walk we came to a place where the fire was yet burning. Here we called aloud and were answered near by. We proceeded and soon came to an Indian lodge, where we found all our company eating venison. When I got into the lodge the old Indian told me that the men had came out of the way; that they could have gone to the falls as soon as to his lodge, and that he would send two of his boys in the morning to Mr. Nichols' mill with us, to show us a near way through the mountain pass.

He said it was about twelve miles, and in five days he would come up to the falls to get his gunlock mended, and to be certain to have my smith at home. He also told me that he had killed a very fat buck that day and, he was having some choice parts boiled for me, and as I had eaten nothing for four days, that I must fill my belly first by drinking broth before I partook of the meat. He said the man came with me and those that came in before were fools; that they all ran headlong to eating venison as the Indian dogs did to eating blood and guts when he killed and butchered a deer.

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He lighted his pipe and smoked, and then handed it to me. The men all had a hearty laugh at the Indian's remarks about their eating like his dogs. It was, however, not long until the broth was served up, and I filled accordingly, and after another round of smoking a large wooden bowl of choice fat venison was served up and he told me to eat occasionally through the night, for at day break his boys would start. He laid down a skin for me to sleep on. All by this time were snoring finely, but the old Indian and myself.

At daybreak the ensuing morning we started, got to Nichol's, and got a dinner cooked for all hands, Indians and all. Nichols remonstrated at eating with the Indians, as it would make them too saucy. I told him that if those Indians did not sit at his table that I would not. He told me in return that he was owing me flour, pork, etc., and I would be eating on my own provisions as his had not yet arrived. After eating I gave the Indians some pork and flour.

None of my company would agree to go any further, except Hawley. Whilst I was preparing to set out for home our boat came down, going to meet me, supposing I was waiting for them at the mouth of Black River I told them it was at Prairie Du Chien that our stuff was stored. They accordingly set off, intending to travel all night, and I for the mills, distant fifteen miles, in company with Pierce Hawley. We arrived at home in the early part of the night, to the joy of all the brethern. Hawley was so used up that he worked very little more all winter. In ten days our boat returned with one load of our supplies. I had, however, in the interim finished my house and shoe shop, and was ready at the coming of supplies to have the shoeing of the men go on as they were much in want.

All branches of business in our line went on with astonishing dispatch, and a very great amount of lumber was made. The Indian agent for this region had forbidden the cutting of timber above the falls of Black River. All the good pine being above, you may readily conceive the clamor raised among all the lumbermen of this country. About this time we received a visit from the Indian chief Oshkosh, and his interpreter. His band were camped twelve miles up the river. We made a feast for him, and after eating explained the principles of our religion to him, his interpreter being an educated Indian, said he was disposed in his mind to join us, but said many of their people were Roman Catholics, and it would take a long time to change their religion.

The chief said he believed we were right, for many things we had told him were backed up by Indian tradition; but for him the principal chief, to act on his belief would avail nothing; that at some future period it would be best to call a council of all his chiefs, (he could not then as they were on their winter's hunt), and deliberately consider the whole matter, and act upon it, in national council, and in that case their change of religion would be national and permanent, and that he had no doubt in bringing it about.

In regard to our cutting timber, he said it was all his, and that the agent and the United States had no business to interfere in the mater; that he had come to attend to his timber himself, and if he could not stop cutting of saw logs, he would then call on the government, through their agent, to put a stop to it.

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He told us that we should have the exclusive privilege of cutting timber and all he would ask was to feed his people in their passing by.

But, however, he would advise my going over to the Wisconsin with him, and he would procure me a written permit from the agent, in order to silence the lumbermen. I took with me Cryus Daniels (one of the brethern), and forthwith started with him for the Wisconsin River, a distance of sixty miles.

We walked on snow shoes as the snow was near three feet deep. On our arrival at the agency, the agent refused giving the permit, whereupon very sharp words ensued between the chief and the agent. Finally he (the agent) said we might make our own bargain. The chief told him that he had not asked what he might do. The agent said he dare not give a permit. The United States would not allow it. But we might proceed according to the arrangements with the chief, and he would not interfere in the matter.

The agent privately proposed a partnership in our establishment. I told him I could not do it without consulting my friends. He then said we would let the matter rest until the next fall. He would then come over to our place, and we would take the matter into further consideration. On parting with my Indian friends I received the warmest assurances of their lasting friendship, and it was not until I should agree to go to their lodges and relate to them in detail the persecutions of our people by the State of Ohio and Missouri, that they would consent to my leaving them. Upon hearing which the Indians shed tears (not common for an Indian) saying we had been treated almost as badly as the Indians.

On my return home brother Daniels got badly frost bitten. On my arrival I found things progressing as usual. About this time a band of Northern Chippewa Indians were on a hunt above us on the river. Their chief came down on a trading expedition to a trader's shanty below us. They sold him whiskey and made him nearly drunk, and some dispute taking place between him and the trader, he took a large bar and beat the chief, and left him laying in the snow for dead. The residue of this company fled precipitately, and coming to our place told us what had happened. I took some of our men with me and went to the trader's, and told him if any more whiskey was sold to Indians I would demolish his shanty and its contents, and if the chief died I would make it a bad job for him.

We took the chief into our houses and bound up his wounds, and toward the latter part of the night of this day he left our place for his lodge. In about two weeks he came to our place with part of his band and interpreter. He had the United States flag, carried by one of his braves, saying to us in his speech that the snow was so deep that they could not hunt, and that their children were starving and (producing a purse of money) said that whenever that flag (pointing to it) was produced to the white man, as he was told when he received it, that it should be an order to him for provisions.

We said in reply that the United States was no friend of ours; that they had robbed us, and permitted us to be plundered by the white man; and further, if we let them have food it would not be for the love we had for the United States, but for that we had toward the abused and oppressed Indians; to put up his money, that we would give him some flour and an ox to take to his camp, and feed their children.

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They received the flour and ox and started, blessing us by returning many thanks and lasting friendship, stating that we were not like other white men.

Towards the opening of spring, having made an abundance of lumber for the Nauvoo House and Temple, we held a council in regard to future operations. The result of our deliberations was that a memorial should be sent to Joseph and the authorities in Nauvoo expressive of our views, and I was delegated to be the bearer. A few days after I set out on the ice for Prairie Du Chien, at which place I took the stage coach for Galena, and upon my arrival at Nauvoo presented the documents to Joseph Smith and Hyrum Smith, whom I found together in consolation. And after a hasty perusal, Joseph said to me Brother Miller, I perceive the spirit of God is in the pineries as well as here, and we will call together some of our wise men and proceed to set up the kingdom of God by organizing some of its officers. And from day to day he called some of the brethern about him, organizing them as princes in the kingdom of God, until the number of fifty-three were thus called.

In this council it was agreed upon that we would run Joseph Smith for President of the United States, which we would certainly do, and also Sidney Rigdon for Vice President; and in case they were elected we would at once establish dominion in the United States, and in view of a failure we would send a minister to the then Republic of Texas to make a treaty with the Cabinet of Texas for all that country north of a west line from the falls of the Colorado River to the Nueces; thence down the same to the Gulf of Mexico, and along the same to Rio Grande, and up the same to the United States territory, and get them to acknowledge us as a nation; and on that part of the church we would help them defend themselves against Mexico, standing as a go-between the belligerent powers. And if successful in this matter we would have dominion in spite of the Untied States, and we would send the Black River Lumber Company to take possession of the newly acquired territory. Lucien Woodworth was chosen minister to Texas, and I was to return to the pineries to bring down Lyman Wight, and leave matters there that the work could go on without my presence, and be back by the time Woodworth might return from Texas. We severally started the same day, Woodworth for Texas, and I for the pineries.

Most truly as ever,

George Miller.

Saint James Michigan. June 28, 1855.

Dear Brother:-In my last I expected to have finished up my narrative to the time of Joseph's death, but the limits I had prescribed myself for writing would not permit. Upon my arrival at the pineries we set about arranging our lumbering operations so as to leave a man in charge to carry on the work, and Wight and myself to go to Nauvoo as before agreed upon by the council (of fifty princes of the kingdom).

Some time towards the last of April, 1844, we (Lyman Wight, myself and families), arrived at Nauvoo. Soon after this Woodworth returned from Texas. The council convened to hear his report. It was altogether as we could wish it. On the part of the church there was commissioners

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appointed to meet the Texas Congress to sanction or ratify the said treaty, partly entered into by our minister and Texas Cabinet. A.W. Brown. Lucien Woodworth and myself were the commissioners appointed to meet the Texas Congress, and upon the consummation of the treaty, Wight and myself were to locate the Black River Lumber Company on the newly acquired territory, and do such other things as might be necessary in the premises, and report to the council of the kingdom.

It was further determined in council that all the elders should set out on missions to all the States, get up electoral tickets, and do everything in our powers to have Joseph elected President, and if we succeeded in making a majority of the voters converts to our faith and elected Joseph President, in such an event the dominion of the kingdom would be forever established in the United States. And if not successful, we could but fall back on Texas, and be a kingdom notwithstanding.

It was thought and urged by the council that so great an undertaking would require in order to ensure success, the entire united effort of all the official members of the church. and accordingly on the sixth of May I started to Kentucky and Lyman to the eastern States; and at no period since the organization of the church had together been half so many elders in the vineyard, in proportion to the number of members in the church.

I preached and electioneered alternately. When I had preaching meetings, as a general thing we had crowded houses, and our prospects bid fair for the accomplishments of a great work in each point of view, and of reaping an abundant harvest as fruits of our ministerial labors. All Kentucky was in a high state of political excitement, as it was just before their general election, which was to come off on the first Monday in August, having barbecues in different neighborhoods (of that densely populated country), for the express purpose of giving the candidates an opportunity of addressing the citizens. These were the latter end of the days of political folly; such as having log cabin exhibitions, and live raccoons at the top of long poles set up for that purpose, etc.

At one of those meetings, while one of the candidates was speaking, I was rather on the outskirts of the immense crowd reading to a few of my old acquaintances Joseph Smith's views of the powers and policy of government. One of my old neighbors, and a relative by marriage, brought up a Missourian with him, and, addressing me, said, here is a man that knows all about the enormities committed by the Mormons in Missouri, without a moment's pause I answered, yes, I have no doubt of it, and I believe I recognize in him one of those murderers who shot a little Mormon boy in the blacksmith's shop, under the bellows. Upon which the fellow struck off, and I saw no more of him.

Not so, however, with my old neighbor and relative. Now, said he, I have a matter to tell you as a friend, that if you do not leave this country and put a stop to preaching your religious views and political Mormonism, the Negroes are employed to hang you to an apple tree. I told him that I had enough of his hollow friendship, and if I could believe that there was courage enough among such intolerant scamps, I would hire a house and hold forth three months to give them an opportunity of carrying out their threat.

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By this time quite a crowd had collected around us, even more apparently than around the candidate that was then on the stand. I got on a large stump, and commenced reading aloud Joseph's views on the powers and policy of government, and backed it up with a short speech, at the end of which I was loudly and repeatedly cheered, and a crowd bore me off about two miles to a Mr. Smith's tavern, where they had a late dinner prepared for my benefit, all declaring that I should not partake of the barbecue prepared for the candidate who addressed the log cabin meeting; that I was worthy of better respect.

After dinner I rode to the place where I was then making my home, several gentlemen accompanying me. In ten or twelve days after I went about twenty-five miles into Mercer county, Ky., to fill some engagements, were I preached to large collections of people, so that we resorted to groves for the convenience of room. About this time we saw notices in the newspapers that there was a civil war in Nauvoo. And on the morning of the 28^th of June, 1844, I had a dream or vision in an upper room in the house of a Mr. Sander's, where I then lodged with brother Thomas Edwards. It took place after sunrise.

I was laying on my bed, and suddenly Joseph Smith appeared to me, saying, God bless you, brother Miller. The mob broke in upon us in Carthage jail and killed brother Hyrum and myself. I was delivered up by the brethern as a lamb for the slaughter. You out not to have left me. If you had stayed with me I should not have been given up. I answered, but you sent me. I know I did, but you ought not to have gone; and approaching me, said, God bless you forever and ever, making as though he was about to embrace me, and in the act of extending my arms to return the embrace, the vision fled, and I found myself standing on the floor in the middle of the room. Brother Edwards, roused me from his slumbers, called to me, what is the matter brother Miller? Who are you talking to? I requested him to rise and dress himself, and for us to take our morning walk, as was our custom.

Whilst on my walk I related to brother Edwards my vision; told him my mission was filled, for my firm belief was that Joseph was dead. Brother Edwards told me that I had preached too much, and my mind was somewhat deranged, and I must not think of going home until our present appointments were filled, the last as week hence. And the rumors of trouble at Nauvoo he did not believe a word in. I told him if I stayed, he would have to do the preaching.

On the day that we filled our last appointment. We started for home. On passing a tavern, the landlord walked on his porch, and addressing us, said, are you the gentlemen that preached at the schoolhouse today? We said yes. He said, walk in, gentlemen, and refresh yourselves, handing us some ice water, and at the same time handing us a newspaper, said, you will find an article that may be of interest to you. We read an extract from the Warsaw Signal, giving an account of Joseph and Hyrum Smith's death. After reading we started on. Brother Edwards being an excitable man, was wholly unmanned, and insisted on an immediate separation, as we traveled together might endanger our lives, and broke off from me as one distracted, and I did not see any more of him until I saw him in Nauvoo, four weeks afterwards.

On my arrival in Nauvoo, I visited Elder John Taylor, of the quorum of the Apostles, who was sick of his

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wounds received in Carthage jail, at the time of Joseph's death. Dr. Willard Richards was there, and after a few remarks in regard to the mob, I asked him who Joseph had left to succeed him in the prophetic office. He replied that all was right; that there were sealed documents left, which would be opened when the twelve Apostles should get home that would settle all these matters. Sidney Rigdon had already returned from Pittsburgh (where he was sent before Joseph's death), and had made some moves as a leader of the people, and from hints and innuendos that I heard frequently I was induced to believe that Joseph had designated his son to succeed him in the prophetic office, and on this belief I rested.

On the return of the Twelve there was a public meeting called-the Apostles and Sidney Rigdon on the stand-Brigham Young acting as principal speaker. Sidney urged his pretensions as a kind of guardian or temporary leader. Young made a long and loud harangue, and as I had always took him to be a blunderbuss in speaking, and on this occasion to me apparently more so, for the life of me I could not see any point in the course of his remarks, than to overturn Sidney Rigdon's pretensions. As this meeting was pretty a general Conference of the Elders, the Twelve assuming a temporary leadership, which was generally conceded to them, as they were the quorum next in authority to the prophet and presidency of the whole church, N. K. Whitney and myself were put in nomination as trustees in trust for the church, instead of Joseph Smith deceased, and were voted in by acclamation, and acknowledge as such by all present.

There was a good deal of speaking from the stand. The principal, however was said by Brigham Young. I must confess that all the proceedings at this time was anarchy and boisterous confusion, as it appeared to me, and I felt indeed as one who had lost a friend. I had no one in whom I could implicitly confide in all things, as he to whom I sought in all times of trouble for counseling advice was dead. Oh! Who can appreciate my (then) feelings? Let me be excused from saying more on this painful subject.

Subsequent to these times of intense excitement I had frequent attempts at conversation with Brigham Young and H. C. Kimball in regard to Joseph's leaving one to succeed him in the prophetic office, and in all my attempts to ascertain the desired truth as to that personage, I was invariable met with the innuendo, "stop," or "hush'" brother Miller, let there be nothing said in regard to this matter, or we will have little Joseph killed as his father was, inferring indirectly that Joseph Smith had appointed his son Joseph to succeed him in the prophetic office, and I believe in this impression was not alone left on my mind, but on the brethren in general, and remains with many until this day.

Lyman Wight became disaffected with his brethren of the Twelve. The man left in charge of the mills in the pinery sold out possession of the whole concern (the mills being on Indian land possession was the best title), for a few hundred thousand feet of pine lumber. Those mills and appurtenances, worth at least $20,000, thus passed out of our hands for a mere trifle, by the act of an indiscreet man.

He bought part of the lumber to Nauvoo, and all the company that been engaged in the pineries, Lyman ever fond of authority, placed himself at the head of this company. And as it had been announced by the Twelve

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from the stand that Joseph had laid out a work that would take twenty years to accomplish. Lyman averred that he would commence his work then, and solicited me to take my place and go with him to locate the Black River Company.

I told Lyman there was a way to do all things right, and we would get Woodworth and Brown, and get the authorities together and clothe ourselves with the necessary papers, and proceed to met the Texan Congress as before Joseph's death agreed upon. Woodworth and myself waited on Brigham, requesting him to convene the authorities that the proper papers might be made out, so that we could be able to complete the unfinished negotiation of the treaty for the territory mentioned in my former letters. And to my utter astonishment, Brigham refused having anything to do in the matter; that he had no faith in it, and would do nothing to raise means for our outfit or expenses. Thus all hopes cut off to establish dominion of the kingdom, at a time that there seemed to be a crisis, and I verily believed all that we had concocted in council might so easily be accomplished, I was really cast down and dejected.

Lyman had a conference with Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball, and they advised him to go up the river to Prairie La Cross (as I afterwards heard), and he did so. About this time James Emmet raised a company (as he had received a mission to go among the Indians by appointment of Joseph and sanction of the council), and he also set off. I thought frequently to myself, Oh! Lord, when will misrule cease. Sorrow and gloom were not unfrequent attendants on my midnight hours.

The work on the Temple was vigorously prosecuted, and that of the Nauvoo House resumed. Much music and banqueting indulged in, and other pleasure parties. Thus matter went on through the fall and winter, except a little display of mobocracy. It was published at the beginning of September in the counties round about, that a general wolf hunt would come off a month or two hence, to be limited to Hancock county. It was understood by Mormons and all others that it was really to make a foray upon the Mormons. Gov. Thos. Ford being an old acquaintance of mine, I wrote to him touching the matter, and in reply he assured me that he would be in Hancock county with a battalion of soldiers, and break up the wolf hunt. Accordingly he came. Gen. John J. Harding in command (killed in the Mexican war).

On the day of their arrival in Nauvoo, the legion had their fall training and they passed review before the Governor. He had over four hundred men and two cannons, and requested me to show his Quartermaster a suitable camping ground below the city, and also procure him two scows to transport his cannon an artillerists to Warsaw, as he intended to surprise the hotbed of mobocracy by land and water before daylight. I showed them their quarters, two miles below the city; and then set out to procure the scows. I got some men to take the two scows down, and rode down to announce to Gen. Harding the safe delivery of the scows there, after dark. On getting to the lines of their camp (or within ten paces). I was met by a sentinel inquiring my business (I had been so busy that I had not taken off my uniform). I told the sentinel that I wanted an interview with the officer of the night. He was immediately called for, and came.

I told him to inform Governor Ford and

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Gen. Harding that I had brought the boats to transported their cannon, and I wished a conference with them. The officer bowed, and said, who shall I say requires their presence? I told him Miller. In reply he said, shall I say Gen. Miller, of the (taking off his cap) First Cohort of the Nauvoo Legion? I replied, if you please. And he forthwith went on his errand (all this time the battalion was drawn up, forming a hollow square). The officer of the guard soon returned, presenting the respects of Gov. Ford an Gen Harding; that they would wait on me in a few minutes; that they were just in the act of exercising their command a little in firing a few rounds, to see how they would carry themselves in case they might come in contact with the mob.

Woodworth had brought me down in a buggy, and I alighted and took my station in the line of the sentinel's beat, as he walked back and forth, and immediately the firing commenced. I heard the command given, elevate your guns, but it seemed to me that a constant blaze of fire the greater extent of the line was directed right at me; and as the sentinel got near the place I stood, a shot stuck him and he fell crying aloud, I am dead. I took him up an carried him within the lines, and called for a surgeon. While he was coming I examined the wound, finding the ball had passed in on the right hip bone, and ranging back passing out through the spine. The surgeon came, and I assisted in conveying the wounded man to the hospital tent. The man died.

I inquired for Ford and Harding, and was answered they could not tell where they were. Everything seemed to indicate alarm and confusion. I spoke aloud that I believed the whole movement was intended to kill me, so as to have it said that it was done by accident. I was almost determined in my mind to bring down my cohort and wipe the whole thrive of dogs out of existence. No commissioned officer could be found. And after uttering a few formal blessings on the unmanily, cowardly dogs, I got in my buggy and Woodworth and myself returned to the city. The whole force of the renowned Gov. Ford soon decamped, bearing with them the trophies of their late victory. We had no mob movements this residue of the year. All other things about as they had been.

From the month of January, 1845, until June, we had very little disturbance from our foe, but they were quite vociferous in threats. Col. Deming who had espoused the side of the Mormons, and being the acting sheriff of Hancock county, got into rencounter with Doctor Marshall, clerk of the County Commissioner's court, who vas a violent anti-Mormon. Marshall made the assault, and Deming drew his revolver and shot Marshall dead on the spot. Deming was held to bail, but before his trial came on he died of fever, and Jacob B. Backenstos was elected in his stead. He was also favorable to the Mormons.

The excitement now became very great, all taking sides. Those that were opposed to the Mormons were called anti-Mormons and the friendly portion were called Jack Mormons. The latter part of the summer there was a mob of three hundred collected. They encamped near Warsaw, at a place called Green Plains, and began their forays on the Mormons by burning houses, barns, stacks and doing other deeds of violence. They continued their marauding, occasionally killing, until over two hundred houses were burned, together with most of the small grain.

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I went in person to Springfield to see Gov. Ford. I rode night and day. Ford told me to stand in our own defense, but not make an offensive war.

On my return Backenstos set about restoring law and order, but was driven before the mob about eighteen miles, with a view of killing him. Just at the moment of being overtaken by the mob, O. P. Rockwell and J. Reding met him, who were going as a guard to bring a family to Nauvoo that had been burned out, and he called on them in the name of the people of the State to defend him against those murders (the pursuing mob, ten in number, and headed by Francis Worrell. One of Joseph's assassins.). Worrell leveled his gun to shoot, when, at the instant, the sheriff commanded Rockwell to shoot, which he did and felled Worrell to the ground by passing a ball through his heart, exclaiming that he was good for that crowd (he was armed with a fifteen shooter). They all fled precipitately, and Backenstos came up to Nauvoo to raise a posse comitatus to assist him in restoring law and order.

But Brigham Young would not agree to let a force go from the city, until he should have failed in all the country. About this time I went to Carthage to sell some county orders. I went in a buggy, and had my wife and a female friend of her's with me. While trading my county orders for dry goods an officer stepped up and arrested me on a charge of treason against the State, telling me in a low voice that there was a mob there of forty men, and their design was to commit me to jail and kill me that night, and told me not to betray him. I went into court, leaving my wife and her friend sitting in the buggy. The room was crowded, but room was made for me. Two lawyers were prosecuting, viz., Blackman and Hopkins. They demanded of the court a mittimus to be made out, and the crime charged not being a bailable offense, I must therefore go to jail.

I told the court that my wife was sick, and to send a guard with me until I could take her home, and I would forthwith return and await the decision of the court. This was, however, not agreed to. The mittimus was ordered. I arose, opening my coat, saying, that I had made the roads and killed the snakes in the country, and must needs be an old citizen; further that all Carthage could not put me in jail; that they were a set of almost still-born and white-livered dogs, and by the God of Moses, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob I was going home, an none could hinder. Hereupon drawing my large knife and revolver, making for the door; at which they said, consider yourself in bonds under a verbal recognizance of five hundred dollars, to be made of your goods and chattels, and to be here a week from this day. I went out, they making room for me to pass, and home I went. I have frequently thought it a miracle that they let me go.

Sheriff Backenstos got no help from any part of the county, as the Jack Mormons feared they would share the same fate of the Mormons, in case they assisted the sheriff in restoring law and order. And he was again forced to flee to Nauvoo for protection, the mob declaring that they would burn his house and destroy his property. Brigham Young had at that time of the sheriff's return a council assembled to consult on some plan of safety. Backenstos came into the council, stating the danger he was in, and that he must have help from Nauvoo, as he could not get it elsewhere; and he wanted men at that instant to bring his family out of Carthage that night.

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Brigham Young said that men could not be got in readiness in one hour, as it was not over that until sundown. I replied they could. He said, will you do it? I told him I would try, and started out of the council room, and by the setting of the sun I was ready with one hundred and four choice men, who, I had no doubt, would have attempted the taking of loads out of cannon, if men were standing with lighted matches to touch them off, if I would command it.

We forthwith set out for Carthage to bring to Nauvoo the sheriff's family, and to stop the burning of houses, which was still going on from day to day. On our approach to Carthage we were fired on, but they immediately fled before us. We made no stop until I drew up my command ready for action in front of the sheriff's house.

About this time I discovered lighted torches passing in various directions. I apprehended that they intended to burn their own houses and lay it to the Mormons in order to raise a greater excitement against us, if possible. I sent men all over the village, and had every man arrested and brought before me. I told them I had discovered from their movements that they I intended to burn their own houses, and charge it on the Mormon posse that were then acting under the directions of the sheriff. I assured them that if a house was burned then or after my leaving, I would put the place to the sword with out discrimination.

While these things were going on without, the sheriff was preparing his family for a move to Nauvoo. We soon started, taking the road to Warsaw, until we came to the road leading from Bear Creek Settlement to Nauvoo. Here I detailed six men as a guard and conductors to take the sheriff's family to Nauvoo, and Backenstos, in company with us, took the road to Bear Creek settlement to arrest the house burners, who were reported to be there carrying out the work of destruction. By this time it was near daybreak.

When we got to Sidney A. Knowlton's (a Mormon) we bought grain for our horses and food for ourselves, and called a halt to feed, and for the men to feed and refresh themselves. While eating our breakfast a messenger came to let us know that the work of burning was going on.

Sheriff Backenstos gave orders to prepare for a march, and that he would go ahead with one division of my command, under the command of Col. John D. Parker, and I might bring up the rear. There was no time lost, as all hands were eager to avenge the wrongs of their suffering brethren. Col. parker's division set out headed by Backenstos, and I soon followed. I had not proceeded far until Backenstos rode up to me saying, do you see those smokes? Pointing about two or three miles off to our left. On my answering yes, he added saying, go and rout them, and I will go ahead with Col. Parker and cut off their retreat.

We all set off at half speed. I approached the house burners under cover of a narrow skirt of woods, wholly unperceived till within a hundred paces of them. I commanded them in the name of the people of the State to surrender. They mounted their horses and put off at full speed. I had some difficulty in crossing a ravine, which gave the enemy about a fourth of a mile the start of us.

I ordered a charge, telling the men to have no regard to order, for the fastest horses to go ahead and bring on the action and all others to go at the top of their speed, until they should come up with the advance, and then fall into line.

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We had a race of three miles on the even prairie, when four of our best horses overtook the enemy and fired on them, killing one man on the spot and two others that fell from their horses and crawled into a cornfield near at hand, and there died.

In a minute there was over twenty horses running through the prairie, saddled and bridled, to be sure, but no riders on them; the men having dismounted and fled through the corn field, and all the others escaping on their horses into the woods near by. Thus a victory was won by firing three guns, which resulted in killing of three of the house burners. I formed my squadron and made them a short address, rather by way of command. By this time Backenstos and Col. Parker came up, who were to have cut off the enemy's retreat. I ordered them to fall into line on the left, and then called a council of the officers of my command, to consult on such things as should be thought best to do.

It was proposed by Backenstos that we should go direct to Nauvoo and get an additional force, and return and rout the house burners in their camp, numbering three hundred, then a mile from us. As we were under the sheriff's control, of course we all agreed to his proposal, and immediately set out for Nauvoo, where we arrived a little after dark, having marched sixty-five miles in twenty-six hours.

On our getting to Nauvoo I learned that a force of something over a hundred, under command of Col. Markham, had on that morning been sent to reinforce me. Sheriff Backenstos called me on early the succeeding morning to make ready for a return to Green Plains. In a short time we took up the line of march, and at 4 o'clock of the same day we went to Col. S. Markham's camp, near thirty miles from Nauvoo. The same night I sent two discreet men to spy out the situation of the enemy's camp. They returned with all the facts relative to their encampment, and intentions.

They were in two bodies, one-fourth of a mile apart, in the woods, on the side of a large cornfield. They were three hundred in number, and intended to remain in camp until they could be reinforced by men from Missouri and the counties round about. I instantly insisted on Backenstos sending a dispatch to Brigham Young to send two pieces of artillery and four hundred men; to send one company by water to scuttle all the boats and skiffs from Nauvoo to La Grange, and take their station opposite Tulley, in Missouri; another company at Warsaw, another opposite Keokuk, thus securing all the crossings of the Mississippi River below Nauvoo and the residue of the men and the cannon come as a reserve to back us up; that our plan was to lay ambuscades on all the roads leading from the enemy's camp, and make two divisions of the remaining force, and to attack the camps of the enemy from the side of the cornfield, where they kept no guard, and put them to the sword just at the break of day of the second morning, and by carrying the plan into effect we should be forever clear of mobs.

The sheriff sent the dispatch, with the plan of operations, by O. P. Rockwell, the same night, so as to have every one in the place by the time fixed on for the attack. We got no tidings, until two days after, Rockwell returned with a letter from Young, stating that he had no doubt of the success of the plan concocted to destroy the mob, but we might in the meantime have many brethern killed, and withal bring upon us all the surrounding States. He assured Backenstos that in a day or two the men and cannon would be sent down to our camp, to assist us in making arrests.

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Before the next day after this all the mob took fright (likely at the approach of the reinforcement), and they all crossed the Mississippi, and encamped on the Missouri side. On the arrival of our reinforcement, Backenstos marched us to Warsaw, then to Carthage, and encamped us on the Court House square, and detailing strong guards, and posting them in various parts of the county, and doing such other things as he thought the peace of the people required.

Such was the state of affairs when Gov. Ford and Gen. J. J. Harding arrived with a strong military force into Hancock county, disbanded the sheriff's posse comitatus, arrested Backenstos for the killing of Worrell, and put the county under martial law. Sheriff Backenstos was taken to Quincy, and tried before Judge Purple and put under bonds of $3,00 to appear at the next term of the court. The mob that fled to Missouri, upon the introduction of the Governor's military force, took courage, and re-crossed the Mississippi River, and commenced depredations, leaving us in a worse condition than we had at any time been in the State.

About this time Brigham Young proposed leaving the United States, that if the Mormons were let remain in peace, that he would leave the State, taking with him all the official members, and this-exodus should begin before the springing of the grass in the ensuing spring. The remainder of the fall was taken up in negotiations with the people who wished us out of the country. From this time forward all was hurry and bustle, active preparations going on for the early exodus of the Saints from the city that the God of heaven had chosen to establish them in righteousness, if they would but keep his commandments.

Most truly and sincerely,

George Miller.

Saint James, Michigan. July 1, 1855.

Dear Brother:-In my last communication I closed my narrative with the discharge of the sheriff's posse, and his arrest for the killing of Francis Worrell.

The sheriff being fully aware of the prejudice of the people of Hancock against him for the killing of the murder of Worrell, he did not deem it safe to be tried on the charge of murder in Hancock county, therefor changed the venue to Peoria county, and was there acquitted honorably.

In the course of the winters of 1845 and 1846, at the instance of Brigham Young, H. C. Kimball and Willard Richards, and others of the quorum of the Twelve, it was agreed upon by them in council that brethren who had been faithful in paying their tithing and could produce the proper vouchers that they have paid a full tithe of all their property, should receive an endowment of patriarchal priesthood, under the hands of the twelve Apostles so soon as the upper room of the Temple could be fitted therefor, and tithe gatherers were sent in every direction. Consequently there was an immense sum of money and property paid in, and the rooms in the Temple were fitted up and the promised endowment began in the latter part of December, or there about, and was continued from day to day until in February, 1846.

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It is not my design to give in detail the things that transpired during the continuance of the exciting times from the death of Joseph Smith to the beginning of the exodus of the Saints, for it would really take more time to write them than I can at this time devote to the subject. But as many things are inseparably connected with my history, I cannot well abridge this work so as to leave them out.

Brigham Young and myself had frequent sparrings as it respected the legitimate authority to lead the church, as I always conceived the leadership of the Twelve nothing but a usurpation of authority, that could not under any circumstances be exercised rightfully by any quorum of the church. And without the prophet at their head, they could not enter upon the duties of their calling. Therefore, no prophet, no church.

Brigham, on a certain occasion, in the upper room of the Temple, urged emphatically (before the principal official members of the church and their wives there assembled to hear instruction), that so long as one man remained on earth holding priesthood the kingdom of God would be borne off triumphant in all nations of the earth, until the coming of Jesus Christ and in the event of the Apostles being killed, or otherwise die, they would be succeeded by the quorums of the Seventies (then thirty-three quorums), and by gradation down to the Deacons; each in their time and order, until the winding up of the present dispensation.

After he had finished his teachings, I asked leave, and obtained the floor. On rising I told them that I differed in opinion with the President of the Quorum of the Twelve; that I did not so understand the revelation of God's law; that I so understood the law that no quorum from that of the Twelve, in regular gradation to High Priests, Seventies, Elders, Priests, Teachers and Deacons could rightfully exercise and authority in the government of God's church and kingdom, except under the legitimate head of the church, viz., the Prophet, Seer and Revelator, of the church; that all acts of the several quorums were invalid, unless so directed.

I considered the order of God's Kingdom, in its full organization, to be, a Prophet, at the head, with his home ministry, consisting of High Council, chosen from among the High Priests after the order of Melchisedec, High Priests, Elders, Priests Teachers and Deacons, and amenable to the Prophet, the Chief Shepherd of the flock; the quorum of the Twelve Apostles, under the direction of the Chief Shepherd, of equal authority as a traveling High Council, with the Seventies to help them; whose duty is to open the gospel to the nations, and have jurisdiction on all the face of the earth.

And, furthermore, the order taught by the President of the Apostles must certainly be erroneous, unless the order and priesthood of God's kingdom had been abrogated, and another established instead thereof. The difficulty (or rather breach) between Brigham Young and myself grew wider daily, and I was told, confidentially, by Lyman Clark Whitney that there had been a plan laid by Brigham and Hosea stout to contrive a row to take place in the Temple, and have me called in to appease the rowdies (as I was then superintending the boring of some cannon in the ground room of the Temple), and Stout was to be there in readiness to kill me. The row was raised, and I was called in to appease the strife, but was not killed.

I bore all this, and more too, with patience, as I was yet laboring under the delusion that Joseph Smith, the younger, was really prophet, and Brigham by sufferance, was acting as temporary leader.

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After many plans proposed for the sake of order in traveling finally, on the 6^th day of February, 1846, there were as many families starting west for California as could conveniently ferry their wagons and effects over the Mississippi River, and I among them. We went eight miles out into Iowa, and camped on a stream called Sugar Creek. Order having been issued by Brigham Young for all hands that could be ready to start west to be moving.

We remained in this camp until the 4^th of March, when orders were again issued to move forward. We went on sixteen miles further, and camped between Farmington and Boneparte on the Des Moines River.

While we were encamped on Sugar Creek there was scare a night without a council, and quite as many changes of plans as councils. At one of those councils (which were usually held in the night), Howard Eagan came to my tent and called me aside for a private talk. He asked me if I was going to cross the bridge to the council tent that night. I told him I was. He then told me that he had a private matter to communicate, and did not want me to tell who informed me; that orders had been issued by Hosea Stout to all the sentinels, that if I crossed the bridge to kill me and throw me over the railing into the creek. I immediately started to the council, and the sentinel on the bridge hailed me. I told him that I was the person that he had orders to kill and throw into the creek, and at the instant set forward my foot, taking him by the arms. I threw him his length on the floor of the bridge, then passing on into the council tent, I demanded of Brigham Young what kind of order had been given for the guard to kill me and have me thrown over the bridge into Sugar Creek.

He said he did not know that any such order had been given. We had Stout and some of the guard sent for, who appeared before the council, and upon examination started that Stout had given the order to kill me. Stout said, on mustering and charging the guard, that he had, by way of joke, said to the guard, let all who pass the bridge to the council except bishop Miller, go unmolested, but kill him and throw him over the bridge. He supposed all had understood it as an idle joke, as he had spoke at his usual tone of voice, and in a public way. They said they did not know whether Stout had been joking or not, but could not think he was in earnest, as it seemed to them a very strange order. They were inclined to think he was joking.

We had repeated delays, from causes which I couldn't find out. On one day orders would be issued to go ahead, and perhaps the day after to stop and lay by in camp. On one particular occasion the two brothers, I. And P. P. Pratt, and a company of others and myself, had gone on ahead about eight miles, where we lay in camp a day or two, awaiting the coming up of Young, when a messenger arrived from Brigham with orders to return forthwith to their camps, and give an account of ourselves, or they would cut us off from the church for disobedience. We got on our horses and rode back. I remonstrated at their high-handed measure. They said that they had sent for us, to have us in their council. And in such like manner our time was consumed, without making much progress on our journey. And it was not until the 13^th of June that we arrived at Council Bluffs, a distance of two hundred and seventy-five miles from the city of Nauvoo, by my computation.

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Here another round of delay took place, and it was not until the 6^th of July that we crossed the Missouri River, and only a minor part of the camp at that. About this time a deputation of officers came up from Fort Leavenworth, with orders from Gen. Kearney that we could not be permitted to leave the United States with the bad feelings we entertained against the general government, and go to California, unless we furnished a battalion of soldiers to operate with the United States against Mexico in the present war; and if we refused compliance, we were to be forthwith dispersed into the States.

Brigham called a council (I did not attend). The result of their deliberations was to enlist a battalion of one year's term of service, and were to be mustered out of service with permission to retain their arms, and conditioned that such mustering out of service would take place at San Francisco. About this time the Sioux Indians attacked the Pawnee Loup Indian village, burnt and sacked it (the Pawnees being on their summer hunt), and no one at the village but the missionaries, farmers, etc. they took alarm and sent a dispatch to the Bluffs for teams to bring them and their effects down to the Bluffs. I made a bargain to haul them and their effects down, and forthwith started (the distance 120 miles) with thirty-two wagons, and the families thereto belonging, intending to unload the families and camp, and let the teams return with missionaries to the Bluffs.

We started on the expedition on the 9^th July, and on the 18^th we arrived at the mission station, and on the 22^nd July we sent them to Council Bluffs. We received in payment for hauling the effects of the missionaries their standing crop of wheat, oats and garden vegetables, together with a lot of old corn, which was all better for us than money. While the teams were gone with the missionaries' goods, we harvested and threshed our grain, shelled the corn and sacked all ready for a move on return of our teams. One morning before the dew dried off so that we could proceed to threshing, we saw persons walking in the distance, and by the aid of a glass distinctly ascertained that the objects were eight Indians approaching. They came up without any hesitancy and when I interrogated them through James Emmet, who acted as interpreter, we ascertained that they consisted of the principal chief of the Punka Indians, and some chiefs or braves who had come to offer assurances of peace to the Pawnees, lest they might think that the Punkas had taken part in the burning and sacking of the Pawnee village. We pitched a tent for them, and extended our hospitality toward them.

On the return of our wagons from the Bluffs, a large number of wagons came up from there, which increased our whole number to two hundred and forty, and persons to six hundred, with written orders from Brigham Young to start forthwith for California. I had sent four men to the Bluffs to bring up two cannon, six pounders, that had not yet returned; but, nevertheless, I commenced crossing the River Platte, as our road lay on the south side of the Loup fork, on which we were then camped.

On the 8^th of August our men got back that we had sent for the cannon, bringing another letter from Brigham Young directing me to stop short where I was; organize a high council of twelve, and for me to preside over them in their deliberations, and for said council to manage all matters relating to my camp (as it was called), both

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spiritual and temporal, and go into Winter Quarters, some at the place we then were at, and others at Grand Island on the south Platte.

Our Punka Indian Chief was yet with us. We informed him of the purport of the orders we had received from our big captain. He told us that it would not do, at all; that our big captain knew nothing of Indian customs; that the Pawnees wintered their horses at Grand Island, and that our immense herd would eat up all the feed before the winter was half gone, and when the Pawnees came in from their summer hunt they would kill all our cattle, and drive us away; that it was wholly impracticable to winter in the places designated by our big captain. But said, if we would go with him to his village, on or near the Loquorcore or Tunning-water River, that there was rushes abundant to winter all our cattle, and to spare; that it was his country; and he had granting of privileges, and that there was none to object, and he could ride to it on his pony in two days.

We held a council in regard to what should be done in our present circumstances, and unanimously agreed to go with the Punka chief to his village. He had already agreed to act as pilot. We had, in the mean time, re-crossed the Platte River, and on the 13^th of August started for the Punka village. We saw and killed a number of buffalo on our route, and without loss or accident arrived on the 23rd of August at the Punka village, and found everything as represented by the Indian chief.

The excitement and surprise was very great in the Punka camp at our approach. They were riding and running in every direction, twenty or thirty riding toward us (we were, no doubt, a great curiosity to them, two hundred covered wagons and a vast herd of cattle). On nearing us they recognized their chief, who spoke to them, and all was calm. The chief was quite sick at this time, but, however, he called a council of all his chiefs and braves, and made a long speech to them, after which he told us that the land was before us, and to build ourselves lodges and feel ourselves at home. We made them some presents, and then prepared setting about making shanties for the winter. The name of the chief is Teanga-numpa, signifying or rather interpreted, Buffalo Bulls, two.

We were now, as we supposed, at home. But very serious results sometimes grow out of very trifling things. The old chief continued sick, and as our wagons were moving up to the place of our shanties we passed through the Indian camp, and all the Indians, on a rush, with arms in hand, came upon us, threatening destruction, saying their chief was dying, and we must have poisoned him. I ordered a halt, and we went into the chief's lodge, and found him just recovering from a fainting fit. He extended his hand to me and began to speak, saying that he was about to die, and that his brother would succeed him as principal chief, and he must talk to him and the lesser chiefs, and cause them to carry out his promises to us. They forthwith assembled around him (it was now getting dark), and the venerable chief began his death-bed talk, which lasted over an hour. He presented me before them, stating that I was his friend and brother, and for them to treat me as such.

By the time this talk had ended the darkness was such that we could not travel, and the old chief's brother advised us to camp right where our wagons stood, and sent some of his young men to assist us in camping.

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The old chief seemed better in the morning, and we all moved up to the place of our shanties. This day the great Tea-nuga-numpa died, and the mourning was indeed very great for this truly great man. Their custom of interring their dead is for each mourner to cut up a large sod and lay in a conical form around the body of the deceased, and the size of the mound is always in proportion to the number of mourners. And on this occasion all turned out, from the least to the greatest. Their cries were very great and sore.

All seemed to go on well with us for a time, until the Indians left on their winter's hunt. A short time after they had gone, all of our horses were stolen, with the excepting of those belonging to James Emmet. A council was called to deliberate on the course best to be pursued in regard to the stolen horses. Nearly all were in favor of raising men, and pursuing the Indians and retaking our horses. I alone opposed the measure, on the grounds that the Punkas had most likely taken our horses, and it would not be advisable to break friendship with our Punka friends, as we were in their country; and if they had not taken them, as their chief had promised us protection, that they might undertake to recover our horse for us; and if the brethern would leave the matter to me, that I would recover the horses, and in case of failure, if I could not satisfy them, I would be come responsible to them for their horses.

My offer was agreed to, and James Emmet and myself set out to find the Punka camp. We proceeded up the Loquitur River about one hundred and twenty miles, and came up with them. They manifested great pleasure in seeing us. On approaching their camp we discovered some of our horses running out among the Indian horses. It was but a short time after taking care of the animals we had rode until we were invited to partake of a feast at the lodges of the chiefs. And at night we were conducted to the lodge of the principal chief, and after the usual ceremony of smoking, the chief said, if we had anything to say we could then talk.

I accordingly began my speech by inquiring how they succeeded in their hunt. The chief replied, considering their lack of horses to ride in the chase, that they were making a very good hunt, and if we would send up four wagons he would load them with meat.

I told him we had nothing but ox teams, and they would not be able for the trip. If we took them from the rushes they would starve, as they could not eat the cottonwood bark as the horses; that I thanked him for his kind offer, and that I was sorry that I had not horses sufficient for their successful winter's hunt; but we were so poor that we could not help him, or we would gladly do it; that we had but eighteen horses, and I supposed that on account of their great lack of horses his men had taken them, as I had seen the horses among theirs; but for us who were chiefs it would not do to break friendship, on account of our men doing wrong; that if I was rich I would give them the horses, but as I was poor that I could not do it, as they all belonged to my men.

I told them further, that I knew the Indians could take better care of horses than we could, and I was glad they had them; that they needed them on their hunt,

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and could return them in the spring in better plight than if we were to keep them ourselves. At this time the chief arose and smote on his breast, saying, his heart was sick; that my tongue was not forked; that I looked good to him; just as I did when he first saw me; that his whole heart was sick, to think his men had taken the horses of so good a man.

Then tuning to the interpreter and saying a few words, he went out, and in a few minutes I heard the war chief going through their camp about the lodges, making a loud and long harangue. After he had done so a silence prevailed, and the chief coming up to me, said, walk outside. Then presenting the horses, said, they are all here. I told him I did not want the horses, or buffalo robes, at their option. After this we smoked, and the chief allotted us our lodgings for the night. We laid down and had a comfortable night's rest.

Next day, after feasting abundantly on the best of fat venison and buffalo meat, and receiving many assurances of good will, we set out on our journey home, loaded with all the meat we could carry.

In the course of the winter we sent down eighteen wagons to Missouri for provisions (a distance of 330 miles), as we were apprehensive that we might be short before we should get on our next year's supply.

I saw daily manifestations of Brigham Young's jealousy and hatred towards me, as indicated by the letters he wrote up to our camp to sundry individuals, warning them not to let me prejudice their minds against the authorities of the church.

Part of the teams we sent down to Missouri, having stayed longer than I anticipated, and Brigham having sent an express to me to meet them in council at Winter Quarters, and bring James Emmet with me (as he had also in Joseph's lifetime been organized into the council of fifty princes of the kingdom), and not fail in coming, as important matters were to be taken into said council for their consideration and action.

I, at the receiving of the message, thought I should not go; but my son Joshua, not having yet returned from Missouri, where he had gone with others to purchase grain, I altered my mind and concluded to go, and after the counseling should have ended, help my son home to Punka village.

I had been down to Winter Quarters and returned a short time before this, and had the journey to perform on foot (a distance of 180 miles), and to go a second time seemed rather a task. But, however, Emmet and myself set off, hunted and killed our food on the way. The excellencies of this man Emmet, as a skillful hunter and pioneer cannot be too highly spoken of, perhaps never excelled, even by the renowned Daniel Boon.

When we arrived at the Winter Quarters the council convened, but their deliberations amounted to nothing. But, however, I was not wholly overlooked in their deliberations. Brigham Young, Kimball and Richards proposed I should come down to Winter Quarters, bringing with me part of my family, and take my place with Bishop Whitney in managing the fiscal concerns of the church, and I should be supported out of the revenues of the church, which, however, was not done. This council originally consisting of fifty-three members, and some twenty of them gone on missions, and by death and other means absent,

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was now swelled to a great crowd under Brigham's reign.

It adjourned sine die, and I proceeded on my way down into Missouri on foot, to meet my son. I went one hundred and forty miles before I met him. The weather was intensely could, and my son got his feet badly frost bitten. When we got to Winter Quarters (about the 28^th January, 1846), I had presented to me a revelation, given through Brigham Young, in regard to the journeying of the saints west; Young intimated to me that a First Presidency would be organized.

I was greatly disgusted at the bad composition and folly of this revelation, as also the intimation that a First Presidency would be organized; that I was from this time determined to go with him no longer, and to look out a place where I might support my family, and remain until the true shepherd of God's flock should show himself, to lead the church and kingdom of God. The trio, namely, Young, Kimball and Richards, sent up to Punka village E. T. Benson and others to teach the revelation received by Brigham Young, and assist in bringing me and part of my family to Winter Quarters or Council Bluffs, according to the decree of Brigham and his council.

I must confess that I was broken down in spirit on account of the usurpation of these arrogant Apostles, and their oppressive measures. I made a computation of the number of miles that I had traveled on foot during the course of the winter, to satisfy the desires of these capricious men, and it amounted to seventeen hundred miles; and as my mind was much depressed, my physical force was also greatly abated, and I really panted for a respite for a time from such needless toil, growing out of the jealousy of Brigham Young, lest I should lead away a body of the saints. He on one occasion prophesied that the President of the High Priests quorum would yet lead off a large body of the saints. He made the prophecy when I was not present. When it was told me I forthwith told my informant that I also would prophecy in my own name that President Young had prophesied a great lie in the name of the Lord; that really and truly I could have nothing to do with his corrupt rot-heap; and when I left the leadership that if any of them (the corrupt followers of Brigham) should follow me, I would shoot them. Those sayings of mine were currently retailed through the camp, and multiplied no doubt when returned to the ears of Brigham Young.

After I had been some time in Winter Quarters, I discovered that Young's promise had not in any part been made good in having my supported out of the church revenue. The wages of the men composing the battalion enlisted to serve in the Mexican war, was sent for and obtained under the pretext of supporting their wives and children. The amount of money obtained was represented to me to be about forty thousand dollars, which was invested partly in dry goods and groceries, and in supplying the quorum of the Twelve apostles and their huge families; and as there was much sickness in Winter Quarters, I was informed that many of the solders' wives and children actually died for the want of common comforts of life; and when any of them got any of the means obtained expressly for them, they got it out of the stores of goods bought with their own money, and charged to them at high retail prices, at the rate of 25 to 100 per centrum, and many of them never got anything.

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The men having no families sent back their wages also to support the solders' wives, but was never appropriated as intended. Some of my acquaintances asked me why I did not put in for a share in the soldiers' money. I told them that I would not eat, drink or wear the price of blood. All these sayings of mine were told Brigham Young. He came to me and asked me if I had said it; I told him that I had, and much more. He then said that such like apostasy had caused Joseph' death. I told him not to presume to place himself on a parallel with Joseph-the contrast was as disproportioned as between the ox and toad. Their usurpations was insufferable, and none but fools would bear it.

The whole camp at Punka village was sent for early in April, to come down to Winter Quarters. They arrived about the time the pioneers set off west to look out a location for a permanent settlement. Three of my oxen were stolen, as my son come down in this camp the night before they got to Winter Quarters. I tracked them into camp at Winter Quarters, and I was convinced that they were taken by some of the pioneers at Brigham's instance.

I now began preparing to look out a place to settle myself for a while at least, and on or about the first of May, set out as a wander and pilgrim on the earth, and as one having no shepherd, not since (as I had before realized) the prophet Joseph had been killed.

My first move was to find a suitable place to pitch a crop, and accordingly moved on down the Missouri River, about thirty miles, and began to make examinations for a suitable location to make a farm, on the territory now being vacated by the Pottowatamy Indians.

While looking out a place I received a message from an old acquaintance, and neighbor of mine, to come or send him down some good mechanics, as he had a large amount of building that he wished to let out. I forthwith, set off with my family to Col. Etill's, near Platteville, Mo., who had the above named work to let. But on my arrival Alpheas Cutler had, by false representation, that I was not coming, induced Etill to let him the job. Cutler had, the same day I got to Etill's started back to bring down workmen to execute the job he had foully supplanted me in undertaking.

I was not completely non-plussed, scarcely knowing what to do.

Most sincerely yours, etc.,

George Miller.

Saint James Michigan. July 4, 1856.

Dear Brother:-In my last I closed in a brief relation of the manner in which Alpheus Cutler supplanted me in a contract, for a large amount of building.

This left me in a situation that I knew not what to do, as it was getting too late in the season to pitch a crop. I was also destitute of the means of subsistence. In this crisis, there was something necessary to be done. I had five wagons, and not teams sufficient to haul them, since the loss of my cattle, that were stolen at Winter Quarters. I therefore sold one yoke of oxen and a wagon, on the avails of which we subsisted for the time being.

About this time Joseph Kelting and Richard Hewitt came down from Winter Quarters, expecting to get employment on the building they supposed I had undertaken.

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I told them of the failure in getting the work, on account of Cutler's treachery, and that I had seriously contemplated going to Texas, and look up my son, John F. Miller that had gone on with Lyman Wight, as I had recently learned his whereabouts. They proposed going part way with me, and two or three days we departed for Cherokee Indian Nation, as it was represented as a good place for mechanical and other labor.

We took what is called the line road, having the Indian territory on our west and the State of Missouri on the east. We prosecuted our journey without and serious difficulty, and when we got to Mayville, a small village on the west line of Arkansas, we obliqued to the right, taking the Fort Gibson road and on the 9^th day of July, 1847, arrived at Tahlequah, the capital of the Cherokee Nation.

Upon our arrival there I looked around a day or two for work. I had a great many applications to do several kinds of mechanical labor, at good prices. I went to work, not losing a day. In a short time I became quite popular among the Cherokees, on account of my close attention to my labors.

The brothers, Hewitt and Kelting, proposed to me that we should have meetings every Sunday at one of our houses (or my tent, as I then lived in one). The first meeting we held was at Hewitt's, and only our own folks in attendance; but before the end of our services two white men came in, one a Methodist preacher, and the other a merchant. They both had half-breed wives, and solicited me to preach in the Court House; that I could occupy the house once every Sunday, either forenoon, afternoon, or at candle lighting.

I assented to their requests, and on the next Sunday had a large congregation in the Court House; and from this time onward I became the popular preacher. These things moved on smoothly through the summer and fall, and after the session of the Cherokee Legislature I was solicited by them to preach twice a week. My compliance with his request created a clamor and jealousy amount the missionaries and teachers in their seminaries, some of the having been among the Cherokees over thirty years.

They said, in petition to the principal chief, setting forth that they had been preachers and teachers among them all their best days; had grown old in their service, and always been faithful to their interests; that they had educated their Legislators and Statesmen, and for the interest they had taken against the United States in behalf of the Cherokees, were identified as of them, and had no country or interests aside from the Cherokees; and when I preached I had crowed bouses, and they had to speak to the empty walls; and, furthermore, the Legislature had never called on them to preach, notwithstanding the services they had rendered the nation; and I, a stranger holding heterodox principles, could preach to crowded houses, and receive the caresses of the principal men of the nation. They therefore prayed that my preaching be stopped.

I was confidentially told that the chief informed the petitioners that he could not constitutionally grant their prayer. After being appraised by a friend of what was going on, and having but a short time to stay, I gradually broke off preaching.

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In the course of the summer and fall my son, myself and the female part of my family, earned twelve hundred dollars and received the pay; and having finished my contracts, except some things of minor importance, which I turned over to Kelting and Hewett, I, on the 15^th day of December, 1847, loaded my wagons and started for Texas. The Indians did not wish to give me up; but having laid my plan, and having now means in abundance to prosecute my journey, I would not yield to their solicitations.

My journey was not characterized by any remarkable occurrence, until I got into Texas. I, however, had beautiful dry weather the entire extent of my journey. I passed through the Creek, Seminole, Chocktaw and Chickesaw Indian territory. I will not leave this country without giving it a passing notice. In point of soil, climate, mineral and agricultural products, it will rank above Arkansas.

The face of the country is undulating, and in some places mountainous. The soil is productive in wheat, rye, oats, cotton, rice and maize (or Indian corn), better than southern Missouri and Arkansas, and more highly cultivated, and in regard to refinement in civil society, and institutions of learning, an age before them.

The hand of Almighty God seems to have favored this region of country. Beside iron ore, and bituminous coal, saline springs or wells abound so as to make salt in great abundance for the immediate wants of those Indian nations, as also for all southwestern Missouri, Western Arkansas, and all northen Texas. Timber and stone for building abundant, and not surpassed by any country in point of water powers.

We crossed the Red River at the village of Warren, in Texas, passing down from the sources or Trinity River, to Cedar Springs about four miles above Dallas. The part of Texas that I passed through lying between Warren and Dallas, is the most densely populated of any part of the State, and under a better state of cultivation, and susceptible of sustaining more people than the same area of any other given portion of that country. This part of Texas is unhealthy from some cause, not apparent from its face, as the country is undulating and little or no swamp or wet land. Unless it may be on the bottoms, or margin of the large water courses.

The country from Dallas to the falls of the Rio Brasos is very thinly settled, and , in fact, cannot be otherwise than sparsely populated for the lack of wood and water. When I passed through there was but one house on the road, distance of one hundred miles. In the vicinity of the falls of Rio Brasos is the village of Bucksnout, with settlements up and down the river.

On crossing the Brasos I entered upon a region of country destitute of water, and although I crossed two or three valleys where large bodies of water run in the rainy season I did not get water for our teams till I reached Little River, a distance of forty miles. At this place my cattle began to fail, taking a disease that all northen raised cattle are liable to. They are attacked with stupidity and high fever, urinating frequently, passing apparently nothing but blood. The disease terminates in death of the animal in about three days.

When we arrived at the city of Austin, I had yet alive, out of my entire stock-consisting of ten yoke of oxen, eight cows and calves, and one horse-but four yoke of oxen and three cows. At this point I ascertained that my son lived west about seventy-five miles, and no house intervening.

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I ferried the Colorado River at this point, and the first night lost one cow and a yoke of oxen. There I left a wagon, and divided its load among the other three, and as my family until this time had rode in the wagons, they now walked on foot, from the least to the greatest.

After having gone about thirty-five miles from the city of Austin, I could go no further, for the want of teams to draw my wagons. I therefore sent up to Lyman Wight and my son for teams to haul my wagons and their contents to his place, and according to my request my son came down to my camp with teams and some additional wagons, to haul us and our effects. On the arrival of my son I had but four head of cattle remaining out of thirty-six, the whole number of cattle with which I crossed Red River, and in a few days, after but one survived.

The cause of the mortality among the cattle reared east and north of Red River, upon being taken into Texas, I could not myself or ever heard any one else satisfactorily account for. The malady is not alone confined to horned or black cattle, but to horses also. However, the horses have a different kind of disease called Spanish fever, and in acclimating more that half the number die; but not exceeding one out of ten cows and oxen survive a year after coming to the country.

Native cattle are generally fine looking and very healthy. And with ordinary industry and care no portion of the United States is better suited for the growing of every kind of cattle. The grazing being perpetual and acclimated stock uniformly healthy. The greater portion of Texas is better suited to pasturage than any other place I have a knowledge of, and with proper care and little labor a frugal man may grow into boundless wealth in herds and flocks, having no necessity for winter stores to keep them.

There is, however, care required on account of the numerous insects incident to all low climates excoriating the skin of animals. There is a fly that deposits an egg, which in a few hours will hatch into a maggot that sometimes endangers the life of the animal, if not seen to in time. The means of comfortable subsistence can be easily secured by a very small amount of labor and attention., all the hill part of Texas is healthy, keeping off the large creeks and rivers; but never can be densely populated, for the lack of timber and water.

On the sea coast, and the distance of a hundred miles or more inland, the country is badly watered, and generally unhealthy, and lacking timber, but not to the same extent as the part just spoken of. The country now under consideration, although a good grazing region, the whole extent coastwise and a hundred miles inland, contains the agricultural wealth of the state, beginning with the Rivers Trinity, Brazos, Colorado, Guadalupe, San Antonio, Nueces and Rio Grande (common to Texas and Mexico); together with all minor streams flowing into the gulf of Mexico, are the sugar, rice and cotton growing portions of Texas.

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The plantations are all cultivated by Negro slave labor. The yield of sugar (although this article could be raised to any extent so far as climate is concerned) is barely sufficient for the wants of the inhabitants, and in many instances are quantities are imported. This lack, no doubt, is altogether attributable to the want of capital among the planters; and, like all other countries where slave labor is wholly resorted to,

the growth in wealth and individual enterprise is comparatively slow, and always a half century or more behind the countries where free hired labors are employed to conduct their agricultural interests.

In contemplating the natural resources of the country its susceptibility of producing the grape, mulberry tree, lemons, oranges, figs, almonds, olives, peach, and apricots, to any extent almost in the range of human comprehension, and if under a system of good husbandry, would undoubtedly abound in silk, wine and oil, tropical fruits milk and honey. The honey bee abounds in all Texas, and whenever you meet with timber and hollow trees, or crevices in the rocks you can most generally find the bee and honey.

And in all my travels from the Rio Trinity River to the Nueces coastwise, and from the latter to Red River northeast, I rarely found fruit of any kind, and four-fifths of the entire population in my observation had not a fruit tree of any kind, or an ornamental tree or shrub about them.

Beans of every kind may be raised to great perfection. Sweet potatoes, peanuts, cucumbers and melons of every variety cannot be excelled in any country. Other edible roots and plants are inferior in quality and quantity to those grown in the other states of the union. It is a frequent occurrence, in traveling through the country, that you may for a week not meet with a vegetable of any kind at the table of any person. Their uniform diet being meat, bread and coffee; no butter or milk, although they may have from ten to five hundred, or even a thousand cows and calves. Poultry can easily be raised to a great extent, as they have no winter to prevent the laying, setting and hatching of all fowls that lay more than one brood of eggs in the year; and you may find hen's eggs at all times of the year, at every house where you find hens. Having said some things in regard to the natural and physical resources of this country. I again resume my narrative.

After getting to my son's house, who was living in a common stock association of some hundred and fifty persons, under the control of Lyman Wight, in the vicinity of a German Dutch colony, located in the region of Texas, on a tributary of the Colorado River, called Piedernalles, signifying in Spanish language, Stony River, in the country of Gillispie.

This community had a grist and saw mill, which they had but six or nine months before my arrival got into full operation. They had also a turning lathe, blacksmith and wagon shop, together with comfortable houses. They furnished me a house until such time as I could build me one, which I accomplished in about two months. They extended every kind of hospitality and aid in helping me build a cabin or cabins suitable for the convenience of my family.

Wright's company seemed to be in a prosperous condition, but were in dept to merchants in the city of Austin some two thousand dollars or thereabouts, and with all their industry the dept seemed to be growing larger, owing to Wight's bad financial management.

They made overtures to me to join their association, which I declined, but however, let them have the use of my wagons, and other property, and money to a small amount, amounting in all to eight hundred and sixty dollars, and putting our labour with theirs until such time as I could make it convenient to leave them and go by myself.

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I soon became convinced that Lyman Wight had become so addicted to drinking that he would, if persisted in, destroy himself, and bring ruin upon his community. He had also misled them by false teaching to regard to lineage and the laws of matrimony, and many other things.

I took the liberty of speaking to Lyman Wight and some few of his adherents in regard to the corruption and errors they were running into, not doubting but I could convince them without getting their ill will; but I soon found my mistake, and had it made doubly manifest to me that by a multitude of transgressions of the laws that God has given for the purifying and guidance of his people, the transgressor will lose the spirit that directs the mind to all truth, and become wholly darkened, and will invariably persecute those that point out to them their errors with the most bitter feelings.

It was so with Lyman Wight and a number of his followers. From this time forward Lyman would, by innuendos, allude to the facts that I had in a friendly way advised them to abstain from. I plainly saw the handwriting on the wall, an fully discovered that the war was on.

And in the early part of the month of August I began to make arrangements to go by myself. And upon naming my intentions to Wight, he flatly told me that I could not have particle of my property; that whenever any one apostatized from the church (as he called himself and followers) that they should go out empty.

I told him that I had not joined his association, which he very well knew and that I would have the things I had brought there, less the expense of the teams to move me up to his place. He said he would call a meeting to take the matter under advisement. In the result of their deliberations they decided that if I left them I should go away empty. My son John, who had married Wight's daughter siding with them.

I told them I was going if I walked and carried my family on my back, and I then warned them that I would have every dime's worth that they were now combining to rob me of; that if I had covenanted or agreed to join their association, I would not draw back; but as I had not, I wanted them to distinctly understand that I was after them with warm cloths and hot blocks and sharp sticks, until I got the last cent. They defied me, and urged me to go ahead.

I went to the Dutch colony and hired teams to haul my family, as I had very little of anything else to haul. I learned that Lyman Wight, lest I might bring evil upon them, had sent some men after me to waylay and assassinate me on the way, urging that it was better for one man to die than a whole community to be mobbed and suffer; and one man preceded me to Austin, to advertise the people against me as a renegade. But I, however, went ahead, not knowing where I should stop. I had promised the teamsters that I would pay them in corn; and in the city of Austin I ascertained that I would buy corn of a Mr. Glasscock, if I would dig in a millrace by the yard to pay for it, at a very low price. But I could do no better, therefore went on a distance of twenty-five or thirty miles and commenced operations, thereby paying the teamsters for hauling me down, or rather across the country to this place. I now again resorted to living in tents-had no wagons or anything else to help myself with.

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But in a short time Wight sent me an inferior light wagon and a span of mules to help myself with; and after two or three months of the most excessive labor by myself and boys, we accumulated a little stock of provisions and three or four cows and calves, and cutting mill race sufficient to pay for hauling my family to this place and pay for the stock I had on hand, and fifteen dollars over, I told my employer that on account of the sickness of my son Joshua and nephew, that I would have to seek other employment.

He told me that he calculated on my finishing all his digging, amounting to four of five hundred dollars, and that he would not have employed me at all if he had not supposed that I would finish the job. I told him that I had taken no definite amount of yards to cut; that I had been cutting his mill race by the yard at the rate of nine cents the cubic yard, and that he had paid me for the most part I had done, as we had agreed, an the expense of my family and their ill health would not permit me to prosecute his work any further.

He said I could get a house in the neighborhood to shelter my family and if I abandoned his work he would prosecute me for damages. I told him I had no one to work but myself and it took all my time to take care of my sick, and therefore could work for him no longer.

I therefore moved off twenty-five miles to a place where I expected to raise a crop the ensuing year, and adopt some mode of living without the toil of digging in a mill race for my daily bread. But my tyrant employer made good his word, and attached my wagon and team to secure the damages.

I went to see a lawyer, who informed me that the whole matter was illegal, an the he would bind himself to set it all aside for the fee of fifty dollars, if I would secure him in the payment of his fee; that Glasscock was a rich man, and had great influence, and although he might recover damages for me he would have to fight for it to the last bat's end, and that he could not work for nothing, and as the property attached was worth only about a hundred dollars, together with the fifteen dollars he owed me on my work. Glasscock told me that Wight had cautioned him to watch me, and he was bound to do it.

I abandoned the whole concern, as I could get no security to aid me in the prosecution of my suit. Glasscock afterwards sent me about ten or fifteen dollars' worth of groceries.

I now had shanties or cabins to build to shelter me from the weather, as the rainy season had fully set in, and my tents worn out; and to augment my perplexity. I had no team to aid me, only as I hired it. And if ever a man had suffering and privation I think a large share fell to my lot.

In the month of February, about the time of planting my corn, my wife Mary had a stroke of palsy, that made her as helpless as an infant, all attributable to Lyman Wight's cruelty towards me, I sent my son Joshua after my son John, who had married Wight's daughter, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, to come and see his mother, as she wished to see him, and did not expect to survive the shock of her then sickness.

But John did not come, on account of some preventing causes. In about a week from this time I came to the conclusion to go to the city of Austin and seek employment as a builder, and therefore employed team to haul my family and effects down to the city;

44

and the second day, on my way down to my destination I met my son John and Wight's son, Orange L. Wight, with a message from Lyman and his association that if I would return and take possession of a farm they had, with the growing crops, about eight miles from their residence, of near a hundred acres cultivation, that they would assist me with teams and provisions, together with a sufficient number of men to cultivate the crop, and give me the half of it, and also reimburse me in property for that which they had taken from me by violence and force, until I should be satisfied.

I accordingly agreed to accede to the proposal, and on getting to the city of Austin I discharged my wagons that I employed to move me and pitched a tent, where I remained five days, until my son John and O. L. Wight came with wagons and teams to take us up to Wight's camp.

A few days after getting to Wight's place I learned that a number of his company had left him since I had been there, but they were better off in their pecuniary interests than when I left them.

I discovered a disposition in Wight to procrastinate the compliance of his late agreement with me, and a proposal was hinted to me that if I would join their association that it would be made greatly to my interest to do so.

I went to Wight after fully weighing the whole matter in my mind, and plainly told him of his conduct and cruelty towards me and family, and that my wife had been victimized on account of it, and if he did not comply with the agreement, that I would take vengeance and inflict punishment upon him for all the wrongs that I had suffered at his hands, and that I would do it in a summary way.

He, without further delay, complied with his agreement, or put things in a way of compliance, and I fully engaged all my time with my utmost energy and skill to gather about me the means of comfort. But when I came to look about me, and fully realize the distracted condition of the church in their scattered situation without a shepherd, that I knew of, I felt in my heart that I was a mourner, and became almost weary of life. While in this state of mind I had a dream, in which I saw Joseph Smith in the heavens in a glorified state, together with countless numbers of glorified beings, shouting hallelujah, praising God and the Lamb and bidding me welcome to the celestial abode.

A thin veil separated us, and their brilliancy was whiter and brighter than the sun. Joseph spoke to me, and told me that if I would come I might, but I had best not come, as my work was not yet finished on earth. At this time the spirit of praising God came upon me, and I shouted, whereupon part of my family, having not retired to bed, hearing me, supposed I had the nightmare, and pulled me from my bed. When I awoke my eyes were so affected from the light I had seen that I could not for a time distinguish the surrounding objects.

On another occasion I had a dream that I saw Joseph Smith sitting in a room, talking to a person, who I have since seen. Upon my entering the room, he (Joseph) looked at me, saying, God bless you, brother Miller. I am instructing my successor in the prophetic office, how to manage and conduct the affairs of the church. the appearance of the personage shown me by Joseph Smith, in this dream, was so stamped on my mind that I could not keep it from my view for a single moment, and I was secretly whispered that I should soon hear news that would cheer my drooping spirit.

Most truly and sincerely,

George Miller.

45

Saint James, Michigan. Aug 10, 1855.

Dear Brother:-I resume the subject where I left off in my last communication. While pondering in my mind the scattered state of the saints, and hearing of no shepherd that I believed as authorized to lead the church, I was really in a state of gloom and despondency.

One afternoon, after the toil of a warm day, I came to my house to rest, and found some papers setting forth the appointment of J. J. Strang to the prophetic office, instead of Joseph Smith, deceased. It is true that I had heard his name spoken of as a leader and prophet; but in my mind numbered him with other pretenders, as I had not wholly abandoned the belief that Joseph Smith had appointed his successor in one of his own posterity.

I therefore wrote brother Strang a letter, questioning his assumption of authority, and requesting him to publish my letter; but the next day after mailing my letter I received another package from brother Strang, containing the Diamond, a small track, setting forth brother Strang's appointment and calling to the prophetic office.

On a close and critical reading and investigation of the track I changed my opinion, and wrote to brother Strang countermanding the publication of my former letter. From this time I had frequent manifestations of brother Strang's being called of God to lead his people, even as Moses to lead the Israelites out of Egyptian bondage, and I began to set myself earnestly to make preparations to gather with the saints. I was prospered in all my undertakings, and managed so as to be well provided with teams and four or five hundred dollars to bear my expenses to Beaver Island.

Jarvis G. Miner, who had been with Lyman Wight, having had a difficulty with him, left his organization; and Miner solicited me to intercede with Wight to get a wagon and team for him, and he would go with me, as he was convinced that brother Strang was the true successor of Joseph Smith.

I spoke to Wight in his behalf. He said Miner had a large family of children, and all the labor they had done since the members of his association had not half fed them, and they had been a great bill of expense to the company, and that he had brought nothing into the company, and if a just account had been kept, that Miner would be many hundred dollars in his dept (or rather the company's), and he could not, consistent with the rights of the company, give him anything; and that he was an unprincipled knave; but if I would haul him away, that he would add a yoke or two of oxen to my outfit.

I concluded to take him part or all the way, as he had manifested a great anxiety to go, and furnished him an old wagon and two yoke of oxen to haul his family. I also gave him money according to the number of his family to bear their expenses, as a matter of liberality, on account of his penniless condition. I had all preparation made to start on the 12^th of October, 1849, but my horses strayed off that we did not find them until afternoon on the 13^th, at which time we yoked up our oxen and started.

46

If it had not been for the circumstance of my horses straying. I should have started the afternoon of the 12^th, and as everything had transpired from the day I made up my mind to move to the Beaver Islands, seemed to be directed for my good, so also on this occasion. I received a letter from brother Strang (that gave me much comfort) which I should not have received if my horses had not strayed, as it came to hand the evening I had set apart for starting my journey.

We had a great deal of rain for the first ten days of our journey, a circumstance unusual at this season of the year in Texas, the waters mostly high and difficult crossing them. We, however, had no evil befall us until we crossed the Brazos River. We crossed at the falls. There was a crowd of emigrants crossing at the time of our reaching this place, which set us back in crossing with our wagons, (four in number). We swam our oxen and horses, and took our wagons apart, and ferried them over in canoes, together with our baggage.

While this toilsome labor was going on, we put Miner in charge of the camp and cattle. When all was ferried over we began to prepare for a start, but through the negligence of Miner and the little boys left to assist him, they so managed as to let all our oxen stray off, but one yoke. My son Joshua, nephew and myself got upon horses, put the remaining yoke of oxen in charge of Miner, and went in pursuit of the lost cattle. After much diligent search we found them about five miles off in the Brazos bottom, however not until the second day.

When we got into camp we found that Miner had let the yoke of oxen we left in his charge escape, and after a day or two search for them, without hearing any tidings of them, we abandoned them and proceeded on our journey, lest we should lose more of our oxen, as the bottom was so thickly set with vines, brush and high weeds that it was only with the utmost care that we could keep them together by constant herding.

I found in Miner and his careless, wasteful family, a cumbersome load to drag along. But on account of his professed faith and his apparent desire to get to the church, I would not abandon him. I had given him two yoke of oxen and a wagon, and also money to defray his expenses, but he did not seem to realize my liberality, and used very little economy in the expenditure of the money I had given him. And I apprehended he would soon be out of money, and that if he got through to the church he would have to be assisted. I therefore made no other calculation than to help him through to the church, if he would try in a small degree to help himself.

We had a very rainy fall, and much high water, which made our progress very slow. We, however, kept moving, and every night got nearer our place of destination. The day after we crossed the Trinity River, I heard that Clark Lyman Whitney, who had come from Council Bluffs, to build a mill for a Mr. Overton, an old Missourian, was then only two days in advance of me, on his return to Council Bluffs, and from thence to Salt Lake. I started on horseback, the same night that I received the intelligence, to over take him, and on the third day in the forenoon I overtook him at Preston on Red River. As we had been a long time acquainted we had a joyous meeting.

I, without ceremony, told him where I was going, and my reasons for so doing;

47

and in a concise manner laid before him brother Strang's appointment to the prophetic office and calling, according to the revelations relative thereto in the Covenants and Commandants given to the church through Joseph Smith. After a short conversation with him on the subject, he acquiesced with me in opinion, and without hesitancy, said he would go with me if he had but the means to travel on.

I told him I had money, and would divide with him, and when we ran out of funds we would stop and work for more (Whitney's family are now on the Island), and thus keep moving until we got to our place of destination. I returned and met my family, and brother Whitney remained at Preston (the place I overtook him), until I arrived there with my family and effects. And on my arrival at Preston we ferried Red River, entered the Choctaw Nation, and prosecuted our journey north. The rain was almost an every day (and night also) occurrence, consequently we got along very slowly, and uncomfortably for the women and children. We had to lay by many days on account of high water, and after taking the advance season of the year, the cold and wet weather, together with the delicate situation of some of the females, we came to the conclusion to stop at the first good place to obtain profitable employment, and make our winter quarters.

We had difficulty that we did not anticipate, on account of our Texas oxen, having been raised altogether on grass, there was some of them that could not be learned to eat corn and hay (when we were even able to procure it, as the article was scarce, and the price very high), and three of our oxen died of fatigue and hunger, before they would eat corn (one ox that I had let Miner have, and two of mine).

On the 12^th day of December, 1849, we arrived at the North Canadian River (a tributary of Arkansas, one of the principal trading posts in the Creek and Seminole Indian territory, where we stopped for the winter. We obtained an abundance of labor, by which we procured a full supply of everything necessary to make ourselves comfortable and feed our teams. It was not long until it was known who we were, and I was solicited by some of the missionaries to preach, to which I assented. We had a full attendance of missionary priests, traders, and some few Indians and half-breeds that could speak English.

After I was done sermonizing, the missionaries held a council (as I was afterwards informed), in which it was agreed that it would be an injury to their cause to enter into a controversy with any of the Mormons, as they had no one among them able to meet us in a religious controversy, and their better policy would be to treat us respectfully and courteous, as we were esteemed industrious and intelligent men; that their true policy would be to chime in with the public opinion, and avoid, if possible, the injury of their cause by indecent controversy with us on doctrinal tenets.

During our stay in this country, we made numerous friends among the Indians, and some of the half-breeds. I preached frequently to the Indians through our interpreter, and many were believing, and I would have baptized many, but I did not know what to instruct them, and I had doubts also that my authority would be irregular, as I had not been authorized and sent to preach the gospel by the

48

legitimate head of the church. I preached many sermons, at the request of the traders, and became quite popular among them.

They patronized us and paid us liberal for our labor, and after we had raised a sufficiency of money (as we supposed) to take us to the church, we could scarcely get away from them, as the traders and Indians, without exception, wished to retain us among them. We got all our engagements fulfilled, and ready to leave the country, Miner concluded to stay, as he had not made enough money to bear his expenses to the church. we proposed helping him, if he would go; but he declined going with us, having several jobs of work on hand unfinished, and could not get the pay for it until completed.

On the fourth day of July, 1850, we started for Beaver Island. The little company, consisting of twenty-three persons in number, viz., brother Whitney and family, my son, Joshua L. Miller, wife and children, and my own family. The weather was excessively warm and rainy, and we made slow progress in getting along, and after getting along to the west side of the State of Arkansas, the murrain broke out in our cattle. We had three oxen that died of the disease, and upon consultation we concluded to stop and exchange our oxen for horses, and our ox wagons for horse wagons, although we were fully aware that we would have to do it at a great sacrifice.

In making the exchange or our oxen and wagons necessarily took some time. We had wagons to fit up and repair and harness to buy, and it was not until about two weeks after our stop that we were again ready for an onward move. We, however, got all our preparations made, and on the afternoon of the 22^nd of July we again resumed our journey. Having all horses teams, we progressed finely and comfortably, taking into account the great amount of rain that occasionally fell while on our journey.

We passed through the State of Missouri diagonally, crossed the Missouri River at Jefferson City (the capitol of the State), and the Mississippi River at Hannibal. At this place we had twelve miles ferrying, and for the privilege paid a round sum. I do not now remember the precise amount. Nothing of particular interests occurred on our journey through the State of Illinois, except the hindrance of our progress, caused by the high waters. And on the fourth day of September, 1850, we arrived at Voree, where we were kindly received by the saints there and greatly comforted and refreshed by the manifest kindness extended towards us by all the brethren, which was indeed consoling to us, after the exposure, toil and trouble incident to our journeyings, and attendant perplexity of being without a shepherd.

The sensations roused up in our bosoms by the manifest brotherly kindness of all the saints, has left a remembrance of gratitude on my mind that time never can efface. We found the brethren closely engaged in hauling their grain crops. We laid hold with our teams to assist them. I made known to brother Benjamin G. Wright (who was in charge of affairs at Voree), my intention of going to Beaver Island, the seat of the First Presidency, and we took under advisement how to dispose of my wagons and horses and procure the necessary outfit, whereupon we came to the conclusion that I would turn all I had over to brother Wright (or rather the association), and for him to provide me with such an outfit for

49

the Island as their circumstances would justify. Brother Whitney concluded to remain at Voree (where he died the succeeding spring). On my part I worked with my might in assisting the brethren in their ordinary labors, until such time as might be convenient to get my outfit for the place my desires inspired me to go to.

No one can possibly realize my gratitude, praise and thanksgiving to the God of heaven for my safe deliverance from the perplexity of mind and burning anxiety for a respite from the misrule of the haughty and arrogant usurpers of authority in the church and kingdom of God, and my then expectations of being in a week or two placed again under the guidance of the true Shepherd of the flock of God's people on earth, but those alone who have passed through the like ordeal that I have in the last six years, subsequent to the death of Joseph Smith, and up to the time of my arrival at Voree.

The remembrance of my feelings on the occasion herein alluded to, awakens anew in my bosom the liveliest sensations of gratitude for the past, and also praise and thanksgiving for the glorious prospects of the present and future blessings, that the God of heaven is so graciously bestowing on the little flock. And were the saints, under surrounding circumstances to withhold their gratitude and praises, it does really seem to me that the very stones, seas, mountains, brooks, rills and forest trees would cry aloud in praise to the God of our fathers Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, for his matchless blessings in his deliverance from gentile oppression, and the sustaining us in the dominion and inheritances he has given us, as also the blessings and bounteous yield of our crops and present prosperity.

Although at the present time I am heavy borne down with disease and bodily infirmity of long standing, nevertheless in my heart I feel to magnify and praise the God of heaven for the blessings I have received at his bounteous hand, as also for the blessings and good things he is daily bestowing on his people who have congregated on the God-given possession, that they may keep his law.

After a necessary time had elapsed to procure an outfit to go to Beaver Island, near the last days of September, by the assistance of brother Wright and the brethren at Voree, we set out for the seat of the First Presidency with light hearts and buoyant spirits, of so soon realizing our expectations in seeing a prophet called of God and ordained by angels to lead the church of Christ.

We lay waiting at Racine for a boat to convey us to the Island a day or two, but none calling as we expected we engaged a passage on the brig Boston, and went aboard. She was bound to Grand Traverse Bay, and not having a full freight, the master agreed to take us at about propeller rates. There were other brethern aboard beside my family, which made it rather an object to take us to Beaver. There was nothing of an extraordinary nature occurred on our voyage. It was rather of a pleasant kind to me, but those of my family who had never been on large waters on a sail vessel, had a good deal of sea sickness.

On our arrival at Beaver Harbor, our vessel came to anchor, and in a short time brother Strang came on board, giving us a hearty welcome. I knew him from description or otherwise, before he got on board. He and brother Phineas Wright rendered us all the assistance in their power in getting us and our effects landed, and getting a cabin to shelter us from the weather, which was somewhat boisterous at this time.

50

I did not, it is true, act as the pilgrim fathers that landed some centuries ago at Plymouth Rock, but I have no doubt in my mind that I felt quite as much or more gratitude and heartfelt joy for my safe arrival and landing at this place, as they possibly could have felt on that memorable occasion.

I may at some future time resume my narrative, as subsequent events are fraught with some of the most thrilling incidents of my life.

Most truly and sincerely,

George Miller.

B

Backinstos, Jacob B., 25, 26, 28, 29

Blackman, 26

Barrett, Wm. F., 3

Bennett, John C., 9

Benson E. T., 36

Boggs, Lilburn W., 2, 9

Brooks, 15

Brown, A. W., 21, 24

Butler, 9

C

Cahoon, Reynolds, 8

Carlin, 7

Chief Oshkosh, 18-19

Cutler, Alpheas, 8, 9, 37, 38

D

Daniels, Cyrus, 19

Deming, 25

Derby, E. H., 9

Dousman, 15

E

Eagan, Howard, 31

Edwards, Thomas, 22

Emmet, James, 24, 32, 34, 35

Etill, 37

F

Ford, Thomas, 24, 25, 26, 29

G

Glasscock, 42, 43

Glover, 16

Governor Boggs, 2, 9

H

Harding, John J., 24, 25, 29

Hawley, Pierce, 15, 16, 18

Haws, Peter, 9, 10

Hewitt, Richard, 37-39

Higby, Elias, 8

Hoit, Br. Henry, 3, 4

Holman, 2

Hopkins, 26

J

Judge Holman, 2

Judge Pope, 15

K

Kelting, Joseph, 37-39

Kimball, Heber C., 23, 35

Kirtz, 8-9

Knowlton, Sidney A., 27

M

Markham, 28

Marshall, 25

Merrill, 1, 2

Miller, Henry W., 10, 14

Miller, John F., 38, 42, 43, 44

Miller, Joshua, 35, 36, 38, 39, 43, 46, 48

Miller, Mary Catherine, 4, 5, 10, 26, 43, 44

Miller, nephew of, 44, 46

Miner, Jarvis G., 45, 46, 47, 48

N

Nichols, 17, 18

O

Oshkosh, 18-19

Overton, 46

P

Parker, John D., 27, 28

Pope, 15

Pratt, O., 31

Pratt, P. P., 31

Preston, 46-47

R

Richards, Willard, 23, 35, 36, 49

Rigdon, Sidney, 6, 20, 23

Rockwell, O. P., 26, 28

S

Salsbury, Jenkins, 3, 4

Sander, 22

Smith, Don Carlos, 3

Smith, Hyrum, 8, 14, 22

Smith, Joseph, 4-5, 7, 8, 9, 14, 20, 21, 22, 23, 29-30, 44-45, 49

Smith, Joseph III, 23, 24, 45

Smith, Moses, 15

Smith, Samuel H., 3

Spaulding, Jacob, 10

Stout, Hosea, 30, 31

Strang, James J., 44-45, 46, 47, 49

T

Taylor, John, 6, 22

Tulley, 28

W

Warren, 39

Whitney, Lyman Clark, 30, 46-47, 48, 49

Whitney, N. K., 23

Wight, Lyman, 9, 10, 14, 20, 21, 23, 24, 38, 40-44, 42, 45

Wight, Orange L., 44

Williams, Archibald, 3

Woodworth, Lucien, 20, 21, 24, 25

Worrell, Francis, 26, 29

Wright, Benjamin G., 48

Wright, Phineas, 49

Y

Young, Brigham, 2, 23, 24, 26-27, 28-29, 29, 30-31, 32, 35-36, 36, 49

A

Angels, 49

Anti-Mormons, 25

Apostasy, 37, 42

Apostles, 22, 23

England, 7

tithing, 29

usurping leadership of, 30, 36, 49

Arkansas, 38, 39, 48

Arrogance, 36, 49

Austin, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44

Authority, 10, 49

B

Backenstos, Jacob B., 25, 26-27, 28, 29

Blackman, 26

Baptism, 6, 47

Baptism of the dead, 9-10

Barrett, Wm. F., 3

Bear Creek Settlement, 27

Bears, 16-17

Beaver Island, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49-50

Bennett, John C., 9

Benson E. T., 36

Bishop, 7-8

Black River Lumber Company, 20, 21, 24

Bleeding, 5

Blessings, 20, 22, 25, 49

Boggs, Lilburn W., 2, 9

Bonaparte, 31

Book of Mormon, 4

Boone, Daniel, 35

Brooks, 15

Brown, A. W., 21, 24

Buffalo, 33, 35

Building Committee, 8

Butler, 9

C

Cahoon, Reynolds, 8

California, 31, 32

Canal boat, 14

Carlin, Governor 7

Carthage, Illinois, 26, 27, 29

Carthage jail, 22, 23

Catholics, 18

Certificates, 14

Charity, 3, 4, 12, 45, 47

Indians, 19-20, 33-34

Cherokee Indian Nation, 38

Chickasaw territory, 39

Chief

beaten, 19

Punka, 32, 33, 34-35

Chief Oshkosh, 18-19

Chippewa Indians, 19

Choctaw Nation, 47

Choctaw territory, 39

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, 1, 46, 47-48

fiscal concerns of, 35

persecution of, 3-4

prophet, 30 (See also Prophet)

Commandments, 29, 47, 49

Commerce, Illinois, 4, 7

Committee of the Temple, 8

Council Bluffs, 31, 32, 36, 46

Court House, 5, 38

Crane, 8-9

Creek, Indians, 47

Cutler, Alpheas, 8, 9, 37, 38

D

Dallas, 39

Daniels, Cyrus, 19

Debate, 1-2, 2

Deming, 25

Derby, E. H., 9

Destitution, 37

Diamond, 45

Disease, 39, 40, 49

Dispensation of the fullness of times, 4

Dog, 16

Dousman, 15

Dream, 22, 44

Dutch colony, 42

E

Eagan, Howard, 31

Edwards, Thomas, 22

Elections, 21

Emmet, James, 24, 32, 34, 35

England, 7

Etill, 37

Extermination order, 2

F

False teachings, 6, 9

Brigham Young, 36

Lyman Wight, 42

Far West, 2

Farmington, 31

First Presidency, 36, 48, 49

Flag, 19

Ford, Thomas, 24, 25, 26, 29

Fort Gibson road, 38

Fort Leavenworth, 32

Frost bite, 19, 36

G

Galena, 13, 14, 20

Gentiles, 15, 49

German Dutch colony, 41

Gillispie, county, 41

Glasscock, 42, 43

Glover, 16

Gospel, 47-48

nations open to, 30

Government, 21, 22

Governor Boggs, 2, 9

Grand Island, 33

Grand Traverse Bay, 49

Green Plains, 25, 28

H

Hannibal, 48

Harding, John J., 24, 25, 29

Hawley, Pierce, 15, 16, 18

Haws, Peter, 9, 10

Healing, 6

Health, 5-6, 7, 10, 49

beginning to decline, 3, 4

family, 43-44

Punka Chief, 33, 34-35

Winter Quarters, 36

Hewitt, Richard, 37-39

Higby, Elias, 8

High Council, 30

High Priests, 30

Hoit, Br. Henry, 3, 4

Holman, 2

Honey bee, 41

Hopkins, 26

Houses, 14

burning of, 26-28

Hunger, 16, 17

Hunting, 16-17, 35

I

Illinois, 9, 48

Carlin, Governor of, 7

Carthage, 26, 27, 29

Commerce, 4

Galena, 13, 14

Hancock county, 24, 25, 29

McDonough County, 1

Peoria county, 29

Quincy, 1, 3, 29

Springfield, 26

Indian agent, 18-19

Indian lodges, 17-18, 19

Indians, 32, 47

Cherokee, 38

Chief Oshkosh, 18-19

Chippewa, 19

James Emmet sanctioned to go on mission to, 24

Pawnee Loup, 32

persecution of, 19

Pottowatamy, 2, 37

Seminole, 47

Sioux, 32

territory of, 39

Winnebago, 11-12

Interpreter, 11-12

Iowa, 7, 31

Island, Beaver, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49-50

J

Jack Mormons, 25, 26

Jefferson City, 48

Judge Holman, 2

Judge Pope, 15

K

Kearney, 32

Kelting, Joseph, 37-39

Kentucky, 9, 21, 22

Keokuk, 28

Kimball, Heber C., 23, 35

Brigham Young revelation, 36

Lyman Wight, 24

tithing, 29

usurper, 49

Kindness, 3, 4, 12, 45, 47

Indians, 19-20, 33-34

Kingdom, 21, 24, 35, 36, 49

Kirtz, 8-9

Knowlton, Sidney A., 27

L

La Grange, 28

Laborers, 11-13

slavery, 40-41

Lawsuits, 6, 43

Legion, Nauvoo, 7, 24

Line road, 38

Loquorcore, 33

Lumber, 8-9, 10, 15, 18-19, 20

Lumber Company, 20

Lumbermen, 11, 12, 13

silenced, 19

M

Macomb, 1, 3, 5

Maid of Iowa, 14

Marion County, Missouri, 1

Markham, 28

Marshall, 25

Martial law, 29

Mayville, 38

McDonough College, 3

Melchisedec, 30

Merrill, 1, 2

Methodism, 5

Methodist preacher, 38

Mexican War, 32

Militia, 7

Miller

female part of family, 38-39

Henry W., 10, 14

John F., 38, 42, 43, 44

Joshua, 35, 36, 38, 39, 43, 46, 48

Mary Catherine, 4, 5, 10, 26, 43, 44

nephew, 44, 46

Miner, Jarvis G., 45, 46, 47, 48

Miracle, 6

Missionaries, 32, 38, 47

Missions, 7, 9, 10, 21, 35

Missouri, 1, 9, 38, 39, 48

Governor's extermination order, 2

Marion County, 1

Mormons expelled from, 2, 3

persecution, 19

Platteville, 37

saints expelled from, 3-4

Tulley, 28

Mob violence, 25-29

Mormon war, 1, 2

Mormonism, 21

Mormons

destitute circumstances of, 3

expelled from Missouri, 2, 3

strength of, 2, 7

Moses, 45

N

Nauvoo, 7, 20, 22

civil war in, 22

Sheriff Backenstos, 25, 26-27, 28, 29

Nauvoo House, 7-8, 9, 24

stock certificates, 14

Nauvoo House Association, 8

Nauvoo House Committee, 9

Nauvoo Legion, 7, 24, 25

Newspaper, 22

Nichols, 17, 18

O

Ohio, 1, 9

persecution from, 19

Ordination, 49

Oshkosh, 18-19

Overton, 46

Oxen, 13, 15, 37

died of fatigue and hunger, 47, 48

disease, 39, 40

lost, 46

P

Parker, John D., 27, 28

Pawnee Loup, 32

Persecution, 2, 3-4, 4, 6, 19

Indians, 12

Mormon, 25

Pittsburgh, 23

Platteville, 37

Politics, 2, 7

Poor, 8

Pope, 15

Posse, 26, 29

Pottowatamy Indians, 2, 37

Prairie La Cross, 24

Prairie DuChien, 10, 13, 15, 16, 20

Pratt, O., 31

Pratt, P. P., 31

Preacher(s), 1, 2, 6, 38

Presbyterian, 5

President, 20, 21

President of Nauvoo House Association, 8

Preston, 46-47

Priesthood, 30

Princes, 20, 35

Prison, 4, 22

Property, 3, 4, 9

Prophet, 4, 7, 45

church, 30

James J. Strang, 45, 46, 47, 49

Prophetic office, 23

Punka, 32, 33

Purple, 29

Q

Quarrels, 1-2

Quincy

Illinois, 1, 3

R

Racine, 49

Reding, J., 26

Religion, 18

Religious persecution, 2, 42

Republic of Texas. See Texas

Requisition, 7, 9

Revelation, 22, 44, 45, 47

baptism of the dead, 9-10

bishop, 7-8

Brigham Young, 36

Revelator, 30

Reynolds, 9

Richards, Willard, 23, 35

Brigham Young revelation, 36

tithing, 23

usurper, 49

Rigdon, Sidney, 6

temporary leader, 23

Vice President of United States, 20

Rockwell, O. P., 26, 28

Roman Catholics, 18

S

Saints

exodus of, 29-30

persecution of, 3-4 (See also Mormons)

scattered state of, 44-45

Voree, 48

Salsbury, Jenkins, 3, 4

Salt Lake, 46

Sander, 22

Sealed documents, 23

Seer, 4, 30

Seminole Indians, 47

Seminole territory, 39

Shoe shop, 18

Sickness, 5-6. See also Health

Sioux, 32

Slave labor, 40-41

Smith, Don Carlos, 3

Smith, Hyrum, 8

death of, 22

Lyman Wight, 14

Smith, Joseph, 8

appeared in dream, 22, 44-45

death of, 22, 29-30, 49

Lyman Wight, 14

meeting, 4-5

President of United States, 20, 21

requisition, 9

secession of, 23, 44-45

solicited to move to Nauvoo by, 7

Temple, 7 (See also Temple)

Smith, Joseph III, 23, 24, 45

Smith, Joseph Sen., 3

Smith, Moses, 15

Smith, Samuel H., 3

Smoking, 17, 34

Spanish fever, 40

Spaulding, Jacob, 10

Spies, 28

Steamer

Boston, 49

Gen. Brooks, 15

Maid of Iowa, 14

Nauvoo Legion, 7

Stock certificates, 14

Stout, Hosea, 30, 31

Strang, James J., 44-45, 46, 47, 49

T

Tahlequah, 38

Tavern, 1, 2

Taylor, John, 6, 22

Tea-nuga-numpa, 33, 34

Teachers, 38

Teamsters, 42-43

Temple, 7, 8, 9, 14, 24

lumber for, 9, 10, 14, 15, 18-19, 20

patriarchal priesthood, 29

row in, 30

Temple Committee, 9, 15

Territory, Indian, 38, 39

Texan Congress, 24

Texas, 20, 21, 38, 39, 46

description of, 40-41

Tic-douloureux, 6

Timber, 19

Tithing, 8, 9

patriarchal priesthood, 29

Traders, 11, 12

Trading post, 11, 47

Traditions, Indian, 18

Treason, 26

Truth, 5, 6, 42

Tulley, 28

Twelve Apostles. See Apostles

U

United States, 19, 20

Brigham Young proposed leaving, 29

Cherokees, 38

kingdom, 21

Mexico, 32

V

Venison, 17, 35

Vision, 22, 44

Voree, 48, 49

W

War

Mexican, 32

Mormon, 1, 2

Warren, 39

Warsaw, 24, 27, 28, 29

Warsaw Signal, 22

Whiskey, 11, 12, 19

Whiskey sellers, 11, 12

Whitney, Lyman Clark, 30, 46-47, 48, 49

Whitney, N. K., 23

Widows, 14

Wight, Lyman, 9, 10, 20, 38

Black River Company, 24

habit of, 14, 42

Jarvis G. Miner, 45

mission to the Eastern States, 21

Prairie La Cross, 24

Texas, 40-44

Twelve Apostles, 23

Wight, Orange L., 44

Williams, Archibald, 3

Winnebago Indians, 11-12

Winter Quarters, 33, 35, 36, 37

Wisconsin

Black River, 14

timber, 19

Wolf hunt, 24

Woodworth, Lucien, 20, 21, 24, 25

Worrell, Francis, 26, 29

Wright, Benjamin G., 48

Wright, Phineas, 49

Y

Young, Brigham, 23

jealousy and hatred of, 35, 36

mob violence, 26-27, 28-29

ordered exodus, 30-31, 32

proposed leaving United States, 29

revelation, 36

temporary leader, 30-31

Texan Congress, 24

tithing, 2

usurper, 30, 49

Winter Quarters, 35-36

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